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Fees, assistance, awards and scholarships

Find out your child's monthly fees, eligibility for financial assistance schemes, awards and merit-based scholarships.

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Financial matters: Fees, assistance, awards and scholarships

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Find out your child's monthly fees, eligibility for financial assistance schemes, awards and merit-based scholarships.

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https://www.workfare.gov.sg/Pages/WIS.aspx

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WIS encourages eligible workers to work and build up their CPF savings for their retirement, housing and healthcare needs, by supplementing their income and retirement savings through cash payments and CPF contributions.

See how WIS benefits you as ...

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WIS encourages eligible workers to work and build up their CPF savings for their retirement, housing and healthcare needs, by supplementing their income and retirement savings through cash payments and CPF contributions. See how WIS benefits you as ...

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https://www.gstvoucher.gov.sg/Pages/index.aspx

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https://www.gov.sg/article/concessions-for-everyone

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Over 1 in 2 Singaporeans enjoy concessionary fares, which is an estimated two million commuters that enjoy public transport at discounted rates.

These concessions ensure that getting around the island is affordable for different groups of Singaporeans to travel when they like, as they like with ease.

Singapore has been investing heavily in the public transport system to make it more convenient, reliable and accessible. Over the past few years, the Government has made the following improvements, including:
- Adding 99 new MRT trains;
- Introducing 1,000 new buses and 80 new bus routes;
- Building more than 200km of covered walkways.

Improving our public transport system sustainably
These investments and work will continue in order to enhance Singapore's public transport system. By 2030, you will be able to reach your nearest neighbourhood centre in less than 20 minutes by walking, cycling or riding. It will also take no more than 45 minutes to complete most peak-period journeys. Travel will be more inclusive and barrier-free to aid commuters of all ages.
All these improvements bring some costs with them. With rising energy prices, increasing operating and maintenance costs, the gap between fares and costs have been widening. Over the next five years, the Government is expected to put in close to $1 billion to renew rail operating assets, and another $1 billion to subsidise bus operations every year.

For a more sustainable public transport system, there is a need to balance rising operating costs and ensuring affordable fares for all.

Many groups, including senior citizens, persons with disabilities and students, will receive more support through discounted fares and monthly concession passes. Take a look at this list to see what concessions you are eligible for:

In spite of rising operation costs, the Government is committed to making public transport accessible and affordable for all.

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Concessions for everyone - making discounts count

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Over 1 in 2 Singaporeans enjoy concessionary fares, which is an estimated two million commuters that enjoy public transport at discounted rates. These concessions ensure that getting around the island is affordable for different groups of Singaporeans to travel when they like, as they like with ease.

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https://www.moh.gov.sg/cost-financing/healthcare-schemes-subsidies/medifund

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MediFund is an endowment fund set up by the Government. It provides a safety net for patients who face financial difficulties with their remaining bills after receiving Government subsidies and drawing on other means of payment including MediShield Life, MediSave and cash.

MediFund Silver and MediFund Junior are carved out from MediFund to provide more targeted assistance for the needy elderly and the young respectively.

As an endowment fund, interest income generated from the capital sum are allocated to approved healthcare institutions , for them to assist with the medical bill payments of needy patients.

Expand All | Collapse All

Who is Eligible?

What are the Benefits?

How can I apply?

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MediFund is an endowment fund set up by the Government. It provides a safety net for patients who face financial difficulties with their remaining bills after receiving Government subsidies and drawing on other means of payment including MediShield Life, MediSave and cash.

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https://www.gov.sg/article/how-government-keeps-healthcare-costs-affordable-in-face-of-rising-global-healthcare-costs

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Keeping the costs of healthcare low is a challenge for countries around the world. According to the World Health Organization, government spending in healthcare has grown faster than the rest of the economy. This is in part due to rising economic growth and technological advances.

Singapore’s population is aging rapidly, with nearly half of the population projected to be at least 65 years old by 2050. And while preventive measures such as staying healthy and eating well can help to stave off chronic illnesses in the long term, the Government has also put in place measures to keep healthcare costs affordable for all Singaporeans.

For all Singaporeans

The Government ensures that all Singaporeans are well-protected against ill health and large medical costs by setting up four lines of defence before and in the event that you fall ill and require treatment.

1. Subsidies

The first line of defence is subsidies. Hospitalisation, outpatient care and long-term care are heavily subsidised.

You can get subsidies of up to 80% for your hospitalisation bill at public hospitals (B2/C wards). Regardless of the ward you choose, the quality of care is the same.

2. Insurance

The second line of defence is insurance, which protects Singaporeans against unexpected healthcare costs.

MediShield Life provides all Singaporeans with health insurance coverage for life, regardless of age, health condition and pre-existing conditions. It helps to pay for large hospitalisation bills and selected costly outpatient treatments, such as dialysis and chemotherapy.

CareShield Life, which will be rolled out from mid-2020, provides cash payouts for individuals with severe disability, for life.

3. MediSave

The third line of defence is MediSave, where the Government helps all Singaporeans save up for a rainy day.

Set aside monthly from a part of your salary, your MediSave savings can help pay for surgery, hospitalisation, health screenings, medical insurance, severe disability (from mid-2020) and more – for you and your immediate family members.

4. Safety Nets

The fourth line of defence is our safety nets.

MediFund is a safety net for Singaporean patients who have financial difficulties with their remaining bills, after Government subsidies and drawing on other means of payment including MediShield Life, MediSave and cash.

From 2020, ElderFund will help the severely disabled but who have financial difficulties.

What happens if you have a chronic condition, e.g. high blood pressure or diabetes, and need regular treatment?

Good news, the Community Health Assist Scheme, or CHAS, now covers all Singaporeans with selected chronic conditions, regardless of income!

Treatment and medication costs at polyclinics and public Specialist Outpatient Clinics (SOCs) are also heavily subsidised, through means-testing and based on age, by up to 75% at the polyclinics and up to 70% at the public SOCs. Pioneer Generation and Merdeka Generation seniors also receive additional special subsidies.

For families that need further help

On top of the subsidies and defences that all Singaporeans get, lower-income families get additional help from the Government.

Lower- to-middle-income families get up to 50% subsidies on their MediShield Life premiums. Those who still cannot afford their premiums can apply for Additional Premium Support.

From 1 Nov 2019, Singaporeans with selected chronic conditions, regardless of their income, will benefit from be eligible for CHAS.

The new CHAS Green card provides up to $160 in annual subsidies for selected chronic conditions.

CHAS Blue and Orange cardholders also get higher subsidies at CHAS GPs. CHAS Orange cardholders will now get subsidies for common illnesses of up to $10 per visit, as well as up to $80 subsidy per visit (up from $75) for complex chronic illnesses, capped at $320 per year (up from $300). CHAS Blue cardholders get up to $125 subsidy per visit (up from $120) for complex chronic illnesses, capped at $500 per year (up from $480).

If you are severely disabled, aged 30 and above and need financial help, you can apply for ElderFund from 2020 to receive monthly cash payouts.

If you still have difficulty affording your medical bills, MediFund will provide discretionary financial assistance.

Click on for Sherwan's story on how subsidies, MediShield Life and MediSave helped his family with his father's hospital bills.

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How the Government keeps healthcare costs affordable in the face of rising global healthcare costs

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PM Lee: No one will be denied medical healthcare in Singapore because they cannot afford it

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MoneySmart.Sg - Tips, tricks and uncommon wisdom to help you get more out of your money

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If you're buying an HDB flat in Singapore for the first time, you're just beginning to realise how much it costs to live in what is essentially a tiny space in the sky. Fortunately there are HDB grants to help those of us who aren't exactly rolling in cash.

HDB grants are technically CPF housing grants, since they are disbursed in the form of CPF top ups and have to be returned to your CPF when you sell the flat. Still, that's not gonna stop most Singaporeans from seeing them as "free money" or "gahmen give discount".

The thing is, these grants are a confusing bunch, with different conditions to fulfil before you can qualify. This article breaks down the requirements and how you can get as much as you can qualify for.

Contents

1. HDB grants (CPF housing grants) at a glance

2. Enhanced CPF Housing Grant - for HDB BTO & resale

3. Family Grant (HDB Resale Grant) - for resale HDB

4. Proximity Housing Grant - for resale HDB

5. Family Grant - for executive condo

6. How do HDB grants factor into your housing options

7. Things to note about HDB grants

TL;DR: HDB grants (CPF housing grants) at a glance

CPF (or HDB) Housing Grants are given to lower- and middle-income families to help make their home purchases more affordable.

The grants will be fully credited into an applicant's CPF Ordinary Account after flat booking, and be used to offset the purchase price of the flat, hence lowering the home loan amount required.

Assuming you're applying for an HDB flat as a couple , you're both Singapore citizens , and are first time buyers , this is an overview of HDB grants available for different housing types:

Totalling it up, this is the maximum grant you can get for the different flat types, assuming you qualify for all:

HDB BTO grant: EHG = up to $80,000 (also applies to sale of balance flats too)

HDB resale grant: EHG + Family Grant + PHG = up to $160,000

EC grant: Family Grant = $5,000 to $30,000

1. HDB BTO & resale grant: Enhanced CPF Housing Grant (EHG)

The Enhanced CPF Housing Grant is a catch-all HDB grant that is meant to help all local lower- to middle-class couples afford a home. It's applicable to all HDB BTO and HDB resale flats and there is no restriction on flat size or estate. Woohoo!

Who is it for: Singaporean couples/families earning $9,000 or less per month, calculated as average household income across the past 12 months. At least one applicant has to be working for at least a year.

HDB flat eligibility: Both new (BTO/ sale of balance ) and resale flats are eligible. For resale flats, the remaining lease must be at least 30 years.

Grant amount: From $5,000 to $80,000. The grant amount is inversely proportionate to your household income, so the less you earn, the more you get.

What about singles? Singles aged 35 applying for a resale HDB flat are eligible for EHG if you earn less than $4,500 per month. The grant amount is halved, so you can get between $2,500 to $40,000.

What about foreigners? Under the Non-Citizen Spouse Scheme, Singapore citizens who are married to foreigners qualify for the singles' grant. You can get up to $40,000 in grants depending on your household income. The only difference is that you would qualify from age 21 (instead of the usual 35, for singles).

2. HDB resale flat grant: Family Grant

Buying an HDB resale flat tends to be more expensive than a BTO, but first-time HDB applicants get a significant one-off Family Grant as a "discount". You can stack the Family Grant together with the EHG (above) to make HDB resale flats a lot more affordable.

Who is it for: First-timer couples or families buying a resale flat. The combined income ceiling for couples is $14,000. If you're applying together with more family members, such as with your parents, the household income ceiling is $21,000.

HDB flat eligibility: Any resale flat, 2-room and larger.

Grant amount: For couples/families who are all Singapore citizens, the Family Grant is either $50,000 (2- to 4-room flat) or $40,000 (5-room and up) . If applying as a citizen-PR couple, you get $10,000 less, but you can get it back later on if the PR converts into citizen or if you have a child.

What about singles? There's a singles version of this, known as the Singles Grant for singles aged 35 years and above earning less than $7,000 per month. As with the EHG, the income ceiling and grant amounts are halved. The Singles Grant is $25,000 (2- to 4-room) or $20,000 (5-room or bigger).

What about foreigners? Citizen-foreigner couples are eligible for the same Singles Grant just mentioned. Your gross monthly household income must not exceed $14,000.

3. HDB resale flat grant: Proximity Housing Grant (PHG)

There are lots of advantages to living with or near your parents. They can look after your young children. They can sign for deliveries that come during the day while you're out at work. They can tell your spouse how to be a better child-in-law.
Okay, that last one might not be an advantage...
If you have an okay relationship with the folks, consider the can be stacked with the EHG Proximity Housing Grant (PHG) when shopping for a resale flat. You can get this grant as long as you stay within 4km of them. PHG and Family Grant, which stretches your dollar when it comes to buying a resale flat.

Who is it for: HDB resale flat buyers living with OR within 4km of their parents. It also applies to older couples who want to move closer to their married children. There is no income ceiling and you do not have to be a first-time applicant.

HDB flat eligibility: Any resale HDB flat (2-room or bigger) as long as the lease has at least 20 years left. (Note: The parents' / married children's home need not be HDB flat; it can be private property too.) This is a one-time grant.

Grant amount: $20,000 if you live within 4km radius of your parents/married children. Or get $30,000 if you apply to live together as an extended family.

What about singles? Don't worry, the Proximity Housing Grant applies to filial singles aged 35 years and above too. As with all the other grants, you get half the grant amount ($10,000 within 4km, or $15,000 to live with your parents). Not a bad reward for ensuring you can always go visit your parents for dinner whenever you feel like it.

4. HDB executive condominium (EC) grant: Family Grant

First-time HDB buyers benefit from a Family Grant when they buy an EC, although it's less than what you would get for a resale flat.

Who is it for: First-time housing applicants applying for an executive condo as a couple or family unit, with a household income ceiling of $12,000. If one of you is a first-timer and the other is a second-timer applicant, you can also qualify for the "Half Housing Grant", which is basically half of the Family Grant.

HDB flat eligibility: ECs of any type, when bought directly from the developer. You can apply for the Family Grant at the point of booking your EC unit.

Grant amount: Assuming the buyers are both Singapore citizens, you can get $10,000 to $30,000, depending on your income. For citizen-PR households, the grant is $10,000 less, which you can get "refunded" later if you have a child or the PR converts into a citizen.

What about singles? Erm... Sorry, singles are not even allowed to buy brand new ECs, at least on your own. You have to apply jointly with another single. And of course, both of you must be at least 35. However, there's no grant available if you do so.

Examples of HDB grants in action...

Let's say you and your fiancee (straight couple, both citizens) are fresh grads, have been working for a year, and command a princely $6,000 a month in combined salaries.

This is the best time to apply for an HDB flat since your income is at its all-time low, so you qualify for all public housing types and for most grants. Here's how the HDB grants factor into your options:

Now let's consider another couple who are a few years into their careers and earning a combined $9,000 a month. Perhaps at this point, they may be considering only HDB flats in the more prestigious "top school" locations, which impacts the price of the properties:

As you can see, the stacked HDB grants close the gap between HDB BTOs and resale flats.

Important things to know about CPF housing grants

There are just 3 quick points we need to make:

1. You have to return all HDB grants to your CPF with interest

HDB grants aren't discounts. Instead, the grant money is credited into your CPF OA, and then deducted for your home downpayment.

So once you sell your flat, you'll need to pay back any grants back into your CPF, including accrued interest of 2.5% per year. (Same rule applies to whatever CPF savings you used to pay for the flat downpayment or mortgage.)

Theoretically, this isn't a big deal since you can use your CPF OA savings on your next home. But there's a clause saying that if you got more than $30,000 in grants, the remainder will be get diverted to your SA, RA, or Medisave.

2. You can't use the grants to skip out on your downpayment or monthly repayment

All the HDB grants are used to subsidise the initial purchase price - you cannot use it to avoid making any home loan repayments.

If you have taken out a bank loan, you will need to pay 5% of the purchase price in cash. You can't use the grants to pay that portion. You also can't use the grants to offset entire monthly repayments.

If you're trying to decide between taking an HDB loan or bank loan , you can easily speak to MoneySmart's Mortgage Specialists to figure out which makes more financial sense for you.

3. You may need to pay a resale levy when buying a new property

If you buy a new HDB flat or receive a CPF Housing Grant, you will need to pay a resale levy if you plan to buy another new HDB flat or a new EC unit. This is the government's way of ensuring you don't enjoy too many property subsidies in your lifetime.

The amount of the resale levy is based on the size of your first HDB flat. There is no resale levy if you buy a resale flat or private property.
Know someone who needs a crash course on HDB grants? Share this article with them.

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HDB Grants Guide 2022: How Much CPF Housing Grant Can You Get?

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If you're buying an HDB flat in Singapore for the first time, you're just beginning to realise how much it costs to live in what is essentially a tiny space in the sky. Fortunately there are HDB grants to help those of us who aren't exactly rolling in cash.

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Watch the 2 videos to understand the context of our discussion.

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Watch the 2 videos to understand the context of our discussion.

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How Wide Is The Class Divide? | Regardless Of Class | CNA Insider

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https://www.channelnewsasia.com/singapore/budget-2022-debate-workfare-workers-wages-tan-see-leng-2529246

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Dr Tan said that there may be some workers who want to work more but are unable to earn S$500 per month due to personal circumstances. For people with disabilities and ComCare recipients, concessionary Workfare payouts will be provided.

"For workers who are earning less than S$500, the best way to help them is to help them find a job of the appropriate quality and quantity of working hours to earn at least $500. Then Workfare can come in to provide an additional boost," he said.

Following Dr Tan's statement, Mr Singh asked Dr Tan if he agreed that there are people who cannot work full-time, and for further clarification on what is a concessionary Workfare payout.

In response, Senior Minister of State for Manpower Zaqy Mohamad said: "If you qualify for ComCare, then automatically you will get Workfare as well even if you are a part-time worker, earning less than S$500."

Workers' Party MP Gerald Giam (WP - Aljunied) then asked if the Government had studied the best way to achieve the policy intent of getting people to work more, as the new criteria may discourage them from working instead.

To which Mr Zaqy repeated that those on Comcare will automatically qualify for Workfare.

"That differentiates our low-income workers from the casual workers who may not necessarily come from low-income households," he said.

FOREIGN WORKER POLICIES

Dr Tan also touched on upcoming adjustments to foreign work pass minimum qualifying salaries.

Businesses have expressed concerns about rising costs even as foreign worker policies are tightened, something that a number of MPs also raised in the House.

Dr Tan said that the changes announced are to ensure that Singapore "remains open to foreigners who can complement our workforce".

From September, the minimum qualifying salaries of Employment Pass applicants will go up to S$5,000 to S$5,500, with the higher mark for the financial sector.

The minimum qualifying salary of S-Pass applicants will rise to S$3,000 and is set to rise again in subsequent years.

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Workers on Comcare earning below S$500 can still get Workfare, says Manpower Minister

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SINGAPORE: A new minimum salary criterion for the Workfare Income Supplement (WIS) scheme will not apply to workers who are receiving government aid, said Manpower Minister Tan See Leng on Tuesday (Mar 1).

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https://www.mof.gov.sg/singaporebudget/resources/support-for-households

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The enhanced permanent GSTV scheme will continue to provide help for lower- to middle-income Singaporean households to defray GST expenses, beyond the transitional support provided by the Assurance Package.

At Budget 2022, the permanent GSTV scheme was enhanced by (i) raising the Assessable Income (AI) threshold from $28,000 to $34,000, (ii) increasing the GSTV - Cash quantum by up to $200, and (iii) making the Service and Conservancy Charges (S&CC) Rebate a component of the permanent GSTV scheme.

At Budget 2023, the Government announced that the GSTV - Cash quantum will be further increased, by up to $350. This increase will be implemented over 2023 and 2024.

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The enhanced permanent GSTV scheme will continue to provide help for lower- to middle-income Singaporean households to defray GST expenses, beyond the transitional support provided by the Assurance Package.

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https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/transport/about-250000-more-households-eligible-for-public-transport-vouchers-as-fares-rise-on-dec-26

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Published

December 26, 2021 at 11:15 PM

SINGAPORE - Commuters who took the bus or train on Boxing Day may not have noticed their fares had gone up by a few cents as a public transport fare hike announced last month kicked in on Sunday (Dec 26).

But for Madam Hashimah Hassan, every cent goes a long way.

The 54-year-old is a full-time caregiver to her brother, who has cerebral palsy, and her 83-year-old mother, who is wheelchair-bound.

So while she does not take public transport often, having to pay more for fares will impact her finances as she receives only about $430 each month from social assistance programmes.

Depending on distance travelled, the cost of bus and MRT trips on Sunday rose by three to four cents for adults paying their fares by card.

Concessionary fares for seniors, students, people with disabilities and low-wage workers went up by one cent, while prices for cash fares, single-trip tickets, monthly concessions and travel passes were unchanged.

Of the 10 commuters The Straits Times spoke with, five only realised that fares had gone up when interviewed by this reporter, while three said the increase was negligible as it would amount to a few dollars each month.

This was especially so since working from home has become the default due to Covid-19 and they spent less money commuting to work.

Still, the fare hike was felt by some, like Ms Siti Nurhaliza, 21, who has to pay adult fares as a part-time student who does not qualify for a concession card.

Her home is about two bus stops from the Woodlands Integrated Transport Hub and the short ride will now cost her almost a dollar.

"For me, it is not affordable," said Ms Siti, who gets $100 a month in allowance from her parents.

Sunday's fare hike was also painful for former dishwasher Lee Poh Lim, 69, who relies on the $500 in social assistance he receives each month.

After a bout of colon cancer wiped his savings and Central Provident Fund clean, finances have been tight as Mr Lee, who shares a rental flat in Pasir Ris with another tenant, has to pay for rent and utilities.

So he was relieved when he got a letter in his mailbox several days ago notifying him of a $30 public transport voucher that he can redeem from Tuesday (Dec 28).

While it will cover only a portion of the $50 that he spends on public transport each month, "any amount of money is useful to me", Mr Lee told ST.

A total of 600,000 public transport vouchers, which can be used to top up fare cards or buy monthly concession passes, have been set aside to help lower-income commuters cope with the latest fare hike.

This is the largest number of public transport vouchers issued to date.

The Public Transport Council decided to raise fares by 2.2 per cent after its annual fare revision exercise this year, citing cost pressures on public transport operators and a sharp plunge in ridership due to Covid-19.

The hike was largely the result of a fare increase that was carried over from 2020.

Public transport fares were frozen that year.

When fares were last raised in 2019, a total of 450,000 vouchers worth $50 each were made available.

To benefit more commuters this year, the income ceiling was raised so that more households would qualify for a public transport voucher.

Those with a monthly household income of $1,600 or less per person will be eligible for the voucher distribution exercise compared with the $1,200 income ceiling that was set in 2019.

This means about 250,000 more households will be eligible for the vouchers this time, the Ministry of Transport said.

This year, the public transport vouchers will be given out in three phases.

In the first phase, households that received public transport vouchers in 2019 will automatically receive a notification letter by the end of the year that will allow them to redeem the vouchers.

In the second phase, which will start from early next year, households that meet the income criteria but did not receive a voucher in the first stage can apply for it online.

Finally, households that meet the income criteria but prefer to apply in person, as well as households that need further assistance, can go to their local community centres or community clubs to make their applications.

All public transport vouchers must be redeemed by March 31, 2023.

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About 250,000 more households eligible for public transport vouchers as fares rise on Dec 26

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A total of 600,000 public transport vouchers have been set aside to help lower-income commuters cope with the latest fare hike. Read more at straitstimes.com.

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https://www.moh.gov.sg/cost-financing/healthcare-schemes-subsidies

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For Public

For Healthcare Professionals

e-Services

Who We Are

Update

The Ministry of Health (MOH) will be revising the income criteria for all schemes and services that are means-tested using the monthly per-capita household income (PCHI) criteria. The revised income criteria for affected schemes and services will be implemented by October 2019. Please click here to find out more about the current and revised income criteria for each scheme.

facility type

date of birth

citizenship

18 Schemes that may apply to you

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View all healthcare financing schemes & subsidies available in Singapore such as MediShield Life, CareShield Life, MediSave, CHAS and ElderShield.

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https://www.gov.sg/-/media/gov/features/together-every-step/infographics/pdf/housing-schemes.pdf

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Income inequality in Singapore falls to lowest level in almost two decades

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1) Research on the topic assigned.
2) Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

** Remember to acknowledge the source of the information.

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A good education starts with providing every child access to educational opportunities. There are schemes across different stages of Singapore's education system to ensure this, regardless of the child's background.

Preschool

Since January 2020, the gross monthly household income ceiling for means-tested preschool subsidies was raised to $12,000. This means more families who need it can enjoy the subsidies.

Primary and secondary
Student Care Centres (SCCs) provide care and support for students after school hours. Students from lower-income families can receive monthly subsidies for student care fees and a one-off grant to offset enrolment costs under the ComCare Student Care Fee Assistance scheme.

There are plenty of activities and programmes in primary and secondary schools for students to have a well-rounded learning experience. To make sure primary and secondary school students can get the most out of their education, students receive yearly contributions to their Edusave accounts yearly, which they can tap on for school enrichment programs.

Tertiary
There are also significant subsidies for tertiary education for Singapore Citizens. For Singaporean students from low to middle-income households, additional financial support is available in the form of government bursaries.

55,000 full-time and about 2,100 part-time Singaporean undergraduates and diploma students will benefit from enhanced bursaries for diploma and degree courses.

The enhanced Government bursaries cover up to 75% of subsidised general degree tuition fees for full-time undergraduates, and up to 95% of the subsidised tuition fees for full-time polytechnic diploma students from AY2020.

With the enhanced bursaries, an eligible full-time undergraduate qualifying for the highest bursary tier will pay tuition fees of $2,000 a year for general degree courses, down from $4,200 based on AY2019 fees, and $150 a year for polytechnic diploma programmes, down from $550 based on AY2019 fees.

For those at the polytechnics and Autonomous Universities who need more help with their education expenses, they can apply for bursaries offered by the institutions and government loans.

Part-time undergraduates from low-income households will receive a $2,500 bursary annually instead of $1,350, while part-time diploma students from low income households will receive a $800 bursary annually instead of $600.

With this, an eligible part-time student qualifying for the highest bursary tier will pay tuition fees of around $2,000 a year for general degree courses, down from $3,150 based on AY2019 fees, and $100 a year for polytechnic diploma programmes down from $300 based on AY2019 fees.

The enhancements to bursaries for tertiary students will provide greater support for Singaporeans in accessing a range of pathways to progress and pursue their aspirations, regardless of their financial background.

With these schemes and grants in place at every stage, students can get the most out of the opportunities available to them at every level of education.

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Financial support for Singaporean students at every stage of education

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A good education starts with providing every child access to educational opportunities. There are schemes across different stages of Singapore's education system to ensure this, regardless of the child's background. Preschool Since January 2020, the gross monthly household income ceiling for means-tested preschool subsidies was raised to $12,000.

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Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
Read the article / website attached.

Questions to address:
(a) What is the help given?
(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

# data[].attributes.body
The Workfare Income Supplement (WIS) scheme was introduced in 2007 to help Singaporeans improve their retirement adequacy. Workers aged 35 and above who earn an average gross monthly income of not more than $1700 and live in properties with an annual value of $13,000 or below are eligible for WIS of up to $2800 for work done.

Source:
https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/social-sciences/workfare

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6.2.5.1.4 Workfare

The Workfare Income Supplement (WIS) scheme was introduced in 2007 to help Singaporeans improve their retirement adequacy. Workers aged 35 and above who earn an average gross monthly income of not more than $1700 and live in properties with an annual value of $13,000 or below are eligible for WIS of up to $2800 for work done. The Workfare Training Support (WTS) scheme was introduced to complement WIS by facilitating workers to upgrade their skills through training. Under the WTS scheme, eligible WIS participants can receive a Training Commitment Award up to $400 a year when they complete the requisite training. Table 6.2 gives the financial highlights of CPF Singapore during the period 2007-2013.

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Workfare Programs to Combine Income Support with Improvement in Local Conditions for Investment

Workfare programs have traditionally been the most widely used form of intervention to support poor households and promote local infrastructure development. They generally transfer income to poor households, by providing unskilled manual workers with short-term employment on projects such as road construction and maintenance, irrigation infrastructure, reforestation, and soil conservation. In most developing countries, workfare programs have been used to smooth consumption and keep poor people in contact with the labor market (see Grosh et al., 2008 for a review). Well-designed workfare programs build much-needed infrastructure and thus minimize the trade-off between public spending on income transfers and on development. The National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, introduced in India in 2005, which provided 100 days of guaranteed paid employment to every household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work, while expensive has contributed to the local development of rural communities (see Dutta et al., 2012 for an assessment). Workfare programs have also helped many small private contractors to emerge and grow.

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6.6 Other Extensions

The intuition in a basic two skill model is the following. Suppose an increase in high skill taxes leads to a reduction in high skill labor supply and hence an increase in high skill wages (and a decrease in low skill wages) through demand effects. Because of the absence of profits, those demand effects are a pure transfer from low to high skill workers. Therefore, the government can readjust the tax on high and low skills to offset those demand effects on the net consumption levels at no net fiscal cost, leaving the optimal tax formula unchanged.

Theoretically, this result arises because the discrete occupational model is effectively mathematically identical to a Diamond and Mirrlees (1971), optimal commodity tax model where each occupation is a specific good taxed at a specific rate. As is well known from Diamond and Mirrlees (1971), optimal Ramsey tax formulas depend solely on consumers' demand and do not depend on production functions. This generates two important additional consequences. First, the production efficiency result of Diamond and Mirrlees (1971) carries over to the discrete occupational choice model, implying that distortions in the production process or tariffs (in the case of an open economy) are not desirable. Second, in an extended model with many consumption goods, the theorem of Atkinson and Stiglitz (1976) also carries over to the discrete occupational choice model. Namely, differentiated commodity taxation is not desirable to supplement optimal nonlinear earnings taxation under the standard separability assumption presented above. Those results are formally proven in Saez (2004b). They stand in sharp contrast to results obtained in the Stiglitz (1982) discrete model with endogenous wages where it is shown that the optimal tax formulas are affected by endogenous wages (Stiglitz, 1982), and where the production efficiency theorem and the Atkinson-Stiglitz theorem do not carry over (Naito, 1999). Saez (2004b) argues that the occupational model best captures the long-term when individuals choose their occupations while the Stiglitz (1982) model captures a short-term situation where individuals have fixed skills and only adjust hours of work.

Workfare, Take-Up Costs, and Screening. Workfare can be defined as requiring transfer beneficiaries to work, typically for a public project. In its extreme form, the work required has no productive value. In that case, workfare is similar to imposing an ordeal, such as time consuming take-up costs, on welfare beneficiaries. The literature has focused primarily on such "useless workfare requirements." Besley and Coate (1992) show that, if the government cares about poverty measured by net-income rather than individual utilities, it can be optimal to impose workfare. In their model, workfare screens away higher wage individuals who have a higher opportunity cost of time.

Cuff (2000) shows, in a standard Stiglitz (1982) two-type discrete model that a useless workfare program is never desirable with a standard welfarist objective. Interestingly, Cuff (2000)then extends the analysis to include heterogeneity in tastes for work (in addition to the standard wage rate heterogeneity). When there are lazy vs. hard working low skill workers and when society does not like to redistribute toward lazy low skill workers, workfare can become desirable. This is because work requirements are more costly to lazy types than hard working types.

In practice, finding ordeals which hurt more the undeserving beneficiaries than the deserving beneficiaries seems difficult. In particular, if society feels that welfare is too generous, it is more efficient to cut benefits directly rather than impose ordeals. Both reduce welfare benefits (and hence the incentives to become a recipient), but at least direct cuts save on government spending.

Screening mechanisms that also impose costs on recipients, (e.g., filing out forms, medical tests, etc.) can be desirable when they are successful in screening deserving recipients (e.g., the truly disabled) vs. undeserving recipients (e.g., those faking disability). Diamond and Sheshinski (1995) propose an analysis along those lines in the case of disability insurance (see also the chapter by Chetty and Finkelstein in this volume for more details on optimal social insurance). The key difference with useless workfare or ordeals is that such screening is directly designed at separating deserving vs. undeserving recipients. It is very unlikely that blanket ordeals can achieve this. Today, data driven screening (i.e., checking administrative databases for potential earnings, etc.) are far more powerful and efficient than direct in person screening (and a lot less intrusive for recipients).

Minimum Wages. The minimum wage is another policy tool that can be used for redistribution toward low skill workers. At the same time minimum wages can create unemployment among low skill workers, creating a trade off between equity and efficiency. A small literature has examined the desirability of minimum wages in addition to optimal taxes and transfers in the standard competitive labor market with endogenous wage rates (as in the model discussed above).

Lee and Saez (2012) use the occupational model of Section 5.3.2 with endogenous wages and prove two results. First, they show that a binding minimum wage is desirable under the strong assumption that unemployment induced by the minimum wage hits the lowest surplus workers first. The intuition for this result is simple and can be understood using Figure 8. Suppose a minimum wage is set at level and that transfers to low-skilled workers earning are increased. The presence of the minimum wage at rations low skill work and effectively prevents the labor supply responses from taking place. Some non-workers would like to work and earn but cannot find jobs because those jobs are rationed by the minimum wage. Therefore, the minimum wage enhances the ability of the government to redistribute (via an EITC type benefit) toward low skill workers.

Second, when labor supply responses are along the extensive margin only, which is the empirically relevant case, the co-existence of a minimum wage with a positive tax rate on low-skilled work is always (second-best) Pareto inefficient. A Pareto improving policy consists of reducing the pre-tax minimum wage while keeping constant the post-tax minimum wage by increasing transfers to low-skilled workers, and financing this reform by increasing taxes on higher paid workers. Importantly, this result is true whether or not rationing induced by the minimum wage is efficient or not. This result can also rationalize policies adopted in many OECD countries in recent decades that have decreased the minimum wage while reducing the implicit tax on low skill work through a combination of reduced payroll taxes for low skill workers and in-work benefits of the EITC type for low skill workers.

Optimal Transfers in Recessions. In practice, some transfers (such as unemployment insurance in the United States) can be made more generous during recessions. Traditionally, optimal policy over the business cycle has been analyzed in the macro-economics literature rather than the public economics literature. The macro-economics literature, however, rarely focuses on distributional issues. There are three channels through which recessions can affect the calculus of optimal transfers for those out-of-work.

First, recessions are a time of high unemployment where people want to work but cannot find jobs. This suggests that employment is limited by demand effects rather than the supply effects of the traditional optimal tax analysis. As a result, in recessions, unemployment is likely to be less sensitive to supply-side changes in search efforts and job search is likely to generate a negative externality on other job seekers in the queue. Landais, Michaillat, and Saez (2010) capture this effect in a search model where job rationing arises in recessions and show that unemployment insurance should be more generous during recessions. Crépon, Esther, Marc, Roland and Philippe (in press), using a large scale job placement aid randomized experiment in France, show that indeed there are negative externalities of job placement aid on other job seekers and that those externalities are larger when unemployment is high.

Second, in recessions, the ability to smooth consumption might be reduced, as the long-term unemployed might exhaust their buffer stock savings and might face credit constraints. This implies that the gap in social marginal utility of consumption between workers and non-workers might grow during recessions, further increasing the value of redistributing from workers to the unemployed (Chetty, 2008).

Third and related, individuals are less likely to be responsible for their unemployment status in a recession than in an expansion. In an expansion when jobs are easy to find, long unemployment spells are more likely to be due to low search efforts than in a recession when jobs are difficult to find even with large search efforts. If society wants to redistributive toward the hard-searching unemployed-i.e., those who would not have found jobs even absent unemployment benefits-then it seems desirable to have time limited benefits during good times combined with expanded benefit durations in bad times. We will come back to such non-utilitarian social preferences in Section 7.

Education Policy. Education plays a critical role in generating labor market skills. All advanced economies provide free public education at the K-12 level and heavily subsidize higher education. As we have seen earlier, there is a strong rationale for providing K-12 public education to correct potential parenting failures. For higher education, the presence of credit constraints might lead to suboptimal educational levels, providing a strong rationale for government provision of loans (see e.g., Lochner and Monge, 2011). However, governments in advanced economies not only provide loans but also direct subsidies to higher education. Direct subsidies could be justified by "behavioral considerations" if a significant fraction of young adults are not able to make wise educational choices on their own-due for example to informational or self-control issues.

A small literature in optimal taxation has examined the desirability of education subsidies in fully rational models. Higher education subsidies encourage skill acquisition but tend to benefit more the relatively skilled and hence are likely regressive. Absent any ability to observe educational choices, the total elasticity of earnings with respect to net-of-tax rates is due to both labor supply and education choices. If education choices are elastic, the corresponding optimal income tax should incorporate the full elasticity and not solely the labor supply elasticity. This naturally leads to lower optimal tax rates than those calibrated using solely the labor supply elasticity. Diamond and Mirrlees (Unpublished) develop this point, which they call the "Le Chatelier" principle.

Suppose now that the government can observe educational choices and hence directly subsidize (or tax) them in addition to using income-based taxes and transfers. In that context, redistributive taxes and transfers discourage both labor supply and education investments as they reduce the net rewards from higher education. Bovenberg and Jacobs (2005) consider such a model and show that combining educational subsidies with redistributive income-based taxation is optimal-consistent with real policies.

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3 Examples of Special Topics

The diffusion process of the RA makes it difficult to focus on special topics. The following selection tries to outline those we think are probable pathways for future work, especially in geography. The common question of the first body of literature that we would like to emphasize here is addressing problems and changes of scale-dependant institutional arrangements. One of the major changes between the period of Fordism and today is the dissolution of the former regulatory fix that is grounded on the temporal compromise between capital and labor (based on rising wages related to productivity growth), and on macroeconomic regulation (based on the defined territoriality and relatively autonomous power of the nation state). Owing to the loss of importance of the concept of the welfare state as the democratic form of the 'golden age' of Fordism, a debate about new forms of institutional arrangements has evolved. Deregulation, privatization, and the evolution of new political regimes at local as well as at the international level have resulted in the debate about the concept of governance, which includes new public, private interrelations beyond and within the old concept of nation state.

Within this context, the work of Jessop is of particular interest. The shift from-what he calls-'the Keynesian welfare national state' to an emergent 'Schumpeterian workfare postnational regime' forms the center of his analysis. Three changes are emphasized:

(a)

New state activities evolve which should strengthen the competitiveness of state spaces by stimulating and promoting permanent innovation processes. Besides direct incentives to create national systems of technological innovation, new institutional forms, resources, and values are invented in order to create a 'Schumpeterian' mode of regulation.

(b)

System competitiveness and labor market flexibility are accompanied by a subordination of social policy to imperatives of the new economic orientation. The term workfare is used to underline a general tendency of post-Fordism to cut back welfare expenditures and to redirect social assistance in order to promote individualistic responsibilities and risk acceptance.

(c)

The state itself changes its form substantially. The 'hollowing out' of the national state apparatus favors subnational as well as supranational levels. Though the nation state remains important, new state activities emerge on different scales. This deconcentration of state power is accompanied by a shift 'from government to governance' which reflects a growing importance of semi-public and private actors, illustrated by new urban and international regimes. At the same time, trends towards de-statization or decentralization are counteracted by new state functions (metagovernance), addressing activities such as self-organization of partnerships, networks, and governance regimes.

The concept of the 'Schumpeterian workfare postnational regime' is a promising and far reaching concept of regulation under post-Fordist conditions. Yet, though well elaborated in relation towards RA and state theory (especially Poulantzas position), the concept has to be grounded in empirical work. In particular, the reconfiguration of scales and state activities need further analysis in order to improve our understanding of new organizational principles beyond the nation state.

A second promising body of literature has drawn attention to local and regional modes of social regulation (Tickell and Peck 1992). There are approaches which address urban management and politics (Mayer 1994), and urban social movements (Hitz 1995), local labor markets (Peck 1996) and regional development in a postsocialist environment (Krätke et al. 1997). In particular, in reaction to challenges of urban regime theory, a new theory has set in (a) to conceptualize the relationships between accumulation and regulation on urban and regional scale; (b) to find adequate solutions for structure-agency problems which are inherent in the RA; and (c) to direct concrete research (Goodwin and Painter 1997). According to Goodwin and Painter, the concept of regulation should not be viewed as a static and stable, but as a process which is constituted by material and discursive practices. Because these practices are temporally and spatially embedded, there are many possible patterns of regulation as contingent combinations that might operate to support accumulation. This variety of modes of regulation is enlarged by the possibility that quality and intensity of regulation might differ due to spatial differentiation and uneven development. Therefore, the process of regulation is constituted geographically as result 'of the contingent interaction of disparate practices' (Goodwin and Painter 1997, p. 21).

To view regulation as a process, rather than as a fixed mode, and to conceptualize the process as contingent practices is an important contribution to reduce missing links in RA. But new problems arise when these suggestions are followed. For example, in applying the concept of Goodwin and Painter, it becomes difficult to decide what kind of social practices might be relevant in order to reveal processes of regulation. If it is assumed that regulation might be a result of intended and unintended consequences of social practices, we are trapped in the universe of possible practices. Though the introduction of the habitus concept of Bourdieu may serve as a micro-foundation of the RA and the identification of structures beyond the variety of practices (Painter 1997), the relationships between habitus and fields, on the one hand, and the concept of regulation as process, on the other, remain undefined. Therefore, if we give up the idea that the mode of regulation is like a development model beyond Bourdieu's fields of political contest, e.g., as a spatially and temporally defined class compromises, which the subjects are reflecting, the term regulation receives a technical connotation of a self-organized system that creates order out of nowhere.

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Improve Transportation

Most groups displaying high levels of worklessness also have a low propensity to commute, for example, the unskilled, ethnic minorities, and women. A policy response in both the United States and the United Kingdom has therefore been to subsidise or directly provide transport, although these are often locally based and have not been adopted as mainstream national policies. Travel schemes are often focused on welfare or benefit recipients as a means to encourage them to move into employment. For example, travel vouchers are given to people in some workfare programmes in the United States, and some local schemes in the United Kingdom provide the unemployed with time-limited allowances for travel costs, or loans to subsidise the purchase of motorised transport. The success of these schemes has been modest. Commuting may have to fit in with complex activity schedules which might include, for example, taking children to/from school, attending medical appointments, and caring for relatives. These schemes have also paid insufficient attention to the quality of public transport available, in particular its suitability for servicing the reverse commute from central city to suburb.

In other European countries, there has been much greater public expenditure on public transport infrastructure, with many European cities outside the United Kingdom having well-developed tram, light rail, or suburban railway networks. Employers themselves and consortia of employers also provide transport, for example, 'works buses' with central pick-up and drop-off points. Some large employers have dedicated public transport infrastructure, for example, IBM's production facility in Greenock, some 30 km from Greater Glasgow, has its own railway station.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780080471631002587

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The Workfare Income Supplement (WIS) scheme was introduced in 2007 to help Singaporeans improve their retirement adequacy. Workers aged 35 and above who earn an average gross monthly income of not more than $1700 and live in properties with an annual value of $13,000 or below are eligible for WIS of up to $2800 for work done.

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Awarded to students based on their character, leadership, conduct Abd academic performance. Examples of the awards are Edusave Academic awards and EAGLES award. With the award, the students can achieve money through their hard work and contributions in school - MOE

The awards given can motivate students to continue to work hard and achieve their goals. It also acknowledges their improvements and effort put into their education and CCA.

It reduces income inequality as the award can be received by anyone amongst the different social class and hence encourages everyone to continue their education. Through education starting at a young age, their opportunities could improve as they get older and eventually improve their social status. Hence, with equal opportunities for awards and scholarships, they divide will be reduced

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(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

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(b) How does it help to overcome / reduce the income inequality?

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The objective of the workfare income supplement scheme is to supplement the retirement savings and incomes of older and lower-wage Singaporeans, and to encourage them to work regularly.

WIS encourages eligible workers to work and build up their CPF saving for their retirement, housing and healthcare needs, by supplementing their income and retirement savings through cash payments and CPF contributions.

By encouraging them to stay employed and providing income supplements, the workers will have more time to be able to pick up the skills needed to work in the current society. This will help in reducing income inequality due to kill sets.

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(a) The Ministry of Education provides subsidies for those students who do come from lower-income families.
(b) They will have the same education opportunities like their other peers.

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(a) Financial assistance in different forms such as paying for utility bills , health bills and paying for basic daily needs such as groceries. This helps families cope with rising costs that correspond with the GST increase.

(b) The financial assistance of the household support package eases lower income families into adjusting for rising GST. Prevents lower-income families from losing out because of the GST increase.

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a)
- It provides a safety net for patients who face financial difficulties with their remaining bills after receiving Government subsidies and drawing on other means of payment including MediShield Life, MediSave and cash
- provide more targeted assistance for the needy elderly and the young
- assist with the medical bill payments of needy patients

b)
- redistributes wealth to lower income groups
- shrinks wage gap

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(A) The government increases the amount of subsidies granted for students of middle to lower income group throughout their education journeys.

(B) This help the students to have access to education despite coming from financially poor family. They will be able to have access to education including higher-level education and would ideally be able to pursue the job of their interests and abilities which may allow them to break the poverty cycle and gain more income. The generation’s children would subsequently have better access to education.

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(a) - $30 and $50 public transport vouchers that can be used to top up fare cards or buy monthly concession passes
- children under 7 years old would receive free travel on basic bus services, express bus services and trains. pri, sec, jc and ITE students would recei've up to 70% off adult fares, poly students can save up to $1.54 per journey, senior citizens can have up to 55% off adult fares, lower wage workers can receive up to 25% off adult fares, persons with disabilities can receive up to 55% off adult fares and monthly concession passes are available to all for unlimited train and bus rides.

(b) the help given can ensure that getting around signapore is affordable and accessible for different groups of singaporeans. this would also reduce the impact on the finances of the lower income groups and people who do not qualify for concession cards by setting aside vouchers to help them to cope with the fare hike.