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Who am I, First Experience With Race & Sense of Self Brainstorm

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Who am I, First Experience With Race & Sense of Self Brainstorm

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Who am I ?
My name is Serina Flagg. I am 21 years old who will never settle for second best. I am a student attending college to receive a degree in Biology to become a physician assistant in the gynecology field.

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A person that could take on everybody’s problems and leave mine on the back burner. When in reality I need to focus on myself and wellbeing mentally, physically, and spiritually.

Who do people think I am?
A girl who is quiet but has so much more to know about .

Who do I wish I could be ?
A more outspoken person when in big crowds of people.

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How has race or ethnic identity play a role in any of these responses ?

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How has race or ethnic identity play a role in any of these responses ?

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I don’t think it’s plays a role just yet but the places I want to be in life I will need to be a outspoken confident black woman when dealing with other races .

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What was your first experience with race ?
Personally, it was on a field trip in the second grade going to Chinatown and every time we walk to the stores around to sight see people will be following us. It became very suspicious about what people were thinking about me as well as it being eye awakening.

How old were you ?
Maybe around 7

What emotions do you associate with the experience?
It was scary because I knew it has gone worse in other experiences like mine  .

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Have you ever talked about the experience ? 

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Have you ever talked about the experience ? 

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No, only amongst the friends I was with at the moment.

How have your early experiences with race shaped your worldview?
It made me become more aware of my surroundings and no matter how much of a good spirited person I could be , people would still judge me off the color of my skin.

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I believe that if a person doesn’t have a positive sense of self and don’t really know about themselves they can't really speak for or about others. I believe if a person identifies their self as an African American then they should have a positive sense of self to reconnect with who they are as a person when speaking about experiences due to race.

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2.4 Ubuntu , Afrocentricity , and Nguzo Saba 

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2.4 Ubuntu , Afrocentricity , and Nguzo Saba 

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Theory 1:
Do you think that the spirit of Ubuntu is alive and well today in African American culture?
1.I would got to disagree and say that no Ubuntu isn't alive among the African american communities . I say this as a result of I even have in person experienced  my very own family members carrying venomous traits within generations thanks to their own miserable and selfish  lives. To Illustrate , I have endured the expertise of observation my mother grow superbly as someone through rigorous late night study sessions , exams , and difficult professors whereas additionally taking care of me as a single parent. You'd expect family members to encourage you and be happy for you thru the thick of it. There are two aunts who despised what my mother was doing as a result of their children never made it that far. And once I began to grow and surpass in school they became jealous that success may be a revenant impact between my mother and her kids. They were two faced and congratulating however behind closed doors talking behind our backs wishing we wouldn't make it. I feel it has to begin among the family then passed on into the community but that can't happen once there are individuals relying on your downfall.

2.There are some common characteristics and different characteristics between African and African American cultures. Some of the common traits are your religious beliefs. Whatever religion you belong to, be it Christian or Islamic, there is a constant willingness to devote your life to what you are. they serve to experience life happily. They are both happy to attend prayers, services, and outreaches because it has personally improved their lives than it was before religion. The differences include African Americans who identify as black based on their skin color, rather than Africans who take the word and continue rituals or cultural ideals based on their roots and ancestors.

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Spiritness : Spiritness may be a widespread construct and present throughout the African american Community. it's accustomed lend a aid to the next person once fallen on exhausting times. particularly when coming along as a whole and creating a movement , AA' have the tendency to provide their all in what they believe is true and fight for change. simply by researching how massive the black lives matter movement and civil rights movement had shown a reoccuring have an effect on of dedication and rightfulness.

Human Authenticity : This is least present in the African American community because not many people are taught about this growing up.

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Kuumba : Kuumba means to do as much as we can , in the way we can. I believe this resonates with me the most because that's all we can do honestly . I can contribute what I can offer to the world and make it better than what I experienced it to be. I can give back , educate , and fix generational cycles within my community.

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3.1 Multidimensions of Ethnic Self Identification

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3.1 Multidimensions of Ethnic Self Identification

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The first measure I picked is natal measures because it is best to explains self identity by describing where I grew up , close family members , and more.

The second measure I chose is situational contextual measures because the place you live , place of work , as well as where someone studies is important. As well as identifying your religion and the communities someone puts themself in can be vital to know about a person.

The third measure I picked is behavioral measures because its tied into what your religion and culture stands for by implementing the music we listen too, the clothes we wear , as well as the food we made on special occasions.

The fourth measure I chose is subjective measures because its pertaining to a certain ethnic group associations. For example my family goes by certain morals and values we carry ourselves to have but some may think different.

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1. My Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure score is 35.
2. To me this score means I have a strong connection with my ethnic group and knowledge of what my ethnic group means.
3. I think this means that I have a strong bond with the African American community because I am a former student of Clark Atlanta University an HBCU , i've been apart of the black student union and many more because i'm eager to learn more about who I am.
4.Nothing really surprised me about this analysis.

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1. My rosenberg self esteem scale score was a 19.
2. This score to me means that my self esteem is high just due to the fact that I found myself worth through my journey through 20's.
3.I believe the score is the way it is because i'm growing into something nice.

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1. The stage that I chose is stage 4 Internalization.
2. I think I am apart of the internalization stage because I do know that even though whites have done us wrong for decades up until this day , there are some out there that advocate that Black live matter as well as just being adequately educated on what African Americans are and what we stand for. On the other hand as we fight for justice among other problems I do know there are people of  my same color that have negative qualities. For example I believe that if a black man says that he doesn't date black women it's a red flag.
3. I know that I have passed through the other stages because I dont believe in anger fixing a problem it's only going to make it worse.
4.I learned that there are a various amount of stages a person within an ethnic group can go through.

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This TED talk is very inspirational to me because as I am embarking my 20's and what life has for me I do believe self love and self respect is vital. I can not express enough how so many girls don't know where to start because they are all caught up in the works of life and wanting to accomplish their goals as fast as they could but don't feel happy towards the end because they never checked on themselves through the midst of it all . It's something powerful that she said that caught my attention , " I was coping, not healing " . Time and time again we have to check on ourselves.

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THE POWER OF THE BLACK WOMAN’S SELF LOVE JOURNEY | Denise Francis | TEDxQueensVillage

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The type of "ism" I was able to identify was ableism which is discrimination based on a person's ability. There was a black woman within the podcast that had stated after doing a speech a white woman approached her . As she approached her she told her something along the lines of '' Wow your so articulated and you speak well ". The black woman then proceeded to say she felt like it was a backhanded
compliment . She mentioned she haves a PHD and have been teaching for over 10 years of course she's able to speak well in front of crowds. To me this meant that the Black women felt discriminated against because its not expected of her community to reach a professional level and white people recognise that .

To keep it short no we don't live in a post racial society. For the straightforward indisputable fact that we still are fighting for justice and screaming black lives matter till this day. Police brutality and racial slurs endlessly a trend throughout this year we are obscurity close to we want to be where people aren't racist anymore. It starts in their home and ignorance , sadly.

My definition of race is by what somebody identifies as due to their roots and sharing the same genetics. I feel race could be a social construct as a result of in order to understand your true self you have to encounter the understanding of your race first of all . Then advance to who your ancestors are and what their beliefs and perceptions were because of past experiences being apart of that certain race.

Something that stood out to me the most within this units topic is that there's a such thing as reverse racism.

One thing that I learned was that there are different ways with coping with racism such as collective coping .

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1.While reading I did observe how black families have strength within the dynamic. It was listed as five strengths. Strong achievement orientation, strong work orientation, flexible family roles, strong kinship bond, and strong religion orientation. Each one has been a significant aspect in the black family dynamic and throughout its struggles there's always actions to fix what's broken as a family.
2.The challenges black families face are pregnancies within the family and the parents have little to no funding. For example, the strength of a strong achievement orientation has had a lasting impact on black families. There will always be a family helping out, babysitting, paying for childcare and support making sure working together as a team can result in stronger family bonds.
3.Racial socialization has affected parents and children in black families by how they should function in society. For example , African american parents teaching their children that there's a hierarchy we fall into.
4.The factors that have most affected black families since slavery are social policies. When it comes to who is the breadwinner for the person who brings the most money home, it is usually men in society, but the limitations put black men in a standstill due to the low unemployment rates.

5.One thing I learned throughout the reading is that African American women are more likely to have never married as White and Asian women.

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Footnotes

[1] Rothstein, R. (2017) The color of law: A forgotten history of how our government segregated America. Liveright Publishing.

[3] Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. The New Press.

[4] Drake, S. C. & Cayton, H. R. (1945). Black metropolis: A study of negro life in a northern city. University of Chicago Press.

[5] Franklin, D. L. & James, A. D. (1997). Ensuring inequality: The structural transformation of the African-American family. Oxford University Press.

[6] Tucker, M. B. & Mitchell-Kernan, C. (Eds.). (1995). The decline in marriage among African Americans: Causes, consequences, and policy implications. Russell Sage Foundation.

[7] Edin, K. & Kefalas, M. (2011). Promises I can keep: Why poor women put motherhood before marriage. University of California Press.

[8] Wilson, W. J. (1987). The truly disadvantaged: The inner city, the underclass, and public policy. The University of Chicago Press.

[9] Darity, W. A. & Myers, S. L. (1995). Family structure and the marginalization of Black men: Policy implications. In Tucker, B. M. & Mitchell-Kernan, C. (Eds.), The decline of marriage among African Americans: Causes, consequences, and policy implications (pp. 263-308). Russell Sage Foundation.

[10] Coles, R., & Green, C. (Eds.). (2010). The myth of the missing Black father. New York: Columbia University Press. doi:10.7312/cole14370

[11] Boyd-Franklin, N. (2006). Black families in therapy: Understanding the African American experience. Guilford Press.

[12] Pinderhughes, E. B. (2002). African American marriage in the 20 th century. Family Process, 41(2), 269-282.

[13] Jones, J. & Mosher, W. D. (2013). Fathers' involvement with their children: United States, 2006-2010. National Center for Health Statistics. https://www.cdc.gov
/nchs/data/
nhsr/nhsr071.pdf

[14] Taylor, R.J., Hernandez E., Nicklett, E.J., Taylor, H.O., & Chatters, L.M. (2014). Informal social support networks of African American, Latino, Asian American, and Native American older adults. In Whitfield, K.E., Baker, T.A. (Eds). Handbook of minority aging (pp.417-434). Springer.

[16] Shonkoff, J. P. & Phillips, D. A. (Eds.). (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development. National Academies Press.

[17] Hart, B., & T.R. Risley (1995). Meaningful differences in the everyday experience of young American children. Paul H Brookes Publishing.

[18] Kaushal, N., Magnuson, K., Waldfogel, J. (2011). How is family income related to investments in children's learning? In Duncan, M.R., & Duncan G. (Eds.) Whither opportunity: Rising inequality, schools, and children's life chances (pp. 187-206). Russell Sage Foundation.

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Family, Economic, and Geographic Characteristics of Black Families with Children - Child Trends

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1] Rothstein, R. (2017) The color of law: A forgotten history of how our government segregated America. Liveright Publishing. [3] Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. The New Press. [4] Drake, S. C. & Cayton, H. R. (1945).

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Name: Serina Flagg

Date: November 3, 2021

Psych 110

Racial Autobiography Outline

1. Introduction: Definition of Race

1. Introduction Statement My definition of race is by what somebody identifies as due to their roots and sharing the same genetics.

2. Is race biological or social? I feel race is a social construct as a result of in order to understand your true self you have to encounter the understanding of your race first of all .

2. Body Paragraph 1: Self-Assessments/Scores/Analysis

1. Main point 1: Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure

1. Supporting Detail: I received the score of 35 because of the following reasons.

2. Main point 2: Rosenberg Self Esteem Scale

1. Supporting Detail: I received the score of 19 because of the following reasons.

3. Body Paragraph 2: Summary of Stages of Racial Identity Development & Life Examples

1. Main point 1: Internalization

1. Supporting Detail:I do know that even though whites have done us wrong for decades up until this day , there are some out there that advocate that Black lives matter as well as just being adequately educated on what African Americans are and what we stand for.

2. Main point 2: Internalization vs other stages

1. Supporting Detail: I know that I have passed through the other stages for the following reasons.

4. Body Paragraph 3: Post Racial Society Critical Analysis

1. Main point 1: We do not live in a post racial society.

1. Supporting Detail:For the straightforward indisputable fact that we still are fighting for justice and screaming black lives matter till this day.

2. Main point 2: We can't live in a post racial society until there is change within the households of the new generation.

1. Supporting Detail:It starts in their home and ignorance.

5. Conclusion

1. Summary

2. Closing Statement : The definition of race and what it means to be African American.

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National Museum of African American History and Culture

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The notion of race is a social construct designed to divide people into groups ranked as superior and inferior. The scientific consensus is that race, in this sense, has no biological basis - we are all one race, the human race. Racial identity, however, is very real. And, in a racialized society like the United States, everyone is assigned a racial identity whether they are aware of it or not.

Race as Social Construction

​The dictionary's definition of race is incomplete and misses the complexity of impact on lived experiences. It is important to acknowledge race is a social fabrication, created to classify people on the arbitrary basis of skin color and other physical features. Although race has no genetic or scientific basis, the concept of race is important and consequential. Societies use race to establish and justify systems of power, privilege, disenfranchisement, and oppression.

American Anthropological Association states that "the 'racial' worldview was invented to assign some groups to perpetual low status, while others were permitted access to privilege, power, and wealth. The tragedy in the United States has been that the policies and practices stemming from this worldview succeeded all too well in constructing unequal populations among Europeans, Native Americans, and peoples of African descent." To understand more about race as a social construct in the United States, read the AAPA statement on race and racism.
Learn more about race as it relates to human genetics In the Teaching Tolerance report, "Race Does Not Equal DNA"

What is Racial identity?

Racial identity is externally imposed: "How do others perceive me?"

Racial identity is also internally constructed: "How do I identify myself?"

Understanding how our identities and experiences have been shaped by race is vital. We are all awarded certain privileges and or disadvantages because of our race whether or not we are conscious of it.

Race matters. Race matters ... because of persistent racial inequality in society - inequality that cannot be ignored. Justice Sonya Sotomayor United States Supreme Court

Developmental models of racial identity

Many sociologists and psychologists have identified that there are similar patterns every individual goes through when recognizing their racial identity. While these patterns help us understand the link between race and identity, creating one's racial identity is a fluid and nonlinear process that varies for every person and group.

Think of these categories of Racial Identity Development [PDF] as stations along a journey of the continual evolution of your racial identity. Your personal experiences, family, community, workplaces, the aging process, and political and social events - all play a role in understanding our own racial identity. During this process, people move between a desire to "fit in" to dominant norms, to a questioning of one's own identity and that of others. It includes feelings of confusion and often introspection, as well as moments of celebration of self and others. You may begin at any point on this chart and move in any direction - sometimes on the same day! Recognizing the station you are in helps you understand who you are.

No One is Colorblind to Race

The concept of race is intimately connected to our lives and has serious implications. It operates in real and definitive ways that confer benefits and privileges to some and withholds them from others. Ignoring race means ignoring the establishment of racial hierarchies in society and the injustices these hierarchies have created and continue to reinforce.

Either America will destroy ignorance, or ignorance will destroy the United States

RACISM = Racial Prejudice (Unfounded Beliefs + Irrational Fear) + Institutional Power

Racism, like smog, swirls around us and permeates American society. It can be intentional, clear and direct or it can be expressed in more subtle ways that the perpetrator might not even be aware of.

Racism is a system of advantage based on race that involves systems and institutions, not just individual mindsets and actions. The critical variable in racism is the impact (outcomes) not the intent and operates at multiple levels including individual racism, interpersonal racism, institutional racism, and structural racism.

Individual racism​ refers to the beliefs, attitudes, and actions of individuals that support or perpetuate racism in conscious and unconscious ways. The U.S. cultural narrative about racism typically focuses on individual racism and fails to recognize systemic racism.
Examples include believing in the superiority of white people, not hiring a person of color because "something doesn't feel right," or telling a racist joke.

Interpersonal racism​ occurs between individuals and includes public expressions of racism, often involving slurs, biases, hateful words or actions, or exclusion.

Institutional racism​ occurs in organizations These are race-based policies and practices that give unfair advantages to whites over people of color.These institutional policies often never mention any racial group, but the intent is to create advantages.
Example: A school system where students of color are more frequently distributed into the most crowded classrooms and underfunded schools and out of the highest-resourced schools.

Structural racism​ is the overarching system of racial bias across institutions and society. These systems give privileges to white people resulting in disadvantages to people of color.
Example: Stereotypes of people of color as criminals in mainstream movies and media.

Source: Adapted from Terry Keleher, Applied Research Center, and Racial Equity Tools by OneTILT
Breaking the Silence
Silence on issues of race hurts everyone. Reluctance to directly address the impact of race can result in a lack of connection between people, a loss of our society's potential and progress, and an escalation of fear and violence. Silence around other issues of identity can also have the same negative impact on society. Silence on race keeps us all from understanding and learning. We can break the silence by being proactive - by learning, reflecting and having courageous conversations with ourselves and others.

VIDEO: Watch below as Franchesca Ramsey discusses racism on MTV's Decoded (warning: adult language):

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The scientific consensus is that race has no biological basis - that we are all one race, the human race. Racialized identity, however, is very real. And, in a racialized society, everyone is assigned a racial identity whether you are aware of it or not. Let's broaden our awareness.

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1. What is the Imposter Syndrome? Imposter syndrome is the inability to absorb one's accomplishments and the persistent fear that one would be exposed as a fraud.

2. How does the Imposter Syndrome affect a student in their educational journey AND into their career experiences? The imposter syndrome affects a student in their educational journey and into their career experiences through the constant disbelief in oneself due to individuals that tried to derail their growth since childhood.

3. How does the Imposter Syndrome specifically affect the self-esteem and mental health of African American women in the workplace
The Imposter Syndrome specifically affect the self esteem and mental health of African American women in the workplace through what society tells them. African American women don't feel like they belong and not up to standards in the workplace. It has affected the self esteem and mental health by having the discrimination and depression relationship. It has turned into not only a small voice but how African American women live their day to day lives from what has been said to them .

4. How do race and gender
play into the African American woman's experience in the workplace?            Race and gender play into African American women's experience in the workplace by for example their work being constantly judged by others. One of the women spoke of “Being judged on your work versus mentally performing well would have been more taxing. Your work is judged plus other intangible things. You second-guess yourself and that affects your confidence.”

5. State one strategy that you believe would be successful in addressing this issue and improving the workplace for women of color. One strategy that I believe would be successful in addressing this issue and improving the workplace for women of color is by spreading awareness to our peers and workplace peers to get a better understanding of us .

6. State one thing that you learned or one thing that stood out to you from the unit required reading, optional reading or audio material in this unit.  One thing that I learned is that I never realized how many people that derail us through our childhood can affect our growth as an adult .

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Racial Autobiography Outline Serina Flagg (2)

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7.6 Intersectionality, Bias and Microaggressions

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7.6 Intersectionality, Bias and Microaggressions

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What would you say are the psychological consequences of experiencing subconscious racial slights as a person of color?
The psychological consequences of experiencing subconscious racial slights as a person of color are the impacts of mental health continuously decreasing causing a poc to endure depression , frustration, and self doubt.
What stereotypes are perpetuated when racial microaggressions are thrown around towards a person of color?
The stereotypes are perpetuated when racial microaggressions are thrown around towards a person of color are unintelligent and inarticulate.
Considering Intersectionality, what other issues does this theme affect in the African American community?
Other issues Intersectionality affects greater pay inequality in the workplace presenting a gender-race bias as well as oppression these poc carry after going through something like this.
State how these theories of intersectionality, racial microaggressions, bias or white privilege affect one's understanding of "sense of self" or ethnic identity?
These theories affects one's understanding of "sense of self" or ethnic identity by having a low sense of self acceptance and self worth which leads to issues to how a person might be insecure after being targeted for their race.
Search online for a resource that helps you understand this topic more and post it to your Padlet. State why the resource shines some light on a perspective of this issue.
This resource shines some light on a perspective of this issue through the thorough understanding of promoting diversity and inclusion.
State a strategy that you feel can be successful to address the use of microaggressions especially when the offender is unaware of how their reactions affect people of color.
A strategy that I feel that can be successful to address the use of microaggressions by addressing the microaggression and responding with a non-judgmental observation or asking a thoughtful question.
State one thing that you learned or one thing that stood out to you from the unit required reading, optional reading or audio material in this unit.
One thing that stood out to me is that microaggression is everywhere and truly can deter someones wellbeing.

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Respect Group Inc. | Harassment + Abuse Online Prevention Training

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Systemic Racism, Unconscious Bias & Microaggressions

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Systemic Racism, Unconscious Bias & Microaggressions | Respect Group - Bullying, Abuse, Harassment and Discrimination Prevention Training.

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1. STRENGTHS: What are the strengths of Black neighborhoods and communities and how have they manifested over time? The strengths of Black neighborhoods and communities are character strengths such as perseverance , teamwork , and creativity. They have manifested overtime by being exposed to racism and using it to their greatest advantage. With perseverance and creativity African Americans face adversities , now being able to chose to have a positive outlook to cope.

2. WEAKNESSES: What are the weaknesses of Black neighborhoods and communities and state one solution to an issue you have raised? The weaknesses of Black neighborhood and communities face is poverty. One solution to this issue is by offering more job opportunities to those who need it. We could also implement more staffing agencies for those who may need help to find a job that best fits to their lifestyle. A lot of our fellow black men don't have jobs due to their record ex. felonies .

3. OPPORTUNITIES: What are three ways in which Black neighborhoods and communities could play a role in the progressive movement of the Black community? Three ways black neighborhoods and communities could play a role in the progressive movement of the Black community is by providing more institutional resources , improving relationships, as well as collective efficacy. By doing that the community can implement more educational resources to those who want to further their studies. Through the improvements of collective efficacy communities can come together and keep the community safe.

4. THREATS: What are three ways in which Black neighborhoods and communities could have a detrimental effect on the progressive movement of the Black community? Three ways black neighborhoods and communities could have a detrimental effect on the progressive movement of the black community are the high violence rates, companies targeting low income communities , and the detrimental decline of mental health within the community.

5. Find one resource that helps you understand these themes and post it to your Padlet. State the resources' significance to this unit's material.

6. State one thing that you learned or one thing that stood out to you from the unit required reading, optional reading or audio material in this unit.  One thing I learned from this unit reading  is that there has always been a public misconception about race and welfare.

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Abstract

This study explored how neighborhood characteristics may relate to African American adolescents' internalizing symptoms via adolescents' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. Participants included 571 urban, African American adolescents (52% female; M age = 17.8). A multilevel path analysis testing both direct and indirect effects of neighborhood characteristics on adolescents' mental health outcomes was conducted. Higher neighborhood poverty and unemployment rates predicted greater internalizing symptoms via lower cumulative social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. In contrast, higher concentrations of African American and residentially stable residents in one's neighborhood related to fewer internalizing symptoms among adolescent residents via greater cumulative social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Despite widespread agreement among social scientists regarding the role of context in the development of adolescents' mental health problems ( Zahn-Waxler, Klimes-Dougan, & Slattery, 2000), few researchers have considered contextual predictors of adolescent psychopathology beyond family or peer influences. Of course, substantial findings have documented the potential of family and peer processes to shape adolescents' mental health outcomes; yet we know less about how community or neighborhood environments may affect social processes related to youths' psychological well-being ( Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). Furthermore, researchers who have undertaken explorations of neighborhood effects on youths' psychosocial outcomes have primarily considered direct effects of neighborhood characteristics while controlling for aspects of youths' social relationships as opposed to considering how these social resources may transmit the effects of neighborhood characteristics on individual outcomes (for exception see Deng et al., 2006; Kohen, Leventhal, Dahinten, & McIntosh, 2008; Wickrama & Bryant, 2003; Xue, Leventhal, Brooks-Gunn, & Earls, 2005).

Guided by Bronfenbrenner's (1979) ecological model, researchers are increasingly reporting the importance of considering how neighborhood environments may operate via more proximate mechanisms to influence individual mental health outcomes. In addition to considering how neighborhoods may shape interpersonal forces in youths' lives, some researchers have also documented the significance of assessing how neighborhood characteristics relate to adolescents' outcomes by shaping adolescents' perceptions of their neighborhoods. Researchers have found that adolescents' subjective perceptions of their neighborhoods may mediate the effects of neighborhood demographics on adolescents' internalizing and externalizing behavior ( Aneshensel & Sucoff, 1996; Latkin & Curry, 2003; Ross & Mirowsky, 2009). Therefore, considering how adolescents experience their neighborhood appears to be a fruitful line of investigation in efforts to better understand how neighborhood characteristics may affect adolescent development. In the current study, we tested a multilevel path model to examine how neighborhood characteristics may affect urban, African American adolescents' mental health outcomes via their influence on adolescents' cumulative social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion.

Internalizing Symptoms among African American Late Adolescents

Specific to African American late adolescents and emerging adults, researchers have found elevated depressed mood among African Americans in comparison to Whites and Asians ( Gore & Aseltine, 2003). Research findings indicate that these differences may be attributable to social inequalities, particularly in light of African American youths' overrepresentation in economically disadvantaged communities and greater exposure to concentrated poverty in comparison to Whites ( Murry, Berkel, Gaylord-Harden, Copeland-Linder, & Nation, 2011). In support of this notion, research with a nationally representative sample of Black and White adolescents found that Black adolescents who were exposed to family and community poverty demonstrated the most psychological distress of all participants ( Wickrama, Noh, & Bryant, 2005). Researchers argue that the additional stressors faced by urban, economically disadvantaged, African American late adolescents may exacerbate stressful experiences associated with developmental transitions and result in elevated internalizing symptoms among African American youths during this developmental period ( Zimmerman, Ramirez-Valles, & Maton, 1999). The importance of investigating potential neighborhood effects on African American late adolescents' mental health is underscored by research suggesting that neighborhood characteristics may be more likely to influence youths' outcomes during this developmental period as a result of late adolescents' increased independence and greater opportunities for unsupervised exploration of their neighborhoods ( Brooks-Gunn, Duncan, Leventhal, & Aber, 1997).

Neighborhoods, Social Support, and Mental Health

Researchers have posited various theories explaining how neighborhood factors may influence the psychological well-being of residents. Wilson (1987, 2009) argues that high rates of unemployment and concentrated poverty in inner-city neighborhoods lead neighborhood residents to feel less self-efficacious and more hopeless and helpless. Consistent with family stress models, research findings suggest that neighborhood-level economic stressors may create conditions that stress residents and contribute to mental health problems among residents ( Katz, Esparza, Carter, Grant, & Meyerson, 2011; Latkin & Curry, 2003; Ross & Mirowsky, 2009; Sampson & Morenoff, 1997). In addition to direct effects of exposure to neighborhood disadvantage on adolescents' psychological distress ( Wickrama & Bryant, 2003), community stressors associated with concentrated poverty may negatively affect adults' personal resources and interfere with their ability to support the youth in their families and communities ( Deng et al., 2006; Pinderhughes, Nix, Foster, & Jones, 2001; Wickrama & Bryant, 2003). Building on this hypothesis, Wilson and others ( Bell & Jenkins, 1993; Sampson & Groves, 1989) have suggested that neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage breeds social disorder which may contribute to symptoms of anxiety and depression among child and adolescent residents.

Although primarily advanced to connect neighborhood characteristics to deviance and violence ( Sampson & Groves, 1989), social disorganization theory also may be relevant for explaining neighborhood effects on other psychosocial outcomes, such as psychological distress. According to social disorganization theory, neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage lowers neighborhood cohesion and social control, and as a result, impinges upon the ability of neighborhood residents to promote positive youth outcomes. Massey and Denton (1993) argue that in socially disorganized neighborhoods, residents are more likely to mistrust their neighbors, stay indoors, limit contact with friends and family, and avoid public participation in the community. Consistent with theses hypotheses, researchers have found associations between neighborhood disadvantage and decreased social ties with neighbors ( Geis & Ross, 1998; Small, 2007). Though one consequence of a less supportive and nurturing community may be increased youth violence and delinquency, another equally plausible (and possibly co-occurring) outcome is increased psychological distress among residents ( Wickrama & Bryant, 2003). Accordingly, concentrated neighborhood economic disadvantage may weaken intergenerational social ties resulting in higher levels of internalizing symptoms among youth residents.

Previous research suggests that social support from a variety of different sources may yield comparable benefits on adolescents' psychological health ( Colarossi & Eccles, 2003; Munsch & Blyth, 1993), suggesting that multiple important relationships in adolescents' lives have the potential to reduce adolescents' risk of mental illness through the provision of support. Further, researchers have suggested that the benefits of support from multiple important individuals in adolescents' lives are additive as opposed to compensatory (i.e., the absence of support from one source is not compensated for by support from another source; Garnefski & Diekstra, 1996). Therefore, adolescents may reap the greatest psychological benefits when they are receiving substantial support from a number of important individuals in their lives (e.g., parents, peers, and nonparental adults). Correspondingly, in the present study, we focused on cumulative social support from multiple important sources. Further, we assessed the extent to which adolescents perceived their neighborhoods to be supportive and cohesive. Similar to research findings related to support from specific individuals, researchers have documented inverse associations between adolescents' perceptions of their neighborhoods as supportive and their internalizing symptoms ( Aneshensel & Sucoff, 1996). Yet researchers have differed in their approaches to measuring neighborhoods.

Measuring Neighborhoods

The measurement of neighborhood characteristics has primarily relied on census data which has been aggregated to either the block group or tract level ( Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). Given the tendency of neighborhood factors to be highly correlated, some researchers have opted to create composite measures of neighborhood disadvantage to avoid issues of multicollinearity ( Cook, Shagle, & Degirmencioglu, 1997; Sampson et al., 1997). Yet composite measures of neighborhood disadvantage may be problematic because they reduce the available information ( Upchurch, Aneshensel, Sucoff, & Levy-Storms, 1999). These composite variables do not allow for a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which specific neighborhood factors may affect the well-being of neighborhood residents.

A primary example of a neighborhood characteristic that may deserve more in-depth examination is the racial and ethnic composition of a neighborhood. Wilson (2009) underscores how racism, housing discrimination, redlining (mortgage restrictions based on the racial composition of a neighborhood), labor market shifts, employment discrimination, and a variety of other institutional practices and policies have created highly segregated, impoverished, urban communities. This segregation of urban poverty is reflected in statistics showing that in comparison to their White peers, African American children are about 10 times more likely to live in neighborhoods where 30% or more of the residents are poor ( Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1994). In fact, despite declines in overall rates of concentrated poverty in the 1990's, African Americans remain the largest racial or ethnic group living in high-poverty neighborhoods ( Jargowsky, 2005).

In light of the literature on segregated urban poverty ( Massey & Denton, 1993), a number of researchers have used the percentage of African American residents in a neighborhood as an indicator of neighborhood disadvantage ( Katz et al., 2011; Sampson et al., 1997; Xue et al., 2005). Though this practice is consistent with the notion that poverty tends to be more concentrated in communities with higher proportions of African American residents, this practice precludes the examination of the diverse ways in which neighborhood racial composition may influence residents' outcomes. A particular limitation of this approach is that it negates the possibility that living in neighborhoods with higher proportions of African American residents may have salutary effects for residents. In support of this possibility, several researchers have used the percentage of African American residents in a community as a separate predictor of residents' outcomes and have found protective effects of residing in predominantly African American neighborhoods on adolescents' cigarette smoking ( Reardon, Brennan, & Buka, 2002; Xue, Zimmerman, & Caldwell, 2007). These findings are noteworthy; however, few, if any, researchers have investigated the mechanisms through which residing in a predominantly African American neighborhood may translate into more positive youth outcomes.

One mechanism of influence linking residence in predominantly African American neighborhoods to more positive adolescent outcomes may be higher levels of social support and sense of belonging among residents in these neighborhoods. A number of studies have documented higher levels of communalism among African Americans ( Boykin, Jagers, Ellison, & Albury, 1997) and a heightened emphasis on intergenerational relationships both within and outside of the family system ( Klaw, Rhodes, & Fitzgerald, 2003; Stack, 1974). Research on the importance of extended kin and fictive kin (i.e., individuals unrelated by birth or marriage but treated as family) to the African American family system suggest that child-rearing responsibilities are shared among multiple family and neighborhood adults ( Stack, 1974; Stewart, 2007), thus providing increased opportunities for the formation of supportive relationships, and possibly, increasing the potential of parents to be supportive of their children through reduced caregiver burdens. Consequently, African American youth living in neighborhoods with a higher proportion of African American residents may experience greater levels of social support. Furthermore, African American youth in predominantly African American neighborhoods may perceive their neighborhoods as more supportive and feel a greater sense of connection and belonging to their neighborhood.

Current Study

The current study explored pathways from neighborhood characteristics to African American adolescents' symptoms of anxiety and depression via adolescents' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. Though researchers have found protective effects of social support on adolescents' internalizing symptoms, few researchers have examined empirically whether neighborhood factors may affect adolescents' social support. Furthermore, studies of neighborhood effects on adolescents' mental health outcomes are rare, and few have included social processes and adolescents' perceptions of their neighborhoods as intervening variables. Moreover, as is common among studies of neighborhood effects on mental health outcomes, the studies conducted to date have primarily considered how neighborhood characteristics indicative of disadvantage may deleteriously affect individuals' psychological outcomes; few have included potentially co-occurring neighborhood characteristics that may predict more positive psychological outcomes. In addition, new statistical methods have emerged for studying multilevel structural or path models ( Preacher, Zyphur, & Zhang, 2010) that allow researchers to explicitly test between-group indirect effects. These methods have yet to be applied to the study of multilevel pathways from neighborhood factors to individual outcomes.

Hypotheses

The current study was undertaken to address some of the limitations outlined above. Our theoretical model (see ) specifies direct and indirect effects of neighborhood characteristics on African American late adolescents' symptoms of depression and anxiety. We included the following neighborhood characteristics in our study: percent of African American residents, percent of householders living in the same house for over 5 years (residential stability), percent of families living below the poverty line (poverty rate), and percent of residents over the age of 16 in the labor market but unemployed (unemployment rate). We also included a composite measure of social support, a measure of adolescents' perceptions of neighborhood cohesion, and measures of adolescents' symptoms of depression and anxiety. In addition, we included individual (gender, prior symptoms of depression and anxiety) and family-level (occupational prestige of highest earner, family structure) control variables in our model to ensure that our measurement of neighborhood factors was not just a proxy for individual or family-level factors.

We hypothesized that the percent of African American residents and residential stability of African American adolescents' neighborhoods would be positively associated with their total social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. We also expected the percentage of African American residents and residential stability to negatively predict adolescents' symptoms of depression and anxiety. In contrast, we hypothesized that higher neighborhood poverty and unemployment rates would detrimentally affect adolescents' social resources and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. We expected that higher neighborhood poverty and unemployment rates would predict more symptoms of depression and anxiety, and we hypothesized higher levels of social support and greater perceptions of neighborhood cohesion would be associated with fewer internalizing symptoms. Thus, we expected that at least part of the hypothesized neighborhood effects on adolescents' mental health outcomes would be transmitted via social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion.

Method

Participants

Five hundred and seventy-one African American adolescents participated in the current study. Average age of participants was 17.8 ( SD = .65) and approximately half of the sample (52%) was female. This study is based on data collected during the fourth wave of a longitudinal study focused on high-school dropout among youth in an urban, Midwestern city. The larger study recruited ninth-grade students from the four main high schools in the second largest school district in a Midwestern state. To be eligible for the study, participants needed a grade point average of 3.0 or lower at the end of the eighth grade and could not have been diagnosed by the school as having emotional or developmental impairments (the exclusion of students with impairments was done for methodological and practical purposes). The first wave of data was collected in the Fall of 1994. Data were collected annually from adolescents with the first wave of data collection occurring at the beginning of the ninth grade. Waves 1 through 4 correspond to the participants' high school years; however, participants did not have to be enrolled in high school during waves 2 through 4 to continue to participate in the study.

Eight hundred and fifty youth (92% of all eligible youth) participated in wave 1 of the larger study. Adolescents self-reporting as African American constituted eighty percent of the sample in wave 1 (n = 681). We focused our analyses on data collected in wave 4 as this was the only wave that included all of the variables of interest for our study. Our analyses only included African American participants, as we were interested in better understanding how residing in neighborhoods with more African American residents may influence positively African American adolescents' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. Out of the 770 youth who participated in wave 4 (90% response rate from initial sample), 615 self-identified as African American. Participant data were linked to census data using geo-coded home address information. Participants were excluded from our analyses if they had missing data on census level variables (i.e., we did not have their address, we were unable to link their address to a census block group, or there were no census data associated with the block group they resided in), leaving us with our final sample of 571 African American participants. We found no differences by gender, age, socioeconomic status, or wave 1 symptoms of depression and anxiety between the 571 participants included in our analyses and the 44 participants excluded due to missing data.

Procedure

Research staff (including men and women and African American and White individuals) from local survey research organizations were hired and trained to conduct interviews with participants. The third author provided the interviewers with twenty hours of training in administering the structured interview. Structured face-to-face interviews were conducted with students in schools or community settings if the participants could not be found in school. Interviews were always conducted in private rooms to minimize disruptions and provide maximum privacy. When possible, interviewers and participants were matched by race and gender. Interviews averaged 60 minutes.

Measures

includes ranges, means, and standard deviations for our main individual- and neighborhood- level variables. Of note, skewness values for all neighborhood-level variables were within +/− 1 and skewness values were within +/− 1.6 for all individual-level variables.

Neighborhood-Level Variables

Geocoding was based on participants' residential address at the fourth wave of data collection (year: 1997) and was linked to 1990 U.S. census data (note: analyses were also conducted linking addresses to 2000 U.S. census data and findings remained consistent). Seventy-four percent of participants had been living in the same neighborhood for at least the previous three study waves. Four neighborhood-level characteristics were assessed at the block group level (n = 118; average of 5 participants per block group): percent of African American residents, residential stability, neighborhood poverty rate, and neighborhood unemployment rate. Percent of African American residents represented the percent of the population in the block group that was African American. Residential stability was the percent of householders in the block group who had lived in their residence for over 5 years. Neighborhood poverty rate denoted the percent of families in the block group with income below the poverty level. Neighborhood unemployment rate was the percent of the labor force population in the block group who were unemployed.

Individual-Level Variables

Data Analytic Strategy

After examining basic correlations between our variables of interest and computing intraclass correlations (ICCs) to determine whether multilevel modeling was appropriate, we proceeded to test our multilevel path model using Mplus 6 software (employing full information maximum likelihood estimation to address a limited amount of missing data; Muthén & Muthén, 2010). Building on Muthén and Asparouhov's (2008) multilevel structural equation modeling mathematical framework, Preacher et al. (2010) have advanced a multilevel structural equation modeling (MSEM) framework for testing multilevel indirect effects. MSEM is a novel statistical approach that allows investigators to disentangle within- and between-group effects and test the significance of indirect effects occurring at the group level. Given that our analyses included nested data (individuals nested within neighborhoods) and our primary interest was in how neighborhood characteristics (Level 2 variables) predicted participants' mental health outcomes (Level 1 variables) via participants' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion (both measured at Level 1), it was critical that we employed an approach that allowed us to isolate the between-group indirect effects. We did not group-mean center any of our variables because MSEM implicitly partitions each Level 1 variable into within and between components. We did not create latent factors because our main predictor variables were all based on U.S. census reports and our remaining study variables were all derived from scales with good internal reliability. Hence, our primary analysis could best be described as a multilevel path analysis testing both direct and indirect effects of neighborhood characteristics on adolescents' mental health outcomes.

Given low to moderate correlations among our neighborhood-level predictors (correlations ranged from −.04 to .49), the small number of neighborhood factors in our model, and our fairly large sample, we felt comfortable including all of these neighborhood-level variables in our model as predictors. Correlations among predictor variables in the low to moderate range are not likely to bias coefficient estimates and researchers suggest that correlations among predictor variables under .5 typically pose minimal threats to the accuracy of statistical tests ( Grewal, Cote, & Baumgartner, 2004). Our statistical model included direct and indirect paths from all of our neighborhood-level predictors to our two mental health outcome variables via adolescents' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. Our model also included correlations between all of our neighborhood-level predictor variables, and correlated error terms between social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion and correlated error terms between anxiety and depressive symptoms. Furthermore, we added gender, family SES, family structure, and wave 1 symptoms of depression and anxiety as predictors of participants' social support, perceived neighborhood cohesion, and wave 4 symptoms of depression and anxiety. We used standard goodness of fit indices including the chi-square value, comparative fit index (CFI), and the root mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA) to evaluate our models ( Klem, 2000). We also evaluated our models based on the significance of the path coefficients with a primary focus on path coefficients corresponding to between-group effects.

Results

Correlations among study variables are shown in . The correlations were all in the directions we hypothesized; however, not all of these associations were statistically significant. Nevertheless, the correlations supported our theoretical model and demonstrated potential for testing our path model. Analysis of scatter plots did not show evidence of non-linear associations. ICCs indicated that 7% of the variance in social support and 10% of the variance in perceptions of neighborhood cohesion could be explained by neighborhood-level differences. Additionally, 5% of the variance in depressive symptoms and 4% of the variance in anxiety symptoms could be explained by differences across neighborhoods. These ICCs justified the use of a multilevel approach that could both account for dependency among nested observations and test group-level indirect effects. Our path model fit the data well. Although the chi-square test indicated a significant difference between the covariance structure implied by our model and the covariance structure of the observed data, this statistic is easily influenced by sample size ( Browne & Cudeck, 1993). Therefore, we considered several other fit indices that are less susceptible to sample size to determine model fit. The CFI and RMSEA both indicated acceptable fit: CFI = .97, RMSEA = .05 (95% CI: .03, .06).

Table 2

shows the unstandardized coefficients and standard errors for the statistically significant paths of interest at the between-group level. Percent African American residents in the neighborhood predicted higher levels of cumulative social support ( b = 1.15, SE = .57, p < .05) and greater perceptions of neighborhood cohesion ( b = .64, SE = .28, p < .05) among participants. Percent of residentially stable residents in the neighborhood also predicted higher levels of social support ( b = 1.22, SE = .49, p < .05) and greater perceptions of neighborhood cohesion ( b = .75, SE = .34, p < .05) among adolescents. In contrast, neighborhood poverty rate predicted less social support ( b = −1.02, SE = .45, p < .05), and neighborhood unemployment rate predicted reduced perceptions of neighborhood cohesion ( b = −.48, SE = .22, p < .05).

At the between-group level, adolescents' cumulative social support was negatively related to symptoms of depression ( b = −.32, SE = .14, p < .05). In addition, adolescents' perceptions of their neighborhoods as cohesive and supportive related to fewer symptoms of depression ( b = −.20, SE = .09, p < .05) and anxiety ( b = −.18, SE = .07, p < .05). Our analyses at the within-group level also demonstrated salubrious effects of social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion on depressive and anxiety symptoms; however, these within-group effects cannot be attributed to neighborhood level processes and consequently cannot be used as evidence in support of our hypotheses.

Although we did not find support for direct effects of our neighborhood-level variables on our mental health outcome variables, we did find support for indirect effects via adolescents' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion at the between-group level. Specifically, we found significant indirect effects of percent African American residents in the neighborhood on adolescents' depressive symptoms via adolescents' social support (unstandardized indirect effect = −.37, SE = .16, p < .05) and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion (unstandardized indirect effect = −.13, SE = .06, p < .05), as well as indirect effects of percent African American residents in the neighborhood on adolescents' anxiety symptoms via adolescents' perceptions of neighborhood cohesion (unstandardized indirect effect = −.12, SE = .05, p < .05). Similarly, the percent of residentially stable neighborhood residents indirectly predicted adolescents' depressive symptoms through adolescents' social support (unstandardized indirect effect = −.39, SE = .19, p < .05) and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion (unstandardized indirect effect = −.15, SE = .06, p < .05) and indirectly predicted adolescents' symptoms of anxiety via their perceptions of neighborhood cohesion (unstandardized indirect effect = −.14, SE = .06, p < .05). Neighborhood poverty rate was indirectly related to adolescents' depressive symptoms via adolescents' social support (unstandardized indirect effect = .33, SE = .15, p < .05) and neighborhood unemployment rate related to adolescents' symptoms of depression and anxiety through adolescents' perceptions of neighborhood cohesion (unstandardized indirect effect = .10, SE = .04, p < .05 and unstandardized indirect effect = .09, SE = .04, p < .05, respectively).

Discussion

Overall, study findings supported our hypotheses. Although we did not find direct effects of our neighborhood-level variables on adolescents' mental health outcomes, we did find significant indirect effects linking residence in communities with more African American and residentially stable residents with fewer symptoms of depression and anxiety among African American adolescent residents. We also found indirect effects connecting residence in communities with higher poverty and unemployment rates with more depressive and anxiety symptoms among participants. Historically, researchers have not assessed indirect pathways in the absence of direct or total effects ( Baron & Kenny, 1986); however, a direct or total effect is not a necessary prerequisite for testing indirect effects ( Hayes, 2009; Shrout & Bolger, 2002). Neighborhood factors likely exert their influence on adolescents' mental health outcomes through multiple, complex, indirect pathways, some of which may operate in opposite directions. Informed by theory and previous research, we focused on two potential intervening variables. There are undoubtedly many other variables that could transmit the effects of neighborhood-level processes on adolescents' psychological distress. Our specific focus on social support and adolescents' perceptions of neighborhood cohesion allowed us to advance our understanding of these specific pathways; however, the absence of direct effects of our neighborhood-level variables on adolescents' symptoms of depression and anxiety suggests that there are likely other variables that we did not include in our model that also transmit the effects of our neighborhood-level variables on adolescents' psychological health (e.g., residents' perceived safety, sense of control, or levels of family conflict).

Our findings suggesting detrimental indirect effects of neighborhood poverty and unemployment rates on adolescents' mental health are consistent with theory and previous research. This study builds on previous research by examining how these structural neighborhood attributes may contribute to adolescents' mental health problems by reducing their social resources and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. We found that higher neighborhood poverty rates related to more depressive symptoms by potentially decreasing adolescents' cumulative social support. Also, higher neighborhood unemployment rates predicted more symptoms of anxiety and depression through reduced perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. These findings support neighborhood disadvantage theories that postulate breakdowns in social relationships as a result of neighborhood economic disadvantage ( Massey & Denton, 1993; Sampson & Groves, 1989).

Adolescents who resided in more impoverished neighborhoods reported lower total levels of social support. Thus, experiencing higher levels of neighborhood poverty may cause residents to withdraw from their communities and consequently, receive less support from other residents. Parents may feel less able to support their own children due to their limited support in the greater community, and adolescents also may feel less able to seek out and receive support from important others in their lives (i.e., parents, peers, and nonparental adults). In light of the negative association between social support and depressive symptoms, these findings suggest that theories of social disorganization are not just important for understanding neighborhood effects on social deviance, but also may be relevant for considering neighborhood effects on mental health.

Moreover, residing in a neighborhood with a higher unemployment rate was associated with lower perceptions of neighborhood cohesion suggesting that exposure to more unemployed adults in one's neighborhood may affect how adolescents feel about their neighborhoods. Higher neighborhood unemployment rates may be indicative of fewer working- or middle-class adult residents who are invested in their communities and actively contributing to neighborhood social capital ( Wilson, 2009). With fewer adult neighbors creating and maintaining neighborhood cohesion, adolescents may feel less supported by the residents of their neighborhoods and subsequently more anxious and depressed. These findings underscore the associations between neighborhood structural attributes and residents' perceptions of their neighborhoods, as well as building on previous findings linking neighborhood structural characteristics to adolescents' mental health outcomes via adolescents' perceptions of their neighborhoods ( Aneshensel & Sucoff, 1996; Latkin & Curry, 2003; Ross & Mirowsky, 2009).

Our findings related to the health-promoting indirect effects of neighborhood residential stability on urban, African American adolescents' psychological health were in line with our hypotheses. As expected, adolescents living in neighborhoods with higher levels of residential stability reported more social support and greater perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. These findings support the notion that residentially stable neighbors are more likely to invest in social relationships in their neighborhoods ( Sampson et al., 1997). This may be a case where the additional investment of some residents translates into added benefits for all neighborhood residents. As individual residents feel more supported by their larger community, they may be better able to lend support to others. Thus, higher residential stability may make social support more available and accessible to African American adolescent residents, in turn, decreasing their risk of depression.

Living in a neighborhood with a higher percentage of African American residents also yielded salubrious indirect effects on adolescents' psychological health. As we predicted, African American adolescents residing in neighborhoods with a higher percentage of African American residents reported more total social support and perceived their neighborhoods as more supportive and cohesive. These findings are consistent with previous work indicating higher levels of communalism ( Boykin et al., 1997) and a greater emphasis on intergenerational relationships ( Klaw et al., 2003; Stack, 1974; Stewart, 2007) within the African American community. Therefore, it is not surprising that a greater proportion of African American residents in one's neighborhood was related to reports of more total social support (and consequently, fewer symptoms of depression) and a greater sense of neighborhood cohesion (and subsequently, fewer symptoms of depression and anxiety) among African American adolescent residents. This is one of the first studies to consider the potential psychosocial benefits of residing in neighborhoods with a greater proportion of African American residents and provides an alternative perspective to scientific thought regarding the detrimental effects of living in predominantly African American, low-income, urban neighborhoods.

Of note, disentangling the effects of neighborhood racial composition and neighborhood economic disadvantage has proven difficult in previous research given high correlations between the percentage of African American residents and indicators of neighborhood economic disadvantage. A benefit of the current study was the relatively lower correlations between neighborhood racial composition and indicators of neighborhood economic disadvantage (i.e., poverty and unemployment rates). Given that these correlations (though positive) were relatively small, we were able to include them in our model as independent predictors of our intervening and outcome variables. This approach allowed us to identify the contrasting effects of neighborhood economic disadvantage and residence in neighborhoods with higher concentrations of African American residents on African American adolescents' psychosocial outcomes.

Notably, researchers who have investigated the effects of housing mobility and neighborhood desegregation programs (programs that aim to deconcentrate neighborhood poverty by relocating low-income, African American and Latino families from impoverished, predominantly Black or Latino, urban neighborhoods to more affluent, predominantly White suburbs) have reported less informal contact among adults and subsequently more symptoms of depression and anxiety among African American and Latino youth who were relocated in comparison to their counterparts who remained in the same neighborhoods ( Fauth, Leventhal, & Brooks-Gunn, 2007). These findings suggest that African American families may have more informal interactions with their neighbors when residing in their predominantly Black, low-income, urban neighborhoods that are lost when they are relocated to predominantly White, middle-class suburbs. Furthermore, this loss of informal contact may contribute to more mental health problems among relocated children and adolescents. Our findings are consistent with the notion that neighborhoods with greater concentrations of African American and residentially stable residents may facilitate greater neighborhood cohesion and supportive ties, and thus, promote improved psychological well-being among African American youth residents. Therefore, the findings of the current study coupled with those reported by Fauth et al. (2007) suggest that policies aimed at improving the resources and economic opportunities in existing economically disadvantaged, predominantly African American neighborhoods may hold the most promise for creating more supportive communities that bolster African American adolescents' psychological health.

Collectively, the results of the current study indicate that neighborhood effects may be more likely to operate through more proximal influences as opposed to exerting a direct effect on adolescents' mental health. This is consistent with the notion that neighborhood effects tend to be largely transmitted through community- and family-level processes ( Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). Our findings suggest that additional inquiry into the ways in which neighborhoods shape adolescents' social capital and the associations between neighborhood structural attributes and adolescents' perceptions of their neighborhoods may be useful in furthering our understanding of the pathways through which adolescents are affected by their neighborhoods.

In addition, study results suggest that neighborhoods may exert positive and negative influences on adolescents' psychological outcomes. In light of the weak to moderate correlations between the neighborhood characteristics included in our study, our findings suggest that neighborhoods are complex ecologies with co-occurring attributes that differentially relate to adolescents' outcomes. The co-existence of neighborhood attributes that may contribute to risk and neighborhood attributes that may promote resilience belie the labeling of neighborhoods as bad or good and suggest that densely poor neighborhoods may possess a number of redeeming qualities that promote the mental well-being of adolescent residents. Programs and policies that are able to both reinforce health-promoting neighborhood attributes while addressing neighborhood factors that contribute to risk may be most effective in improving the quality of life of neighborhood residents.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research

Several study limitations must be noted. Although our findings of significant indirect effects of neighborhood characteristics on adolescents' symptoms of depression and anxiety indicate an association between neighborhood factors measured at the census level and youth outcomes measured at the individual level, it is important to note that our intervening and outcome variables were both measured at the individual level, introducing the possibility of shared method variance. It is possible, for example, that adolescents who are more depressed are more likely to perceive their neighborhoods negatively or withdraw from social relationships. To account for this possibility, we included previous symptoms of depression and anxiety as predictors of both intervening and outcome variables. Our findings persisted after including these variables in our model, suggesting that social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion were affected by structural attributes of adolescents' neighborhoods, and adolescents' experiences of social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion influenced their mental health. Furthermore, our statistical analysis allowed us to isolate the neighborhood-level indirect effects. Their significance lends further support to the notion that neighborhoods exerted an effect on adolescents' mental health outcomes via adolescents' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. An alternative strategy would have been to collect data on social relationships and neighborhood cohesion from other sources. Although this alternate approach addresses issues of shared method variance and is of value, taking a phenomenological approach to better understand adolescents' subjective perceptions of neighborhood cohesion and sense of support is also a worthy approach ( Aneshensel & Sucoff, 1996; Latkin & Curry, 2003; Ross & Mirowsky, 2009).

As is common with almost all studies of neighborhood effects, there is the possibility of selection bias ( Tienda, 1991). Though we are not able to completely rule out this possibility, we controlled for family-level socioeconomic status and family structure in our models as these variables may have influenced neighborhood selection. Another possible limitation is the possibility that the adults and peers adolescents were receiving support from did not reside in their neighborhoods. Older adolescents are increasingly mobile and may be more likely to form relationships outside of their neighborhoods. Nevertheless, at the least, our findings may reflect an increased ability to seek out and receive support from others both within and outside their neighborhood among youth who live in neighborhoods with higher rates of residential stability and greater concentrations of African Americans. These communities may be more supportive and communal and may teach youth the skills they need to garner support from others. This is underscored by our finding that youth in these types of neighborhoods perceived their neighborhoods as more supportive and cohesive.

In the present study, we were interested in advancing our understanding of the potential of a variety of neighborhood factors to shape adolescents' cumulative experiences of social support. Thus, we standardized and compiled measures of support from various sources. Use of a measure that was designed to assess participants' cumulative support experiences would have been preferable. Nevertheless, prior to creating our cumulative variable, we found that support from mothers, fathers, peers, and the presence of a natural mentor were all correlated with our predictor and outcome variables in similar ways. Therefore, we felt that combining these measures was appropriate. Although considering differential pathways from neighborhood factors to adolescents' internalizing symptoms via support from each different source was beyond the scope of this study, future research that explores these pathways separately (as opposed to cumulatively) may highlight nuances that were not investigated in the current study.

Given some of the unique attributes of participants in this study and their neighborhoods, these findings may not generalize to other groups of youth living in different types of neighborhoods. Participants in the current study were African American late adolescents residing in urban neighborhoods. Approximately half of the study participants resided in neighborhoods where over 30% of neighborhood families had incomes below the poverty level and average unemployment rate across neighborhoods was 10%. Unfortunately, these neighborhood characteristics are not unlike neighborhoods in other urban centers across the United States where dense concentrations of African American youth can be found. Therefore, though not generalizable to all youth, our findings may be relevant for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers in other urban, impoverished settings. As noted above, we did not find strong correlations among our various neighborhood-level variables (e.g., percent of African American residents and neighborhood poverty rate). These lower correlations suggest that these neighborhoods may be somewhat less likely to demonstrate patterns of segregation as a function of race and class in comparison to other urban cities in the U.S. While this provided a unique opportunity for us to explore differential associations between these variables and our intervening and outcome variables, these lower correlations in comparison to those found in previous neighborhood studies may be indicative of the uniqueness of the neighborhoods included in our study and further limit our ability to make generalizations from this study's findings.

The current study included older adolescent participants. We expected these youth to be affected by their neighborhoods indirectly through effects on their social relationships and also through the ways they experienced their neighborhoods. Though children and younger adolescents may have fewer direct experiences with their neighborhood community, they are probably no less likely to be indirectly affected by their neighborhood through familial and peer influences. In accordance, the field can benefit from continued research on indirect pathways of neighborhood influence on youth outcomes across all developmental stages. Longitudinal studies that test evolving neighborhood effects over time will be particularly informative, especially to the extent that they examine patterns of mobility and cumulative effects of neighborhood factors on youth outcomes. Further, beyond only assessing neighborhood effects on youths' outcomes, there is a need for studies that investigate bi-directional influences between youth and their neighborhood contexts.

In spite of these limitations, our study makes a number of valuable contributions to the study of neighborhood effects on adolescent mental health. As mentioned above, this is one of the first studies to employ a multilevel path modeling approach to test neighborhood-level indirect effects on individual-level outcomes. This approach shows promise for researchers interested in testing indirect effects across multiple levels of analysis and lends itself to the study of neighborhood effects on individuals' mental health. In addition to applying this novel statistical approach, the low to moderate correlations among our census-level variables allowed us to explore the unique influence of neighborhood level variables that have frequently been used as indicators of the same latent factor. Interestingly, we identified potentially opposing effects of these variables such that neighborhood poverty and unemployment rates appeared to detrimentally affect youth outcomes while residential stability and proportion of African American residents may have promoted more positive youth outcomes.

These findings highlight the need to consider the full range of potential effects of various neighborhood attributes on a variety of psychosocial outcomes, and advocate additional investigation into the role of neighborhood racial composition in facilitating healthy adolescent development. Our results suggest that there are benefits of disentangling the effects of neighborhood economic disadvantage (e.g., concentrated poverty) and racial composition, whenever possible, as these variables may relate differentially to individual outcomes. Lastly, we found evidence of new pathways through which neighborhoods may exert their influence on adolescents' mental health, after controlling for a variety of relevant individual and family variables. Our findings emphasize the merit of continued investigations into how distal neighborhood attributes may influence youth psychosocial outcomes via proximal forces, such as social relationships and subjective experiences of neighborhoods.

Implications

On the whole, our results point to the potential utility of interventions at the neighborhood level to promote improved mental health outcomes among urban, African American adolescents. Prevention efforts to date have relied heavily on interventions at the individual and family levels, with little to no attention paid to neighborhood contextual influences that may shape family and individual factors and indirectly affect mental health outcomes. Our results suggest that community-level interventions that address structural attributes that impede or promote social ties within the neighborhood may contribute to reduced psychological distress among urban, African American adolescents. Interventions at the community level have the potential to prevent mental health problems among larger segments of the population and have the added benefit of yielding sustainable results. Large-scale interventions, such as identifying or creating access to nearby employment opportunities, have the potential to reduce rates of neighborhood poverty and unemployment while simultaneously reinforcing residential stability. Results of our study indicate that these changes may foster more caring neighborhood settings that could help prevent mental health problems among adolescent residents.

Additionally, our results indicate that economically disadvantaged neighborhoods may also possess attributes that promote the well-being of youth residents. Consistent with findings that neighborhood mobility programs and policies may disrupt urban, low-income, ethnic minority residents' social ties, resulting in decreased mental health among relocated adolescents ( Fauth et al., 2007), we found that the African American adolescents in our study may have reaped social support benefits from living in neighborhoods with higher rates of residential stability and greater concentrations of African Americans and that these benefits may have translated into reduced psychological distress. Taken together, our findings suggest that public and private efforts to invest in urban, economically disadvantaged, predominantly African American communities by creating additional economic opportunities and promoting neighborhood stabilization may hold the most promise for improving the psychological well-being of young, urban, African American residents.

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, Grant No. DA07484 to the third author. We thank the youth for participating in this study and the Flint Community Schools for their support. We also thank the four anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on previous versions of this manuscript.

Contributor Information

Noelle M Hurd, University of Virginia.

Sarah A Stoddard, University of Michigan.

Marc A Zimmerman, University of Michigan.

References

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Neighborhoods, Social Support, and African American Adolescents' Mental Health Outcomes: A Multilevel Path Analysis

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This study explored how neighborhood characteristics may relate to African American adolescents' internalizing symptoms via adolescents' social support and perceptions of neighborhood cohesion. Participants included 571 urban, African American adolescents (52% female; M age = 17.8). A multilevel path analysis testing both direct and indirect effects of neighborhood characteristics on adolescents' mental health outcomes was conducted.

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9.6 Discussion: Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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9.6 Discussion: Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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Psych 110_ Resources and Questions for Critical Analysis Project 

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1. State the most important thing that you learned from this unit's readings and how it has deepened your understanding of Black male and female interpersonal and close relationships. The most important thing that I've learned from this units reading is

2. How do long-standing stereotypes in the media of African American females being portrayed as property (i.e. in rap videos etc.) affect the psyche of those seeing these images and the African American woman's dating prospects? Long standing stereotypes in the media of African American females being portrayed as property

3. What factors are contributing to the rising number of single Black unmarried females? The factors that are contributing to the rising number of single black unmarried females

4. Why is there a stigma in the African American community against the LGBTQ community? There is a stigma in the African American community against the LGBTQ community because

5. Find one resource that helps you understand these themes and post it to your padlet. State the resources' significance to this unit's material.  This resource is significant to the units material because