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I agree with your stance on kavanaugh and Trumps impact on the support of him. Good connections and good points on America following trumps views on issues blindly brought up for this controversial issue.

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Loads of evidence and supporting facts. great tweets, and it shows how trump supports kavanaugh

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there is good reasoning's. I agree with how Trumps supporters will follow him blindly

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i agree that trump is trying to gain support for kavanaugh through his tweets

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I agree with what your saying about impacting the support of kavanaugh, because if trump supports him others will too.

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I agree with what your saying about

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Trump tweets a lot about our country and current events. These tweets have a big impact on the way people view certain topics, and in the specific case of Kavanaugh, Trump's tweets are helping gain him support.

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"The Democrats are playing a high level CON GAME in their vicious effort to destroy a fine person. It is called the politics of destruction. Behind the scene the Dems are laughing. Pray for Brett Kavanaugh and his family!" -realDonaldTrump

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"Judge Kavanaugh showed America exactly why I nominated him. His testimony was powerful, honest, and riveting. Democrats’ search and destroy strategy is disgraceful and this process has been a total sham and effort to delay, obstruct, and resist. The Senate must vote!"
-realDonaldTrump

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"I see it each time I go out to Rallies in order to help some of our great Republican candidates. VOTERS ARE REALLY ANGRY AT THE VICIOUS AND DESPICABLE WAY DEMOCRATS ARE TREATING BRETT KAVANAUGH! He and his wonderful family deserve much better." - @realDonaldTrump

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"Judge Brett Kavanaugh is a fine man, with an impeccable reputation, who is under assault by radical left wing politicians who don’t want to know the answers, they just want to destroy and delay. Facts don’t matter. I go through this with them every single day in D.C." -realDonaldTrump

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I learned that Trump's support for Kavanaugh helped to earn him his spot on the Supreme Court.

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"The radical left lawyers want the FBI to get involved NOW. Why didn’t someone call the FBI 36 years ago?" -realDonaldTrump

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The article explains how there are many Republicans and conservatives who are not in favor of Trump, but that they are very angry over the Kavanaugh hearings. These Republicans want to see Kavanaugh become a supreme court judge and don't like how he is being treated in the hearings. These people are resonating with Trump's constant backing of Kavanaugh and they are aligning with Trump, even though they would not normally do so.

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This merely scratches the surface. I was so surprised at the sheer volume of such comments I was hearing off the record, I wrote about it on Twitter. "These are, almost without exception, men and women who are horrified by Trump, and horrified by his treatment of women, and don't take sexual assault lightly (or are even victims themselves)," I wrote. And as I was writing, more such comments flooded my inbox. The responses are still rolling in-my inbox has become a sort of clearinghouse for anti-Trump Republicans and Trump skeptics boiling over at the treatment of Kavanaugh.
Read Neil J. Young on why white women are abandoning the GOP.
The lesson, I said, was: "This is not about Trump." Hirono's comments and others like them are one reason why: Conservatives have been given reason to believe their ideology, not their personal behavior, is the target. Another reason is that the process that led us to this point has given conservatives two terrible choices: Confirm Kavanaugh in an unusually divisive and bitter vote while pouring salt in the wounds of so many women who have been victimized and humiliated, or reject the judge and reward the Michael Avenattization of American politics-that is, respond to Trump's trashing of certain democratic norms by trashing others.

This was only confirmed by Ford's testimony. In her opening statement, Ford said this about her claim that Kavanaugh had attacked her: "On July 6, I had a sense of urgency to relay the information to the Senate and the president as soon as possible, before a nominee was selected. I did not know how, specifically, to do this."

She sent a letter detailing the allegations to her congresswoman, Representative Anna Eshoo. Later in the hearing, Ford was asked why she had contacted Eshoo's office. Ford's response: "Because they were willing to hand deliver it to Senator Feinstein." At one point, Hirono asked Ford if she had any political motivation for coming forward. Ford answered: "No, and I'd like to reiterate that, again, I was trying to get the information to you while there was still a list of other, what looked like equally qualified candidates."

It's clear that Ford wanted the information relayed, quietly, to the president's circle in time to convince the White House to pass on Kavanaugh. There's no evidence that happened. Instead, after the committee had concluded its questioning of Kavanaugh and he appeared poised for confirmation, the letter's contents serendipitously leaked. After that, folks like Avenatti got involved, attaching the taint of partisan machinations to additional allegations.

All of which gave us the spectacle of last Thursday's hearing, putting front and center the life-altering humiliation of both Ford and Kavanaugh, as well as shattering the United States Senate and torching whatever was left of the judicial system's nonpartisan credibility.

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How the Kavanaugh Allegations Are Rallying Conservatives Behind Trump

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This merely scratches the surface. I was so surprised at the sheer volume of such comments I was hearing off the record, I wrote about it on Twitter. "These are, almost without exception, men and women who are horrified by Trump, and horrified by his treatment of women, and don't take sexual assault lightly (or are even victims themselves)," I wrote.

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This article explains that Kavanaugh was Trump's supreme court pick, over other just as qualified opponents, because of his record. Kavanaugh had moderately conservative votes, and it helps to satisfy a lot of people on the right. Kavanaugh represents a lot of republican's views, and picking him as well as tweeting about it constantly really helps Trump gain support.

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Donald Trump walked into the East Room of the White House alone at just past 9 P.M., stretching the suspense surrounding his Supreme Court pick about as far as he could. It was Judge Brett Kavanaugh, of the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, who, if confirmed, should in the years to come please conservatives of several varieties-but first Trump wanted to talk about Trump for a few minutes. Choosing a Supreme Court Justice was "one of the most profound responsibilities of the President of the United States," the most important "other than matters of war and peace." He paused to congratulate himself for choosing Neil Gorsuch, last year, to fill the seat that opened when "the late, great Justice Antonin Scalia" died (and, though Trump didn't mention it, was kept open through the machinations of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell); to acknowledge Scalia's widow, Maureen, who was in the crowd; to thank Justice Anthony Kennedy for retiring; and to invoke Ronald Reagan while offering a line that, when it comes to today's Supreme Court, can only be called an utter falsehood: "What matters is not a judge's political views."

Kavanaugh's politics matter, in terms of his appointment. His name was on a list of potential nominees, vetted by the Federalist Society, that Trump had waved in front of conservative groups, promising that he wouldn't let them down-that he'd swap Kennedy's swing vote for a reliable one. This was the sham behind the drumbeat of suspense: some people might have been rooting for, say, Judge Amy Coney Barrett or Judge Thomas Hardiman, but there never was going to be a true stealth candidate in this race, let alone an ideological outlier. (Jeffrey Toobin has written about how the list came to be.) And, assuming that Kavanaugh takes the bench this fall, when he will be just fifty-three years old, his political views will matter for decades to come.

It is a decent bet that he will be on the Court, despite the outrage of the Democrats and the slimness of the Republican majority in the Senate (just fifty to forty-nine, assuming that John McCain is too ill to travel for a vote). After Kavanaugh walked into the East Room with his wife, Ashley, and his young daughters, Margaret and Liza, and Trump, in lieu of a fanfare, recited his credentials ("teaches at Harvard, Yale, and Georgetown!"), the judge gave what sounded like the opening statement in a confirmation hearing. He was proud that the majority of his clerks have been women, and that his daughter's basketball team had won a city championship; he would uphold the independence of the judiciary and interpret the Constitution "as written, informed by history, and tradition, and precedent." What that means, though, is not much of a mystery, because Kavanaugh, who has been a federal appeals-court judge for a decade, has written plenty himself.

He has a strong record of ruling against regulations, notably environmental ones. His position opposing gun control goes significantly beyond an embrace of the Court's controversial ruling, in Heller, that there is an individual right to bear arms-those whom Trump calls the "Second Amendment people" can rest easy with Kavanaugh. And recently Kavanaugh ruled, in the case of Garza v. Hargan, with the minority in favor of the Trump Administration and against an undocumented minor who was trying to get an abortion in Texas. Some conservatives worried that his decision didn't come down strongly enough against reproductive rights. Kavanaugh presented himself as being constrained by the government's failure to contest the premise that the girl had a theoretical right to an abortion, but he was also willing to let the government make it prohibitively difficult, if not impossible, for her actually to get one. In this, he embodies what is likely the near future of reproductive-rights jurisprudence: the stretching into meaninglessness of the standard, laid out in the Supreme Court decisions following Roe v. Wade, that the government should not put an "undue burden" on a woman when she seeks to exercise her right to end an early pregnancy. (The next-near future may simply be the overturning of Roe.)

In Garza, Kavanaugh wrote that the majority decision had been "based on a constitutional principle as novel as it is wrong: a new right for unlawful immigrant minors in U.S. Government detention to obtain immediate abortion on demand, thereby barring any Government efforts to expeditiously transfer the minors to their immigration sponsors before they make that momentous life decision." In that passage, one can see how tightly interwoven political and judicial priorities can become, from the question of what rights an undocumented child can expect to the judgment in the phrase "abortion on demand" and the idea that a teen-age girl-any girl, and maybe any woman-might not know how to make a "momentous life decision" if left to her own devices.

In the East Room, Kavanaugh worked to counter any alarm that his record might awaken. He talked about how his mother, Martha Kavanaugh, had been a teacher at two high schools with mostly African-American student bodies, before becoming a lawyer and a prosecutor. He mentioned that his father, Ed Kavanaugh, had a law degree and a great work ethic; he was, for many years, a lobbyist, as head of the Cosmetic, Toiletry, and Fragrance Association. (During Kavanaugh's confirmation hearing for the D.C. circuit, in 2004, Senator Orrin Hatch, while introducing him, referred to his father: "We all know Ed. We know what a fine person he is and what a great individual he is, and we all respect him.")

Kavanaugh, who was a clerk for Anthony Kennedy, later worked for the independent counsel Kenneth Starr, during his investigation of President Bill Clinton. What that taught Kavanaugh about when to impeach a President has been a point of speculation. In a 2009 article for the Minnesota Law Review, he wrote that Congress should consider exempting sitting Presidents from criminal indictment, because such cases were distracting and "inevitably politicized"; at the same time, he wrote, "If the President does something dastardly, the impeachment process is available." Trump, anyway, seems satisfied. Kavanaugh then became a lawyer in the George W. Bush White House, at a time when other lawyers there were writing legal justifications for torture and detention policies-another possible line of questioning at his confirmation hearings. SCOTUSblog, in a profile of Kavanaugh, noted that he had, in his D.C. circuit rulings, exhibited "an expansive view of the government's power to detain enemy combatants." Kavanaugh spoke about how he and his future wife, who was Bush's personal secretary, were evacuated from the White House on September 11, 2001-the day after their first date. There had been some thoughts that Trump might not want to appoint him on the grounds that it would make too many Bushes happy. If so, he got over it. There is more than one sense in which Trump is a political creature-and Judge Kavanaugh is, too.

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Why Donald Trump Nominated Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court

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Donald Trump walked into the East Room of the White House alone at just past 9 P.M., stretching the suspense surrounding his Supreme Court pick about as far as he could.