# data[].attributes.headline
Untold Stories of Black Women in the Suffrage Movement

# data[].attributes.subject
Untold Stories of Black Women in the Suffrage Movement

# data[].attributes.body
The women who were leaders in the fight for equal rights for African Americans

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Untold Stories of Black Women in the Suffrage Movement

# data[].attributes.body
Maya Angelou was an American poet, memoirist, and civil rights activist. She published seven autobiographies, three books of essays, several books of poetry, and is credited with a list of plays, movies, and television shows spanning over 50 years. She received dozens of awards and more than 50 honorary degrees

# data[].attributes.headline
Nearly three decades of her prolific output.Angelou is best known for her 1969 memoir, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings. It made literary history as the first nonfiction best-seller by an African-American woman. But her poetry has also broken through academic circles, with poems like “Still I Rise” and “Phenomenal Woman” as part of American literary consciousness.

# data[].attributes.subject
Nearly three decades of her prolific output.Angelou is best known for her 1969 memoir, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings. It made literary history as the first nonfiction best-seller by an African-American woman. But her poetry has also broken through academic circles, with poems like “Still I Rise” and “Phenomenal Woman” as part of American literary consciousness.

# data[].attributes.body
When I Think About Myself

Alone

Still I Rise

Phenomenal Woman

Woman Work

Caged Bird

Life Doesn’t Frighten Me

On the Pulse of Morning

Touched by an Angel

A Brave and Startling Truth

# data[].attributes.body
Ella Baker was a highly respected civil rights leader who mostly worked behind the scenes advising, supporting, and mentoring greats like WEB Dubois, Thurgood Marshall, Martin Luther King Jr, and Rosa Parks. Her reputation as a leader and movement builder earned her the nickname “Fundi,” which is Swahili for a person who teaches craft to the next generation.

# data[].attributes.headline
Ella Baker: Community Organizer of the Civil Rights Movement (Library of African American Biography)

# data[].attributes.subject
Ella Baker: Community Organizer of the Civil Rights Movement (Library of African American Biography)

# data[].attributes.body
Ella Josephine Baker (1903-1986) was among the most influential strategists of the most important social movement in modern US history, the Civil Rights Movement, yet most Americans have never heard of her. Behind the scenes, she organized on behalf of the major civil rights organizations of her day—the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Southern Christian Leadership Council (SCLC), and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)—among many other activist groups

# data[].attributes.body
Kitt was asked by First Lady Lady Bird Johnson about the Vietnam War. She replied: "You send the best of this country off to be shot and maimed. No wonder the kids rebel and take pot."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
We and our partners use cookies to personalize your experience, to show you ads based on your interests, and for measurement and analytics purposes. By using our website and our services, you agree to our use of cookies as described in our Cookie Policy.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Eartha Kitt confronted the first lady and it nearly ruined her career

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Listen to this episode from Retropod on Spotify. At a White House luncheon, actress Eartha Kitt would not let the president or the first lady avoid the issue of the Vietnam War. She paid a heavy price for her boldness.

# data[].attributes.headline
Eartha Kitt (born Eartha Mae Keith; January 17, 1927 – December 25, 2008)

# data[].attributes.subject
Eartha Kitt (born Eartha Mae Keith; January 17, 1927 – December 25, 2008)

# data[].attributes.body
American singer, actress, dancer, voice actress, comedienne, activist, author, and songwriter known for her highly distinctive singing style and her 1953 recordings of "C'est si bon" and the Christmas novelty song "Santa Baby"

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Photo by Central Press / Stringer via Getty Images

The "Santa Baby" singer was so much more than a captivating entertainer-she was also an international political provocateur whose career was nearly ruined after she condemned the Vietnam War.

Whenever "Santa Baby" comes on at a holiday party or in a group setting, it is of vital importance that someone take that opportunity to educate everyone in the room on the song's criminally underappreciated originator, Eartha Kitt.

I am always that person. In a compulsion beyond my control, I will always start spewing out her biography: the fact that she was an internationally renowned actor, singer, and civil rights advocate, as well as a political provocateur. Some know her for her iconic portrayal of Catwoman, or more recently as the voice of Yzma in The Emperor's New Groove. To Orson Welles, she was "the most exciting woman in the world"; to the CIA, she was a threat to national security. To me, she is a symbol of triumph and resilience, a cultural icon representing feminism, sex positivity, and the fight for civil rights. "Santa Baby" is all well and good, but Eartha Kitt was so much more than that.

Kitt, who was born on a cotton plantation in South Carolina, never really knew who her father was - though later she said he was the son of a plantation owner, and that she was the product of rape. Kitt's mother, who was black and Cherokee, gave her up for adoption when she was five, and Kitt's adoptive family raised her in abusive conditions, forcing her to pick cotton to "earn her keep." Her adoptive siblings would beat and abuse her, she said, because she was biracial: "Not black enough to belong to the blacks, and not white enough to belong to the whites," as she put it.

When Kitt was about eight, her biological aunt took her in, and the pair lived in a cramped apartment in Harlem. (According to Kitt, this was more out of "Christian duty" than actual familial affection.) She worked through her adolescence in a sewing machine factory, and constantly ran away from home, sleeping in subway cars. When she was 21, she landed an audition at the pioneering African-American dance company of Katherine Dunham and got in, catalyzing her career in entertainment.

Over the next few years, she would dance her way with the company through New York's stages, then London's, then Paris's, until encountering one Orson Welles, who was so entranced by her performance that he courted her and then cast her as Helen of Troy in Dr. Faustus. She says in her autobiography Confessions of a Sex Kitten that their relationship was an affair, but never sexual: "The most exciting men in my life," she wrote, "have been the men who have never taken me to bed."

Within three years, Kitt had produced her first album, which had "Santa Baby" on the track list, trademarking her raw, sexual energy and signature purr she let out in her vibrato. She quickly became, in the words of the New York Times, "known for her sultry voice, her persona as a golddigger who renders men into helpless little boys with her sexual power." And Kitt seemed to love this persona-she seemed to love being bad, being the object of affection, using men, and talking about it into a microphone later, which is why "Santa Baby" suits her so well: a song in which she coyly asks a childhood myth for diamond rings, yachts, and deeds to platinum mines. The Santa in the song, I would intuit, is perhaps not really actually Santa.

But back in the 50s and 60s, sex positivity was barely a thing (and especially not for a black woman). Eartha Kitt became a sex symbol in a postwar America where Marilyn Monroe's rising popularity was seen widely as an "immoral" and "vulgar" threat to American purity, and where Hugh Hefner was suing the United States Post Office because they would not distribute Playboy. Mainstreaming the sexual revolution was slow-going, and Eartha's rise came at a time where African-Americans were still struggling for basic human rights-a time at which it was still illegal for an African American to have sex with a white person in 28 out of 50 American states.

In 1966, during the height of Kitt's career, polls found most white Americans believed that African Americans were moving "too quickly" in their pursuit for racial equality. Her come-up, in other words, fiercely defied both race and gender expectations of her time.

In 1967, Kitt took over the role of Catwoman on the Batman TV series, clad in a sexy leather suit, with her iconic purring prominently featured. This was a major moment for black female representation-at the time, JET magazine ran a back-page feature simply called "TV-Radio" that published a weekly rundown of every black person who appeared on prime-time TV or radio. It was typically a very short list, featuring less than a dozen people each week, one or two of whom were usually women (if any). And having Kitt take on this beloved role was groundbreaking beyond simple representation: As Deborah Elizabeth Whaley, a professor of American studies at Iowa University, argues in a 2010 essay, "Kitt's performance stood in contest to the roles available to black women on television, insofar as she did not fit the proverbial mammy, Jezebel, tragic mulatta, and sapphire stereotypes that were abundant on television and in the cinema at this time."

With her role on Batman, Kitt's career had reached a new peak. One year later, however, it would come crashing down: In January of 1968, she attended a White House luncheon on the subject juvenile crime in America. She'd been personally invited by the First Lady because of work she did for inner city youth organizations, and was one of seven black women to attend out of the 41 guests. But while Lady Bird Johnson and the other speakers pontificated at length about projects to beautify highways and plant trees in disadvantaged areas, Kitt took a notably different tack: When it was her turn to speak, she vehemently denounced the Vietnam War.

In her autobiography Confessions of a Sex Kitten, Kitt describes becoming increasingly frustrated as the luncheon continued. She watched white woman after white women give anodyne speeches about the "beautification of America, flower pots on the windowsills of poverty." Kitt raised her hand several times, she wrote, but was never given the floor until the end, and by that time she was livid. Her ongoing advocacy working with at-risk youth was informed by her own upbringing, the ways in which she never felt supported by family or by the government. Her remarks that day opened with that context: "I have lived in the gutters," she said. "That's why I know what I'm talking about."

"You send the best of this country off to be shot and maimed," she went on, according to a New York Times report from the time. "They rebel in the street... They don't want to go to school because they're going to be snatched off from their mothers to be shot in Vietnam." After Kitt's lengthy and impassioned speech, according to the Times, Lady Bird Johnson began to cry, "her voice trembling and her eyes welling with tears."

According to Kitt's autobiography, after the luncheon, the White House did not arrange a car for her, even though she'd had one on the way there. She had to catch a cab to her hotel; on the radio, en route, she found that reporters were already dissecting what had happened. The dominant narrative, she recalled, was simply "Eartha Kitt made Mrs. Johnson cry." (According to social identities researcher Sarah J. Jackson, at least a third of the news stories on this incident painted Kitt as the antagonist, an "attacker" of the First Lady, with one news source even describing her as "shrill.")

The repercussions were massive. Within days, according to a 1975 report from the New York Times, the CIA had compiled a dossier of secondhand gossip about Kitt at the request of President Johnson himself, based on data the organization had been collecting since 1956. The CIA report alleged that Kitt's "escapades overseas and her loose morals were said to be the talk of Paris." It also accused her of having "a very nasty disposition" and "a vile tongue," and of behaving like "spoiled child." Most infamously of all, it reportedly referred to her as "a sadistic nymphomaniac," an epithet she would then carry in most articles written about her for the rest of her life. ("What has that got to with the CIA if I was?" she quipped dismissively in an interview years later.)

Kitt's work "was very little or none at all" following the White House luncheon, but she had no idea why until she learned of the CIA dossier from a New York Times reporter six years later. In a 1995 interview, she claimed that the dossier contained specific instructions to defame her in the United States "so that I would be not seen, and therefore I'm out of work." And it seemed to have worked: Nightclubs and other venues were not asking her to return for the same engagements, she said, and WME "lost her contract." As a result, she was forced to perform mostly in Europe, touring bars across the continent. Later in life, Kitt would have a major comeback, returning to Broadway, starring in films, and receiving Tony and Grammy nominations. She would even be invited back to the White House by President Jimmy Carter. But her career was never the same after the luncheon in 1968.

Kitt refusal to compromise her beliefs may have lost her jobs, but that's also what made her so iconic: She was so consistently herself. Throughout her life, she never backed down-and in every interview I've seen or read, she stood by her statement at the White House despite being forced out of the limelight for several years. She continued to support underprivileged youth in DC and LA, and was a member of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. She also leaned into her sexual personal well into her old age. (Please enjoy this interview, in which a 62-year-old Kitt extends her leg onto the interviewer's lap, in front of a live audience, while purring, "How wicked do you think I am?") Her audacity knew no bounds, and her sense of self was one for the ages.

There's one interview, from the documentary All By Myself, that represents everything I love about Eartha Kitt: When asked if she'd ever compromise for a man, she smiles, throws her head back, and starts to laugh maniacally. "Compromising for what reason? To compromise for what? To compromise? What is compromise?" she says, indignant. "Stupid. A man comes into my life and I have to compromise? You must think about that one again... A relationship is a relationship that has to be earned!"

Kitt had never compromised herself in any other part of her life, so why would she do it in romance? "When you fall in love, what is there to compromise about?" she continues. "I fall in love with myself, and I want someone to share it with me. I want someone to share me with me."

ORIGINAL REPORTING ON EVERYTHING THAT MATTERS IN YOUR INBOX.

By signing up to the VICE newsletter you agree to receive electronic communications from VICE that may sometimes include advertisements or sponsored content.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Enduring Legacy of Eartha Kitt, a Subversive Icon Targeted by the CIA

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Photo by Central Press / Stringer via Getty Images The "Santa Baby" singer was so much more than a captivating entertainer-she was also an international political provocateur whose career was nearly ruined after she condemned the Vietnam War.

# data[].attributes.headline
Rosa Louise McCauley Parks was an American activist in the civil rights movement 

# data[].attributes.subject
Rosa Louise McCauley Parks was an American activist in the civil rights movement 

# data[].attributes.body
Known for her pivotal role in the Montgomery bus boycott. The United States Congress has called her "the first lady of civil rights" and "the mother of the freedom movement"

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Preview of Spotify

Sign up to get unlimited songs and podcasts with occasional ads. No credit card needed.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Listen to this episode from Stories to Share on Spotify. This book tells the inspirational story of Rosa Parks who played a big role in the civil rights movement.

# data[].attributes.headline
Jo Anne Scaife, this podcast dives into the revolutionary research found in “Black History 365: An Inclusive Account of American History” a seminal work by Dr. Walter Milton, Jr. and Dr. Joel Freeman

# data[].attributes.subject
Jo Anne Scaife, this podcast dives into the revolutionary research found in “Black History 365: An Inclusive Account of American History” a seminal work by Dr. Walter Milton, Jr. and Dr. Joel Freeman

# data[].attributes.body
Weekly podcast series that explores the true account of African American History as American History.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Sunday Memoirs
Celebrating Women's History Month
Women's Voices in the Black Church

A reading from BH365: An Inclusive Account of American History textbook on the Black Church.

Sunday Memoirs takes a look back in the past to find inspiration for the future. We will take time to share great inspiring accounts and building moments of the Black Church and others, depicting religious traditions and spiritual awakenings that contributed to the foundation of the church and our faith today. At times we will share inspirational words to educate and encourage individuals on their journey of faith in God.

This Sunday we begin celebrating Women's Voices in the Black Church in honor of Women's History Month. So many women have made enormous contributions to the establishment to the church in past, present, and futures. So, we wan to take the take and begin recognizing some of these great women.

This Sunday We Celebrate:

Juliann Jane Tilman
Amanda Berry Smith
Page 556

Order a copy of the book at https://www.blackhistory365education.com/joannescaife

CONTACT US
833-FTH-INFO PO Box 151569 Arlington TX 76015

Check us out on social media:
Facebook
Twitter
Instagram

Music By: Belleair Bluffs, Mikey Geiger, Soundstrips.com

Edited by: Juels N. Evans, Sound Engineer

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Check out this great listen on Audible.com. BHM365 is a weekly podcast series that explores the true account of African American History as American History. Hosted by author and marketplace entrepreneur Jo Anne Scaife, this podcast dives into the revolutionary research found in "Black Histo...

# data[].attributes.body
This movement was rooted in the anti-slavery movement, and African Americans were involved from the start

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
While our collective memory of the suffrage movement is often a vision of a small band of white women - fighting the establishment alone, marching and picketing in their flowy white dresses - the story of the women's movement was more complicated and nuanced than that. It involved many women, but also men, of different races who had to find their voice, identify allies and build coalitions.

As the centennial of the 19th Amendment's certification on Aug. 26, 1920, approaches, many African Americans have questioned whether the suffrage movement is relevant to them, because most Black people in the South were disenfranchised anyway. For many African Americans, the movement's reputation for discriminating against or dismissing Black suffragists and the long history of discord between white and Black feminists do not inspire enthusiasm for the anniversary celebration.

As we approach the centennial and the first presidential election with a Black/Asian woman in the race, the first woman of color on a major political party's ticket, we should examine how we got the vote and at what cost.

To dismiss the suffrage movement as irrelevant dishonors the many Black women and men who participated - lobbying, debating, lecturing, petitioning, editorializing, parading and picketing alongside white suffragists.

As women are gaining greater leverage in the political system, now is the time to study and credit the contributions of all suffragists and expand our knowledge of the entire movement.

In many ways, the history of the women's suffrage movement is inseparable from the history of race in the United States, as it is from so many issues. Indeed, the women's rights movement was rooted in the anti-slavery movement, and African Americans were involved from the start.

The fact that racism often marred the good efforts of suffragists should not dampen the enthusiasm for celebrating this milestone for women.

When the American Anti-Slavery Society, founded in 1831 by William Lloyd Garrison, barred women from joining, Lucretia Mott, a white radical abolitionist and Quaker preacher, and other women formed the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society. Among them were Black women such as Charlotte Forten and her daughters, Margaretta Forten, Sarah Purvis and Harriet Purvis; Grace Bustill Douglass; and Sarah McCrummell.

Mott recalled the first national Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, held May 9, 1837, in New York City. When a second convention was held in 1838 in Philadelphia, a mob opposed to "race mixing" broke up a meeting and later burned down the building, Pennsylvania Hall, about three days after it opened.

Mott considered those conventions the start of the women's movement. Other suffrage leaders generally set the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention in New York as the beginning of the movement. Mott was one of the conveners of that meeting, but to her the movement was already 10 years old by then, according to The Myth of Seneca Falls: Memory and the Women's Suffrage Movement, 1848-1898, by Lisa Tetrault.

The organizers of the Seneca Falls Convention asked famed abolitionist Frederick Douglass to publish a notice in his newspaper and urged him to attend. They also advertised it in other local newspapers. It was a hastily called meeting organized within about 10 days' time from idea to execution by a handful of mostly Quaker women, but it attracted 300 women and men from nearby villages and the countryside of upstate New York. That meeting did not focus on suffrage but rather on all the freedoms that women lacked - the rights to receive an education, own property, divorce husbands, maintain custody of children or pursue professions. When Elizabeth Cady Stanton offered a resolution seeking the vote, attendees, women and men, greeted it with great derision and resistance. Stanton's husband, Henry Brewster Stanton, a prominent abolitionist orator, had warned her that if she included the demand for the vote, he would not attend, as other organizers' husbands did. Only Douglass spoke in favor of the resolution. Without his eloquent defense, it probably would not have carried.

Douglass was among the 32 men, along with 68 women, who signed the Declaration of Sentiments.

Before that time, women were largely barred from speaking before audiences of men and women together. The first American woman to do so was a free Black woman, Maria W. Stewart of Boston, who spoke on abolition and women's rights from about 1831 to 1833.

Other Black women who followed in her footsteps as abolitionist lecturers in the 1850s were Frances E.W. Harper, also a free Black woman and poet, and Sojourner Truth, who emancipated herself and her baby before slavery was abolished in New York in 1827. Both attended and addressed national women's rights conventions for a decade before, and again after, the Civil War. Truth attended for the first time in 1850 and addressed several conventions. Harriet Purvis and her sister Margaretta Forten also attended some women's conventions. Harriet Purvis' husband, Robert Purvis, often attended as well, as did other prominent Black men, such as Charles Lenox Remond, an abolitionist lecturer, and William Still, the Underground Railroad leader.

(Douglass would continue attending women's conventions until the day he died in 1895.)

The conventions were suspended during the Civil War, and Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, an abolitionist lecturer who had emerged as a leader in the women's movement, set up an office in New York City to gather petitions demanding passage of the 13th Amendment to make emancipation permanent.

After the war, as voting was about to be extended to Black men, women realized they too could obtain the vote through a federal amendment and believed they had earned it by their sacrifices during the war. Men pushing for the 14th Amendment and later the 15th Amendment, to establish Black men's rights, told the women they would have to wait.

"This hour belongs to the Negro," declared Wendell Phillips, a white Bostonian who headed the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1865. "As Abraham Lincoln said, 'One war at a time,' so I say, 'One cause at a time.' This is the Negro's hour."

Stanton began writing virulently racist editorials in a newspaper she had started with Anthony, railing against giving the vote to uneducated Black men and immigrants. "Patrick and Sambo and Hans and Yung Tung who do not know the difference between a Monarchy and a Republic, who never read the Declaration of Independence or Webster's spelling book," Stanton wrote. She was advocating for "educated suffrage."

She had stormed out of a meeting of the American Equal Rights Association in 1869 after a white abolitionist man told her that her position conflicted with the group's purpose. Within days, she and Anthony formed the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) to work for the women's cause only.

Some women, white and Black, including Harper, agreed with Phillips' position, and so did Douglass.

Truth did not: "I am glad to see that men are getting their rights, but I want women to get theirs, and while the water is stirring, I will step into the pool," she said. "Now that there is a great stir about colored men getting their rights is the time for women to step in and have theirs."

Lucy Stone, a white abolitionist and prominent lecturer, and others (men and women) formed the American Woman Suffrage Association to support the 15th Amendment and seek women's suffrage at the same time. Each association had African American members. The two groups remained separate until 1890 when they merged to become the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA).

After the adoption of the 14th and 15th amendments, some women began to argue that those two measures already gave women the right to vote because they were "citizens." A Black woman, Mary Ann Shadd Cary, a law student at Howard University, petitioned the House Judiciary Committee making that argument. She had attended an NWSA convention in 1871. Cary registered to vote that year but was not allowed to cast a ballot. In 1876, she gave the NWSA the names of 94 Black women to be included as signers of a women's Declaration of Rights for the nation's centennial.

In the new NAWSA, Anthony began pushing a "Southern strategy" to broaden support for suffrage in a region where women had shied away from the movement or were against it. Southern lawmakers would have denied all women the right to vote just to keep Black women from having it, even though they had largely disenfranchised Black men anyway. They would certainly be appalled by an integrated convention, Anthony reasoned. She asked African Americans, including her longtime friend Douglass, to stay away from conventions in the South.

Adella Hunt Logan, an educator at Tuskegee Institute, attended the association's convention in Atlanta in 1895 anyway, passing for white, according to her granddaughter and biographer, Adele Logan Alexander.

While courting Southern supporters, Anthony was willing to offend Black women at a time when they were increasingly interested in the movement. She turned down a request from Black women to form their own chapter of NAWSA. Ida B. Wells-Barnett, the crusading journalist, criticized her for it, saying, "She might have made gains for suffrage, but she confirmed white women in their attitude of segregation."

Undeterred, Black women all over the country were becoming a powerful force through their churches and clubs that were springing up all over. Increasingly, African American women were interested in organizing to support the suffrage movement. They formed the National Association of Colored Women with Mary Church Terrell, a Washington activist, as president. Terrell also addressed several NWSA conventions and an international women's conference, where she addressed the body in English, French and German.

By 1913, Anthony, who died in 1906, and Stanton, in 1902, were out of the way but racial division was not. The Black suffragists heard about plans for a huge suffrage parade in Washington to be held the day before the presidential inauguration of Woodrow Wilson. Alice Paul, a suffragist from New Jersey, was the main organizer of the parade. She was under pressure to exclude Black marchers to avoid offense to Southerners. NAWSA leaders also pressed her to include them, and she relented.

In the confusion, one of the organizers told Wells-Barnett she could not march with the white Illinois delegates she came with but should march with Black delegates. She pretended to comply, left her delegation and hid on the sidelines. When her delegation passed, she fell into step with the white women from her state.

Among those marching were Delta Sigma Theta sorority's founders from Howard University, accompanied by Terrell.

A few years later, Terrell, along with her daughter, sometimes joined Paul's followers in picketing the White House, Terrell recalled in her autobiography. Many of Paul's picketers went to jail and suffered horrific conditions, beatings and forced feedings to secure passage of the 19th Amendment. Terrell said she narrowly missed going to jail because she was unavailable to picket one day.

The fact that racism often marred the good efforts of suffragists should not dampen the enthusiasm for celebrating this milestone for women. After the adoption of the 19th Amendment, Black women in the South were still largely disenfranchised, as were other racial or ethnic groups. Black women outside the region organized and voted enthusiastically, and if white women had not gotten the vote, Black women certainly would not have.

The women's rights movement of the 19th and 20th centuries also secured other important rights, notably opportunities for education and employment - though the struggle for pay equity, economic justice and other rights continues for all women.

Angela P. Dodson is a veteran journalist and the author of "Remember the Ladies: Celebrating Those Who Fought for Freedom at the Ballot Box." She also wrote the introduction to the 100th anniversary edition of "Jailed for Freedom: A First-Person Account of the Militant Fight for Women's Rights."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Why women's suffrage matters for Black people

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
While our collective memory of the suffrage movement is often a vision of a small band of white women - fighting the establishment alone, marching and picketing in their flowy white dresses - the story of the women's movement was more complicated and nuanced than that.

# data[].attributes.body
Fiction- The following books are recommended