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By: Trome.pe WritingWe elaborated a list with some points to take into account about the negative effect of lies and their possible consequences on people.1. Because it hurts others: Needless to say, lying is a very hurtful deception. It can affect and permanently damage the most important interpersonal relationships in your life.2. Because it hurts yourself: Since your own perception of the person you are becomes negative. The charge of conscience and guilt can destroy you, and hit your self-esteem very much.3. Because it generates anxieties: Tranquility is very necessary to be able to evolve on a day-to-day basis. If you live full of anxieties, you can not make the best decisions or think with a cold head.4. Because it makes you insecure: You can not differentiate what is right from what is wrong. Sometimes, you will justify your own lies, and many others, you will feel that they are most abominable. Insecurity kills.5. Because they are a mental entanglement: Once you have lied, you will get confused with the different versions that you have given different people. You could even start to believe in your own inventions.6. Because they are a bad habit: The white lies also hurt, although at first sight they seem innocuous. They become a terrible habit that can lead to mythomania.7. Because they are a bad 'karma': Never do to another what you would not want them to do to you. If you are used to lying frequently, you can not expect or demand honesty from others.8. Because they always come to light: A lie always falls by its own weight and tends to be discovered. The more you have made it grow, the more likely it is to become an avalanche.

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I’m agree with this, what do you think?

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Answer (1 of 7): No matter the aim of a lie is good or bad, it probably makes the listeners feel that they are not respected when they find out the truth. I don't really like to tell a lie for some reasons.

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the lies are the worst enemy of the human

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This is so interesting girls, if you have free time maybe you can read the article

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Most Everybody, at One Time or Another, Has Lied

Tell the truth now: that includes you and me. In fact, some people, sad to say, lie almost all the time.

Psychologists call these people compulsive or psychopathic liars. They tell lies even when they don't have to. Even the youngest of children will lie, especially if they think by doing it, they won't get punished for something. When children first learn how lying works, they lack the moral understanding of when to refrain from doing it.

Because lying can have such destructive and harmful consequences to both the liar and the one being lied to, I've written several blogs on this topic.

There are different kinds of lies, as well as different degrees of lying. It seems so many people I talk to have a problem with lying whether it's their own, or someone else's.

While maybe everybody lies at some point, few understand how destructive it can be, why we do it, and how to stop it. So, let's answer those questions.

Let's begin by defining what lying is:

Lying is saying something with the intent of creating a false belief or impression. It's an attempt to get someone to believe something that is not true.

Lying - Self Evaluation

How many lies do you think you have told this last week?

Who did you tell the lies to?

Why did you tell the lies?

How do you feel about the lies you told now?

Sometimes a lie might seem unintentional, or it may have been told to save someone else's feelings. For example, someone may say to another, "That sure is a pretty dress!", when the person knows it's ugly. We all have the capacity to lie.

Why Do People Lie?
FEAR
It was Tad Williams who said, "We tell lies when we are afraid... afraid of what we don't know, afraid of what others will think, afraid of what will be found out about us. But every time we tell a lie, the thing that we fear grows stronger." People can be so afraid of what might happen if they told the truth. Maybe they have done something wrong and are afraid of the consequences of their actions, so they lie to cover up what they did. As is often said about political scandals: It's not the crime that gets you in trouble, nearly as much as the cover-up.
MANIPULATION
Lies are typically motivated by a desire to get other people to either do something or not do something, or to make a decision in the favor of the person doing the lying. Someone might lie to get something they desire such as sex, money, status, power, love, etc. Lori said: "I'm young, but I realized quickly lustful people know how to get what they want, even if it means lying to you about how they feel." Probably the word love is used in more lives than any other. How often a guy will say to a girl (or vice versa), "I love you", simply to get the other person emotionally stirred up, so they can be more easily manipulated.
PRIDE
Many times, a person will lie because of pride. They use it for nothing more than a tool to create a favorable image of themselves. This leads to exaggeration, which is a form of lying. Often people will create fascinating, yet completely false, stories to improve their image.

Bottom line: We deceive other people because we think it serves our purposes in some way. And it's easy!

What's the Big Deal About Lying?
It becomes an addiction.
When you get away with a lie it often drives you to continue your deceptions, and in the process, we ruin relationships, hurt others, lose our integrity, and lose our peace. Truth becomes a feared enemy of the liar. It's a sick and tragic cycle that doesn't ever have a happy ending.

Lying may seem simple and harmless at first, but just like any addiction, you'll soon find yourself trapped and entangled more than you could have ever imagined.
Liars don't have peace
Lying is extremely stressful. It causes you to be constantly looking over your shoulder and wondering who might be finding you out. You're always running through the lies you've told in your head, trying to keep track of what you've told to which person, and what's the next lie you need to tell. When you're honest, you don't have those worries or the negative consequences of your lies.

Roselyn commented: "I can say that not lying is a very relaxing way of life." The fact that you don't have to worry about remembering old lies or getting in trouble later on when the truth comes out (because it always does) puts a lot more relief in your life. Even when it's hard, telling the truth always has a better outcome than a bunch of lies.
Lies ruin relationships
People are constantly looking to see who they can trust and who they can't. People are actually much more perceptive and aware of who tells the truth and who doesn't. Over time, honesty shows itself as a trait that is beautiful and deeply respected. Liars are not respected.

This is true in all our relationships whether it's dating, family, friends, or at work. Macey put it so well: "It's always best, to be honest. It makes any and every relationship strong and healthy."

Someone commented about the value of being honest: "I used to lie a lot. I would lie only because it was easier than explaining the truth. And I have finally grown to realize that it's easier to [be honest]. Being honest and open has actually gotten me further than lying. My parents trust me, and I feel good about myself. And when you feel good about yourself then you know that everything is okay." This person has come to realize that when we tell the truth and live it, we become emotionally and spiritually stronger every day.

Telling the Truth Increases Security

It stands to reason that if you are not always working to stay one lie ahead of your last lie, you will be more at peace and have greater security in your relationships with others. The wisest man in the Bible, King Solomon, understood this well. He wrote, " Whoever walks in integrity walks securely, but he who makes his ways crooked will be found out." Proverbs 10:9

God speaks of the dangers of lying often in the Bible. In fact, "Do not lie" is one of the 10 Commandments. God understands how much pain lying brings to both the liar and those being lied to and so He tells us not to lie in order to protect us from pain. The Bible also says, "For all that is secret will eventually be brought into the open, and everything that is concealed will be brought to light and made known to all." Luke 8:17

Here is more of what God says about lying - Verses of Hope for Struggling with Lying

Following God can offer so much security in many aspects of life. For more on a relationship with God read Learn More About God

Honesty Challenge

I want to offer up a challenge to all of us. Would you be willing to commit to a life of honesty and integrity? If you're up for this life-changing challenge, please write me a comment below, and tell a friend about your commitment too.

Has lying become a part of your everyday life? Need more help? Listen to Dawson's Podcast, How Can I Stop Lying - EP -19.

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Why do people lie in relationships and in other aspects of life? The reasons are many, but the results of lying or almost always destructive.

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the best solution will always be to speak truthfully

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Voices

Image

Credit Credit Hannah K. Lee

I've been keeping an honesty journal for the past several months. With honesty much in the news lately - you might even say honesty is having a cultural moment - I wanted to reflect on my own. My 6-year-old daughter once told me that telling the truth made her feel "gold in her brain." Could upping my personal honesty light up a pleasure center in my own brain?

My plan was to jot down different instances throughout the day where I had to make a choice about honesty and notice how it felt.

The day I started the journal, the same 6-year-old daughter asked me during her bath if the cat really went to sleep last year, and if that actually meant that I had killed him. I rinsed her hair and sighed, wondering if I should wait to start this honesty project until my children were grown. But I braved it and told her that yes, I had made the choice for him to die, because he was suffering and I wanted him to be at peace. She lost interest about halfway through my explanation, which was O.K. with me.

It struck me that the choice to lie or be honest was often a choice between two equally undesirable things. Telling my daughter the truth did not make me happier, but lying wouldn't have either.

A bigger opportunity arose with my 8-year-old son. Though he didn't know anything about the journal, after a few weeks, he seemed to open up in a new way, asking me things he was too embarrassed or scared to ask before, like what the word "pimp" meant and why people kill themselves. In fact, one of my biggest takeaways was that we shouldn't lie to children when they are asking us about grown-up words or ideas - otherwise, they will just ask Siri. If it's between YouTube and me to explain prostitution, I pick me.

Still, I wondered about those little lies we tell to avoid hurting people's feelings. Researchers at the University of California San Diego Emotion Lab are looking at "prosocial" lies - the white lies we tell to benefit others, like telling an aspiring writer a story is great because you want to be nice and encouraging, when in reality you know it needs work and will meet rejection. A recent study at the lab suggests that we are more likely to tell a prosocial lie when we feel compassion toward someone, because if you feel bad for someone, the last thing you want to do is hurt him or her with the truth. These lies feel better in the short term, but they often do more harm than good in the long term. After all, the brutal truth can be painful, but people need to know it if they are to improve their performance, especially in a work or school situation.

But was brutal truth what I really wanted when it came to my marriage?

My focus on honesty at times did lead to better interactions with my husband. When the New York Times Magazine article about open marriage came out, for example, it sparked my curiosity. Since I was keeping an honesty journal, rather than keeping it to myself, as I would have done in the past, my husband and I had an honest discussion about it. Other times, the compulsion to be honest strained things between us. That I disagree with some of his parenting techniques doesn't necessarily need to be pointed out every single time. I came to realize that, within relationships, there is a third category between dishonesty and telling white lies, called not sharing everything.

Over all, I found that I struggled more with the small instances of honesty, rather than the big. So, when a client accidentally paid me twice for a project - sending a duplicate $1,000 check a week after they'd already paid me - there was no internal debate. It was $1,000, so obviously, I notified the client. But when the McDonald's drive-through cashier gave me an extra dollar in change and the line had been SO long and all I wanted was a Diet Coke and my kids were acting crazy in the back seat and why was this stupid McDonald's always so slow anyway?!... it was a different story. Even though I gave the dollar back, I almost didn't, because an extra dollar was such a small thing and seemed somehow justified. Had I not been focused on honesty, I'm not sure I would have given it back.

My experience was consistent with what the behavioral economist Dan Ariely wrote about in his 2012 book, " The (Honest) Truth About Dishonesty." His research showed that we fudge the truth by about 10 percent or so. We cheat when we are fairly certain we can get away with it, but just by a little, and about things we can justify. We do it more if we see other people doing it. We do it less if we are reminded to be honest. My journal pointed these instances out to me rather starkly.

I also quickly came to realize that the Facebook version of Judi Ketteler, whose life was so together and children so well behaved, was a very particular version of me, a notion explored by Seth Stephens-Davidowitz in his book " Everybody Lies." Dr. Davidowitz, a data scientist, tackles the discrepancy between the ideal version of ourselves we present to the world via social media and the often-miserable confessions we make to Google as we search for the things we would never post in a status update. My social media self wasn't a lie, but if I was going to focus on truly honest behavior, it seemed better not to indulge too much - hence, I pulled way back from posting on Facebook.

Even though honesty felt like a struggle, I started to like how it felt. Research from the University of Notre Dame has shown that when people consciously stopped telling lies, including white lies, for 10 weeks, they had fewer physical ailments (like headaches) and fewer mental health complaints (like symptoms of depression) than a control group that did not focus on honesty.

When people were more honest, they also tended to feel better about their relationships and social interactions, the researchers found. This rang true for me, mostly because I felt better about myself. I like the saying, "Everybody wants the truth, but nobody wants to be honest." I didn't always want to be honest. But I wanted the truth, and this focus on honesty helped me feel that I was doing my part.

The bottom line is that focusing on honesty is a way to actively engage with the world, versus passively complaining about it. It might even make you feel as if you have gold in your brain.

Judi Ketteler writes frequently about family and trying to be a better person.

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Voices I've been keeping an honesty journal for the past several months. With honesty much in the news lately - you might even say honesty is having a cultural moment - I wanted to reflect on my own. My 6-year-old daughter once told me that telling the truth made her feel "gold in her brain."

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CHARLAMAGNE THA GOD LIES, HISTORY, SCANDALS AND SECRETS EXPOSED

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From big whoppers to little white lies, almost everyone fibs on occasion. Here, experts reveal why.

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THE GLOBAL DECEPTION RESEARCH TEAM

Abstract

This article reports two worldwide studies of stereotypes about liars. These studies are carried out in 75 different countries and 43 different languages. In Study 1, participants respond to the open-ended question "How can you tell when people are lying?" In Study 2, participants complete a questionnaire about lying. These two studies reveal a dominant pan-cultural stereotype: that liars avert gaze. The authors identify other common beliefs and offer a social control interpretation.

Keywords: deception, stereotypes

He does not answer questions, or gives evasive answers; he speaks nonsense, rubs the great toe along the ground; and shivers; his face is discolored; he rubs the roots of his hair with his fingers.

-Description of a liar, 900 B.C.

Beliefs about liars may be older than recorded history. In recent years, psychologists have documented some of these beliefs. To complement Euro-American work on deception stereotypes, we have assembled a Global Deception Research Team. We present our team's research after reviewing earlier findings.

THE STEREOTYPIC LIAR IN WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Americans have a number of beliefs about liars. They share beliefs about the way liars act. In one study ( Zuckerman, Koestner, & Driver, 1981), Americans associated deception with 18 different behaviors, reporting that liars avert gaze, touch themselves, move their feet and legs, shift their posture, shrug, and speak quickly. Western Europeans have similar stereotypes. In a study by Akehurst, Köehnken, Vrij, and Bull (1996), British participants indicated that liars reduce eye contact, turn away, blink, and pause while giving inconsistent, implausible stories. Similar stereotypes are evident in questionnaire responses offered by residents of Germany ( Köhnken, 1990), the Netherlands ( Vrij & Semin, 1996), Spain ( Garrido & Masip, 2000), and Sweden ( Strömwall & Granhag, 2003).

These beliefs are probably inaccurate. Although liars are stereotypically attributed with a large number of behaviors, experimental research shows that only a few actions reliably accompany deceit ( DePaulo et al., 2003). Moreover, the behaviors that figure most prominently in Western stereotypes of the liar are not the ones Western experimenters find most indicative of deception. The most common stereotype is that liars avert gaze; yet in a comprehensive meta-analysis of the experimental literature ( DePaulo et al., 2003), gaze aversion was shown to have little association with lying.

Judgments of deception are correlated with stereotypes. In Western experimental research, people who exhibit behaviors that are stereotypically associated with lying are often judged deceptive ( Vrij, 2000). Perhaps people judge a suspect's deceptiveness by the suspect's similarity to the stereotypic liar. Westerners are generally inaccurate in their attempts to detect lies from behavior. In experimental situations, where guessing would produce 50% correct judgments, the average Western perceiver achieves roughly 54% accuracy in behaviorally based attempts to discriminate lies from truths ( Bond & DePaulo, in press).

Westerners' stereotypes focus on the liar's behavior, but other factors may account for successes in real-world lie detection. In a study by Park, Levine, McCornack, Morrison, and Ferrara (2002), Americans were asked to recall an incident when they learned that someone had lied to them and to describe how they had made the discovery. Students reported that they discover lies from third-party information, confessions, and physical evidence. Time usually passes between the perpetration of a lie and its discovery, these Americans say. People are rarely successful in inferring deception from behavior displayed as the lie is being told.

THE CURRENT PROJECT

Although we can draw some conclusions from the accumulated research on deception stereotypes, we are left with some questions. How widely dispersed are Western stereotypes about liars? Are these stereotypes held worldwide? How do stereotypes about liars come into being? What functions do they serve?

These questions have never been addressed. In fact, there has been only study to date on non-Westerners' stereotypes of liars. In response to a questionnaire administered by Al-Simadi (2000), Jordanians associated a number of behaviors with lying. They expected deception to increase self-touching, hand gestures, blushing, stuttering, speech hesitations, negative statements, and self-references. According to Al-Simadi, these findings illustrate differences between Jordanian and Western beliefs.

Let us sketch two hypotheses about deception stereotypes. One posits the existence a pan-cultural prototype; the other proposes that stereotypes of the liar reflect culture-specific norms.

According to the first hypothesis, there is a worldwide stereotype of the liar. People in all cultures believe that liars experience fear, shame, or cognitive difficulties ( Bond & Robinson, 1988; Ekman, 2001). Associating these psychological states with the same nonverbal cues ( Keltner, Ekman, Gonzaga, & Beer, 2003), people worldwide are led to a common stereotype of the liar's behaviors. Although this hypothesis does not identify a priori the actions that would be attributed to the liar in every culture, research that revealed those behaviors might suggest the liar's presumed psychological state.

An alternative hypothesis is that stereotypes of the liar are culture specific. Cultures are known to differ in their norms for interpersonal communication-in levels of nonverbal involvement, in constraints imposed by social roles, in the explicitness of the communicative code ( Anderson, Hecht, Hoobler, & Smallwood, 2002). Thus, they may also differ in beliefs about deception. Every culture, we suspect, associates lying with actions that deviate from the local norm. However, norms for behavior vary so radically across cultures that behaviors stereotypical of deception vary too. Language differences may contribute to this cross-cultural variability, each language embodying a distinct folk model of those who use the language falsely ( Sweetser, 1987). Local beliefs about liars find their way into cultural sayings and lore ( Hendry & Watson, 2001).

In the current project, we assess these hypotheses by studying stereotypes about liars worldwide. Our goal is to sketch the patterning of beliefs across the world, with a view to understanding international similarities and differences in stereotypes. We pursued this goal with two studies. In an initial study, we invited people in a large number of countries to respond to an open-ended question about lying. In a second study, we solicited beliefs about deception with a close-ended survey.

STUDY 1

In response to an open-ended question, participants in each of 58 countries explained how they could tell when someone was lying. Answers to this question were coded so that the worldwide distribution of beliefs about deception could be examined. In some highly developed Western countries, people attribute the stereotypic liar with gaze aversion and a number of other particular behaviors. Perhaps similar beliefs are held worldwide.

METHOD

Collaborator recruitment

Charles Bond (a native resident of the United States) conceived of this project and recruited an international research team. Most of the research team members were academic psychologists, and most correspondence occurred via English-language e-mail. See for a list of participating countries, their languages, and the studies in which they participated.

Participants

Study 1 results were obtained from 20 male and 20 female native, lifelong residents of each of 58 countries indicated in . All participants were literate and older than 16 years old. Most of them were university students.

Procedure

Collaborators were asked to translate a question from English into the dominant language of their country. The question was as follows: "How can you tell when people are lying?"

Lying was defined as an "intentional false statement." Collaborators were asked to choose a translation of the word lying consistent with that definition and one that would connote both small and big lies (e.g., lies about murder as well as lies about a friend's clothes). Some of the collaborators had difficulty understanding the colloquial wording of the question How can you tell when people are lying? For them, the question was paraphrased as "What signs (or indications or clues) do you use to determine (or judge or decide) that people are lying?"

Translation of responses

Team members translated this question into the dominant language of their country and solicited written responses in that language. Participants were invited to answer the question "How can you tell when people are lying?" in any way they wished-by giving a single response or many responses. After securing 20 male and 20 female participants' written responses to our question, collaborators translated non-English responses into English.

Coding

The English-language protocols required coding before they could be assimilated in any quantitative form. There were two coders: a female and a male. The female coder examined all participants' protocols, scoring the 40 protocols from a given country in succession while unaware of the country's identity and each participant's sex. From her reading of these responses, the female developed a scheme of 103 belief categories. The male coder then used that 103-category scheme in an independent scoring of each protocol. He too was unaware of participants' nationality and sex.

We quantified composite intercoder reliability country by country with Cohen's kappa statistic (κ). Across the 58 countries, the two coders achieved a mean of 67.98% agreement in applying the 103 belief categories. This yielded a mean Cohen's κ = .66, 95% confidence interval = .65 to .67.

All analyses of the Study 1 data were conducted on the average of the two coders' scorings. Below, we report results at the level of belief category. Effective reliability for these data is much higher than for the coding of a single belief. For example, the female coder's relative use of the 103 belief categories was consistent with the male's; for consistency in the number of times a category was used, r = .92.

RESULTS

In Study 1, 2,320 lifelong residents of 58 countries were asked the question "How can you tell when people are lying?" To that question, they gave 11,157 responses. Some of the participants offered only one response to the question, whereas the most prolific participant offered 20 responses. When asked "How can you tell when people are lying?" females offered more responses than males ( Ms = 5.00 and 4.62 beliefs, respectively), F(1, 2004) = 22.74, p < .0001, d = .20. From participants' 11,157 responses, coders identified 103 distinct beliefs.

Belief prevalence

We tabulated beliefs by their prevalence. As one measure of the prevalence of a belief, we noted the percentage of participants who offered that belief as one of their responses to the question "How can you tell when people are lying?" lists each belief that was expressed by more than 15% of the participants. As the figure displays, the most common belief about deception worldwide is that liars avoid eye contact. Indeed, 63.66% of our participants mentioned gaze aversion as a way to tell when people are lying, far more than expressed any other belief. Roughly one fourth of our respondents believed each of the following: that liars are nervous (28.15%), that deceptive remarks are incoherent (25.30%), and that lying can be detected from movements of the liar's body (25.04%). Also common are the beliefs that one can tell when a person is lying from the liar's facial expression, from verbal inconsistencies, from speech fillers ("uh"s), from facial color, and from pauses while the liar is speaking. Altogether, the nine beliefs in garnered 37.55% of our participants' 11,157 responses.

Next most common were 10 other beliefs: (a) Liars can be detected from arm, hand, and finger movements; (b) liars can be detected from changes in their speech rate; (c) liars can be detected because they make noises (like sighs); (d) one needs to know a person to tell whether the person is lying; (e) lies can be detected from tone of voice; (f) they can be detected from cues in the eyes other than direction of gaze; (g) liars sweat; (h) liars play with their hair, clothes, or objects; (i) lies can be detected from unspecified changes in the liar's behavior; and (j) lies can be detected from weak arguments and logic. Each of these beliefs was mentioned by 10% to 15% of participants worldwide. Together, the latter 10 beliefs accounted for 18.33% of our participants' 11,471 responses.

The results we have been reporting assess the prevalence of a belief by the percentage of participants who offer it as one of their responses to our question "How can you tell when people are lying?" For a second measure of belief prevalence, we noted the number of responses a given participant had offered to our question and assessed belief prevalence as a percentage of this participant total. Thus, if a given participant gave four responses and one of those responses was that liars sweat, sweating would constitute 25% of that participant's responses.

By this second measure, the most common belief in the world is that liars avoid eye contact. It constitutes 13.87% of a typical participant's responses. The second most common belief is that liars are nervous (4.53% of a typical participant's responses).

Cross-cultural consensus

For a cross-cultural comparison of beliefs about lying, we conducted a statistical analysis. For each of the 58 countries, we noted the percentage of respondents who mentioned each of the 19 beliefs about deception volunteered by 10% or more of the global sample as whole. We then correlated that country's percentage mention of these 19 beliefs with a world profile that omitted the country in question. The resulting 58 Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients show that there is substantial cross-cultural agreement in the relative prevalence of beliefs about lying. In fact, a country's belief profile shows a median correlation of .80 with the corrected world profile. For a cross-country reliability analysis, we arranged the country-by-country percentage generation of these beliefs into a 19 × 58 matrix. By standard psychometric criteria, these 58 countries show very strong agreement in relative generation of beliefs (Cronbach's α = .98).

Alongside this worldwide consensus in beliefs about lying, there are some cross-cultural differences. Gaze aversion, the most common belief about lying worldwide, constitutes a significantly higher proportion of the responses to our open-ended question in some countries than others; for the country main effect, F(57, 2262) = 6.36, p < .01. Even so, country explains only 13.81% of the variance in this belief. In 51 of the 58 countries we studied, gaze aversion is more prevalent than any other belief about lying. Gaze aversion shows the lowest prevalence in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Still, 20% of the participants in our UAE sample mentioned gaze aversion as a cue to deception, making this the eighth most prevalent UAE belief of the 103 in our coding system.

Accessibility

Inspired by work in cognitive psychology, we examined the order in which participants generated responses to our open-ended question. Theoretically, the strongest, most accessible beliefs should be mentioned first in response to a question. Operating on this theoretical assumption, we noted the number of times a belief was offered as the first response to our open-ended question, as a percentage of the number of protocols on which that belief appeared.

Of the 38 beliefs mentioned by more than 5% of respondents, the most accessible is that liars avoid eye contact. Among participants who mention gaze aversion as a way to tell when people are lying, 43.90% mentioned it first. Also highly accessible are other references to the liar's eyes, the belief that deception can be detected from the liar's facial expressions, and the belief that one needs to know a person to detect that person's lies. These three beliefs are mentioned first by 43.06%, 38.30%, and 35.49% (respectively) of the participants who mentioned them.

Nonbeliefs

Poring more than 11,471 beliefs about lying, we were struck by the infrequency with which certain factors were mentioned. Because our sample included residents of several collectivist cultures, we had imagined that group membership might be mentioned as a cue to deception. Averaging across 58 countries, a mere 0.26% of participants' responses made any reference to group membership. Also conspicuously missing were beliefs about situational cues to lying, incentives, and other motivational factors. These constituted only 0.33% of responses in 58 countries. Confessions of deceit accounted for only 0.10% of responses. By contrast, when asked to recount the discovery of a particular lie, Americans frequently mention confessions ( Park et al., 2002). Perhaps this reflects a difference in method.

DISCUSSION

Study 1 is the first worldwide investigation of beliefs about lying. The study reveals several pan-cultural stereotypes, most notably that liars avoid eye contact. Global stereotypes also include references to the liar's nervousness, speech disturbances, and torso movements.

Study 1 drew conclusions about deception stereotypes from responses to the open-ended question "How can you tell when people are lying?" Although this study yielded a striking finding, people may have beliefs that do not occur to them when they are asked an open-ended question. It is also possible that the wording of our Study 1 question somehow cued the responses obtained.

STUDY 2

To complement our open-ended exploration of deception stereotypes, we developed a questionnaire. It asks whether lying is related to a number of behaviors, including the ones most often mentioned in Study 1. Responses to an open-ended question suggest a worldwide stereotype: that liars avert gaze. In Study 2, we probe for that belief with a direct question. More generally, we assess whether responses to a survey will corroborate behavioral stereotypes that seem to emerge from open-ended descriptions of deception.

METHOD

Participants

Completed Study 2 results were obtained from 20 male and 20 female native, lifelong residents of each of the 63 countries noted in . Forty-six of these countries had participated in Study 1.

Questionnaire construction

After examining preliminary results from Study 1, Bond drafted an English-language questionnaire. He circulated the draft to collaborators and invited their comments. With the aid of these suggestions, Bond developed the 10 English-language items that appear in Appendix B.

Questionnaire translation

Collaborators were sent the English text in Appendix B. They were asked to translate and back translate this questionnaire using two independent bilinguals, altering the original translation in any way necessary so that the questionnaire would back translate correctly. The English-language questionnaire was translated into 32 other languages. The most widely used translations were Spanish, Arabic, and French.

Participant recruitment and questionnaire administration

Each collaborator administered the questionnaire to 20 male and 20 female native, lifelong residents of the collaborator's country in the dominant language of that country. No Study 2 respondent had participated in Study 1, and most were students. Each respondent was literate and older than 16 years old. Each responded to the questionnaire in writing and worked independently of others.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

displays worldwide results on some beliefs about deceptive behavior. As shown in the figure, 71.5% of respondents worldwide believe that liars avoid eye contact, 65.2% believe that liars shift their posture more than usual, 64.8% believe that liars touch and scratch themselves, and 62.2% believe that liars tell longer stories than usual. No other behavioral sign of deception was endorsed by more than 60% of the respondents.

For a comparison of beliefs across cultures, we began by noting the modal response worldwide to each of the 10 items in Appendix B. We then noted the percentage of respondents from a given country who gave each of these 10 responses and correlated that country's percentage endorsement of the 10 beliefs with a world profile that omitted the focal country. Results show that there is substantial cross-country consensus in percentage endorsement of the modal responses to these questionnaire items. As indicated, the median of 63 r s, the typical country's profile of beliefs, correlates .58 with the corrected world profile. Cronbach's α = .96 for this 10 × 63 matrix.

These close-ended responses complement the Study 1 open-ended descriptions of liars. As in our earlier investigation, the strongest belief is that liars avoid eye contact. In 61 of the 63 countries we surveyed, respondents were likelier to believe that liars decrease eye contact than believe that they increase eye contact. In Study 1, natives of the UAE were least likely to mention gaze aversion as a way to tell when people are lying. Thus, it is noteworthy that among UAE respondents to our Study 2 questionnaire, 65% indicate that people make less eye contact when lying.

Although verifying that gaze aversion is the most common worldwide belief about lying, Study 2 yielded other interesting results. In Study 1, the second most frequently mentioned belief about deception was that liars are nervous. Although 54.9% of the Study 2 respondents agree that liars are nervous, 27.0% believe that liars are calm. Open-ended descriptions do not portray the liar as calm.

GENERAL DISCUSSION

In two worldwide investigations, we uncovered a pan-cultural stereotype: that liars avoid eye contact. This belief was expressed in every one of the 75 countries we studied. It appears in both open-ended descriptions and in questionnaire responses. It is apparent when stereotypes are expressed in the English language. It is also apparent in translations between English and 42 other languages. University students believe that liars avert gaze, as do older people. This is not only the most prevalent stereotype about lying in the world, but it is also the most accessible. When describing liars, people mention gaze aversion before mentioning anything else.

There are other common stereotypes about the liar, and these should not be ignored. Liars shift their posture, they touch and scratch themselves, liars are nervous, and their speech is flawed. These beliefs are common across the globe. Yet in prevalence, these stereotypes are dwarfed by the most common belief about liars: "they can't look you in the eye."

As psychologists, we have wondered about the global stereotype of liars. Why does the stereotypical liar avoid eye contact? Why does this belief so dominate the stereotype? Why does the global stereotype of liars also include allusions to speech disturbances, nervousness, postural shifts, and self-touching? How do these beliefs come into being? What functions do they serve?

The worldwide stereotype of liars would be less puzzling if we had more reason to imagine that it was true. Then, we would infer that people abstracted their beliefs about liars from observations of deceptive behavior. However, a large Western research literature shows that people are nearly as likely to avert gaze when telling the truth as when lying and (more generally) that stereotypic behaviors bear negligible relationships to deception ( DePaulo et al., 2003). Another large research literature indicates that judgments of deception are frequently wrong ( Bond & DePaulo, in press). This leads us to suspect that the judges' beliefs are invalid.

If stereotypes about lying do not reflect observations of deceptive behavior, how do they arise? Let us propose an answer to this question. Stereotypes about lying are designed to discourage lies. They are not intended to be descriptive; rather, they embody a worldwide norm. Children should be ashamed when they lie to their parents, and liars should feel bad. Lying should not pay, and liars should be caught. Stereotypes of the liar capture and promote these prescriptions. As vehicles for social control, these stereotypes are transmitted from one generation to the next. Worldwide, socialization agents face a common challenge. They cannot always be present and must control misbehavior that occurs in their absence. If the ultimate goal of socialization is to inculcate a wide set of norms, children must first learn to report their misdeeds. Thus, caregivers have an incentive to pass along the usual lore: that lying will make the child feel bad, that the child's lies will be transparent, and that deceit will be more severely punished than any acknowledged transgression. The hope is that lying will be deterred or (at least) that the caregiver's prophesies of shame will be self-fulfilling. By vilifying deception, stereotypes of the liar are designed to extend the reach of societal norms to actions that go unwitnessed.

Consistent with this hypothesis, there are moral strictures against lying worldwide. As part of a World Values Survey ( Inglehart, Basañez, & Moreno, 1998), adults in 43 different societies answered the question "Is lying in your own interest ever justified?" Of 43,000 respondents, 48% said that self-interested lying is never justified. Dishonesty is seen as one of the gravest ethical lapses. Indeed, American research participants rate the word liar as the least likeable of 555 personality trait terms ( Anderson, 1968).

According to our normative hypothesis, behavioral stereotypes of the liar have a moral underpinning. Because liars should feel ashamed, they should show signs of hiding, withdrawal, and submission. No doubt, gaze direction is subject to a variety of culture-specific interpretations, but our results reveal a pan-cultural construal. People throughout the world associate gaze aversion with shame ( Fessler, 1999; Keltner & Harker, 1998), and even non-human primates signal submission by looking away ( Argyle & Cook, 1976; Emery, 2000).

Although the developmental trajectory of stereotypes about lying remains to be charted, a few milestones can be identified. With neural structures that are specialized for perceiving eye contact ( Kawashima et al., 1999), humans are sensitive to gaze direction from birth ( Farroni, Csibra, Simion, & Johnson, 2002). Eye contact functions as an early vehicle for mother-infant interaction ( Keller, Schoelmerich, & Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1988), and the mother's breaking of mutual regard may be the first signal of disapproval infants encounter ( Schore, 1994). By the age of 3, most children know that adults react negatively to intentional falsehoods ( Siegal & Peterson, 1998), and soon thereafter, they are inferring deceit from gaze aversion ( Rotenberg & Sullivan, 2003). Although they often disbelieve fishy-looking truth tellers, perceivers rarely learn from their mistakes. Sensing that they are falsely suspected, truth tellers show signs of discomfort that function to reinforce the perceiver's stereotypes ( Bond & Fahey, 1987). Meanwhile, incoming behavioral data are assimilated to pre-existing beliefs-liars being attributed with less eye contact than they display ( Levine, Asada, & Park, 2004).

Some may view stereotypes about lying as idle curiosities (of no more than academic interest), but we take a different view. If designed to discourage deception, these stereotypes in fact promote deceit. In sketching the liar as conscience stricken, they ignore deceivers' abilities to self-rationalize ( Bok, 1999). In predisposing perceivers to miss lies, stereotypes reduce the likelihood of deceit being punished. These beliefs embody noble sentiments but are counterproductive.

Although our ideas about lying stereotypes may be speculative, we hope that scholars will consider societal prescriptions as they study deception around the globe. Perhaps cross-cultural differences in beliefs about lying reflect differing socialization requirements. A universal of experience, deception captures human imagination.

APPENDIX A

The Global Deception Research Team

Toivo Aavik (University of Tartu, Estonia), Maher Abu-Hilal (United Arabs Emirates [UAE] University), Farrukh Z. Ahmad (Institute of Professional Psychology, Pakistan), Ramadan A. Ahmed (Kuwait University, Kuwait), Barbara Alarco (University of Lima, Peru), Benjamin Amponsah (University of Ghana, Ghana), Adnan Atoum (Yarmouk University, Jordan), Hadi Bahrami (Tehran University, Iran), Peter Banton (University of Aix-Marseille, France), Veronica Barca (State University of Moldova, Moldova), M. Basualdo (University Columbia of the Paraguay), Corina Benjet (National Institute of Psychiatry, Mexico), Uma Bhowon (University of Mauritius, Mauritius), Charles F. Bond, Jr. (Texas Christian University), Trevor I. Case (Macquarie University, Australia), Letizia Caso (University of Rome, Italy), Derek Chadee (University of West Indies, Trinidad and Tobago), Robert Churney (College of Micronesia, Micronesia), Marjorie Courtoy (Université Catholique de Louvain, at Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium), Hrach Datevyan (Yerevan State Linguistic University, Armenia), Dahourou Donatien (University of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso), Cecilia Gastardo-Conaco (University of Philippines, Phillippines), Guido Gendolla (University of Geneva, Switzerland), M. Arif Ghayur (Slippery Rock State University, Slippery Rock, PA), Vijai N. Giri (Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, India), Raja Gunawardhane (University of Colombo, Sri Lanka), Hyuseog Han (Chonnam National University, Korea), Maria Hartwig (Goteborg University, Sweden), Nida Ul Hasanat (Gadjah Mada University, Indonesia), Dora Herrera (University of Lima, Peru), Angelika Hofhansl (University of Vienna Medical School, Austria), Roberta Holland (University of Malta, Malta), John Horgan (University College of Cork, Ireland), Shih-Tseng Tina Huang (NCCU, Taiwan), Rosnah Ismail (Universiti Malaysia Sabah, Malaysia), Tina Javahishvili (Academy of Sciences, Georgia), Lucy Johnston (University of Canterbury, New Zealand), Andreas Kapardis (University of Cyprus, Cyprus), Mujde Ker-Dincer (Ege University, Turkey), Maria Kerslake (National University of Samoa, Samoa), Anna Khaltourina (Academy of Sciences, Russia), Darya Khaltourina (Academy of Sciences, Russia), Jennifer Ah Kion (University of Mauritius, Mauritius), Guenter Koehnken (University of Kiel, Germany), Flora Kokkinaki (Athens University of Economics and Business, Greece), Mladen Koljatic (Pontifica Catholic University of Chile, Chile), Aleksandra Kostik (University of Nis, Serbia and Montenegro), Jenny Kurman (University of Haifa, Israel), Kang Lee (University of California San Diego, San Diego, California), Elena Levintsa (State University of Moldova, Moldova), Ladislas Lovas (University of P.J. Safarik, Slovakia), Jaume Masip (University of Salamanca, Spain), Carlos Ruiz Matuk (University of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic), Annika Melinder (University of Oslo, Norway), Harald Merckelbach (University of Maastricht, Netherlands), Rachi Messili (University of Algiers, Algeria), Lynden Miles (University of Canterbury, New Zealand), Patricia Thuli Mngadi (University of Swaziland, Swaziland), Margaret M. Munyae (University of Botswana, Botswana), Jasmina Nedeljkovic (University of Nis, Serbia and Montenegro), Felix Neto (University of Porto, Portugal), Marika Niemi (Institute of Occupational Health, Finland), Shanta Niraula (Padma Kanya Multiple Campus, Tribhuwan University, Nepal), George Nizharadze (Academy of Sciences, Georgia), Takashi Oka (University of Tokyo, Japan), D. E. M. O'Sullivan (University College of Cork, Ireland), Boguslaw Pawlowski (University of Wroclaw, Poland), Marcos E. Pereira (Federal University of Bahia, Brazil), Carolina Platon (State University of Moldova, Moldova), Sandhya Rao (Texas Christian University), Shawn Reynolds (Institute of Behavioral Research), Bernard Rime (Université Catholique de Louvain, at Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium), Olga Rodriguez (National University of Colombia, Colombia), Ruthie Rono (U.S. International University, Kenya), Incze Roxana (Babes-Bolyai University, Romania), Velko S. Rus (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia), Marion Schulmeyer (University Privada de Santa Cruz, Bolivia), Li Shu (Institute of Science, China), Monica Silva (Pontifica Catholic University of Chile, Chile), Roma Simulioniene (Klaipeda University, Lithuania), Iva Stuchlikova (University of South Bohemia, Czech Republic), Iva Sverko (Institute of Social Sciences, Croatia), Victoria Talwar (McGill University, Canada), Therese M. Tchombe (University of Yaounde, Cameroon), Sonia Tifner (National University of San Luis, Argentina), Colin Tredoux (University of Capetown, South Africa), Martin Voracek (University of Vienna, Austria), Aldert Vrij (Portsmouth University, UK), Kip Williams (Macquarie University, Australia), Rex Wright (University of Alabama), and Yuching Zhang (Institute of Science, China).

APPENDIX B

Questionnaire: Study 2

Beliefs About Deception

Footnotes

¹ The survey also included questions about deception abilities, deception frequency, and the demography of lying. These will not be discussed.

² The belief that liars avoid eye contact is not unique to English-language users nor to young people. In Study 2, 69.95% of non-English-language participants and 66.5% of participants who were at least 30 years old indicated that people make less eye contact than usual when lying. In Study 1, gaze aversion was mentioned as a cue to lying by 63.04% of non-English-language participants and 64.90% of participants who were at least 30 years old.

References

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Argyle M, Cook M. Gaze and mutual gaze. London: Cambridge University Press; 1976.

Bok S. Lying: Moral choice in public and private life. rev. New York: Random House; 1999.

Bond CF, Jr, DePaulo BM. Accuracy of deception judgments. Personality and Social Psychology Review (in press)

Ekman P. Telling lies: Clues to deceit in the marketplace, politics, and marriage. rev. New York: Norton; 2001.

Farroni T, Csibra G, Simion F, Johnson MH. Eye contact detection in humans from birth. Proceedings of the National Academy of Science. 2002;99:9602-9605. [PMC free article]

Fessler DMT. Toward an understanding of the universality of second-order emotions. In: Hinton A, editor. Beyond nature or nurture: Biocultural approaches to the emotions. New York: Cambridge University Press; 1999. pp. 75-116.

Garrido E, Masip J. Criminologists' beliefs about indicators of deception and truthfulness. Paper presented at the 10th European Conference of Psychology and Law; Limassol, Cyprus. 2000. Apr,

Hendry J, Watson CW. An anthropology of indirect communication. London: Routledge; 2001.

Inglehart R, Basañez M, Moreno A. Human values and beliefs: A cross-cultural sourcebook. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press; 1998.

Keltner D, Ekman P, Gonzaga GC, Beer J. Facial expression of emotion. In: Davidson RJ, Scherer KR, Goldsmith HH, editors. Handbook of affective sciences. New York: Oxford University Press; 2003. pp. 415-432.

Keltner D, Harker L. The form and functions of nonverbal signals of shame. In: Gilbert P, Andrews B, editors. Shame: Interpersonal behavior, psychopathology, and culture. New York: Oxford University Press; 1998. pp. 78-98.

Köhnken G. Credibility: Investigations of a psychological construct. München, Germany: Psychologie Verlag Union; 1990. Glaubwürdigkeit: Untersuchungen zu einem psychologischen Konstrukt.

Levine TR, Asada KJK, Park HS. The lying chicken and the gaze avoidant egg: Eye contact, deception, and causal order. 2004. Unpublished manuscript.

Schore AN. Affect regulation and the origin of the self: The neurobiology of emotional development. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum; 1994.

Sweetser EE. The definition of lie: An examination of folk models underlying a semantic prototype. In: Holland D, Quinn N, editors. Cultural models in language and thought. New York: Cambridge University Press; 1987. pp. 43-66.

Vrij A. Detecting lies and deceit: The psychology of lying and the implications for professional practice. Chichester, UK: Wiley; 2000.

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THE GLOBAL DECEPTION RESEARCH TEAM This article reports two worldwide studies of stereotypes about liars. These studies are carried out in 75 different countries and 43 different languages. In Study 1, participants respond to the open-ended question "How can you tell when people are lying?" In Study 2, participants complete a questionnaire about lying.

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A lie is a statement made by someone who knows, believes or suspects that it is false in whole or in part, waiting for the listeners to believe, so that reality is partially or totally hidden,

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Three-year-old Sally was playing happily in the kitchen while her mother cleaned up the dinner dishes. As Sally's mom turned to collect another plate from the table, she noticed a puddle on the floor under Sally's feet. "Sally, honey, did you wet your pants?" Sally shook her head and said, "My shoes did it."

Clearly, Sally has told her mother a lie. Like most parents, you might feel shocked - angry, hurt, or even betrayed - when you first discover your child has lied. But if you can step back and view lying as a part of your child's emotional and intellectual development, you will find that telling lies doesn't condemn your child to a life of betrayal or serious behavior problems. In fact, recent research has shown that lying plays a positive role in normal development. Essential human skills - independence, perspective taking, and emotional control - are the same skills that enable children to lie.

Conventional wisdom long held that young children were not capable of lying. More recent research, however, has found that most children learn to lie effectively between the ages of 2 and 4. The first successful lie can be pegged as a developmental achievement because it marks the child's discovery that her mind and thinking are separate from her parents'. This same understanding is marked by the discovery of the word no, which helps young children delineate the boundaries between their own desires, thoughts, and feelings, and those of others.

Like everything else, children learn to lie from the people around them. Parents and teachers show children in subtle - and not so subtle - ways to suppress their honesty. "Look at that funny man," a child will yell. "I don't like this," she'll say of Grandma's gift. "Yuck," he says about food that doesn't taste good. Adults slowly teach children that this kind of honesty is not always welcome - that there is a fine line between telling the truth and not hurting other people. Children also observe active lying by the adults in their lives. (One research study found that adults admit to lying an average of 13 times a week!) We all tell lies of convenience, and our children watch and learn - but not always so literally.

How Lying Evolves
From about age 4 on, children lie for many of the same reasons adults do: to avoid punishment, to gain an advantage, to protect against an unwanted consequence, and even to boost self-esteem. Youngsters, like adults, sometimes lie to demonstrate power, to maintain privacy, or to protect a friend. When a child lies, she is essentially trying to change a situation, to reconstruct things the way she wants them to be.

There is a developmental progression to lying. At the first level, the child wants to achieve some goal or reward by saying something that she knows or believes to be false. Her intention may be to affect the listener's behavior - to avoid punishment or receive a reward, for example.

Consider the following study: A number of 2- and 3-year-old children were seated in an empty room and told not to peek at a toy placed on table behind them. The researcher left and returned to the room five minutes later. Ninety percent of the children looked at the toy, and the majority - about two-thirds - concealed their peeking. One-third lied outright, saying they did not peek, while the other third didn't answer the question, pretending not to hear it.

At this age, wishes and imagination often get in the way of what is real. Sometimes a 3 year old will start to tell a story, and you will hear it get out of hand as he adds bits and pieces to fit the ideas in his head. Lies at this age might succeed, but 3 year olds are generally poor liars because they fail to lie appropriately. They do not consider that their listener will actually think about either the statement or their intention. As a result, they tend to lie at the wrong time or place, or neglect to think about other important facts, such as covering their tracks to conceal the deception.

By age 4, children know the difference between telling the truth and lying - and they know it's wrong to lie. So, generally, they're truthful, and when they're not it's obvious. But they also become more proficient at lying because they're more cognitively capable of taking into account the listener's belief of their statement.

When researchers conducted the same toy study with children aged 4 to 6, they found that older children were better at resisting the temptation to peek. But those who did look were more apt to lie about it. Videotapes showed another important difference in the older children: After they looked at the toy, they didn't look very happy. They did, however, change their facial expression once the researcher came back - they literally "put on a face."

By age 4 or 5, children understand the effects of a false message on a listener's mind, recognizing that the listener will interpret and evaluate a statement in the light of their existing knowledge. But they still have trouble knowing whether a listener thinks a statement is true. As one 5 year old said, "You should never tell a lie because the brains inside grown-ups' heads are so smart they always find out."

An even more sophisticated level of lying emerges between the ages of 6 and 8. Children can now understand something like, "John wants his mother to think he feels bad about Grandma not coming to visit." At this stage, it's not just the content of the lie, but the motive or attitude of the speaker that can be doubted, as well.

Looking ahead to ages 10 and 11, most children become able liars. The big difference at this stage is that parents and teachers are no longer seduced by the sound of a child's voice, the innocent look on her face, or an outlandish alibi.

When Your Child Lies
When your young child tells a lie, remind yourself that this is not a crisis of morality. It doesn't help to get outraged. Telling a lie is your child's way of getting what he wants, which is normal and healthy. It also doesn't help to investigate his story like a detective. This makes the child feel that he can't be trusted, or that he is devious. Even when a child is 4 to 5 years or older, and understands what truth is, you still may or may not get the truth if you ask for it directly. If you do get "the truth," however, it was because you made him tell. After he admits he licked the chocolate off your cake, what have you gained? You did not encourage him to take responsibility for his own behavior. In fact, pressuring your child can cause him to tell less than the truth the next time.

Helping your child develop morality and responsibility for his actions over the long haul is the goal. While lying is a normal aspect of growing up, that does not mean it should be dismissed. Here are some strategies that you can use to help your child develop a better understanding of truthfulness:

Model the behavior you expect to see in your child. This sounds obvious, but it involves monitoring when and how you lie - not an easy task. If we want to foster a trusting, self-regulating child who cares about his own welfare and that of others, we have to do it the hard way: by being trusting, self-regulating, and respectful adults.

Cool down before doing anything. The calmer you are, the better you'll communicate. The first step is to convey the message that a behavior - stealing, for example - is wrong. Then, address why your child lied about what he did. Remember that some children will lie to avoid anger even more than to avoid punishment.

Use consequences that promote the development of conscience. Consider a kindergartener who has discarded several notes sent home by the teacher requesting a meeting. His father hasn't received any notes, and is shocked when the teacher calls. His child denies any knowledge of the notes. At this point, although we can imagine feeling emotions such as anger, despair, and resentment, it is best to stay calm. A logical short-term consequence might be to require the child to inform his teacher that he hasn't been giving the notes to his parents and that he is sorry. He can then ask for another note to bring home.

Consider the goal of your child's lie. In the case of our kindergartener, was he trying to avoid punishment? Perhaps he was frightened by the consequences of what he did and of making a mistake. What might he be feeling? Anxious, guilty, ashamed, scared? There is always a motive and meaning for what children tell us. It won't hurt to ask yourself what your child is gaining by telling a lie.

Point out the logical consequences of lying. Young children are very interested in the story of the boy who cried wolf so often that, when the boy really needed help, nobody paid any attention. When a child is able to change her story and tell you the truth, let her know that you are glad she was able to do so. This will reinforce her confidence and make it easier for her to tell the truth the next time.

In the long run, the most effective solution is to try to discern what message the child is trying to convey with his lie. Occasionally, lying is a sign that a child needs more attention or, perhaps, stronger limits on daily activities. Longer-term strategies may be to create structured routines (for example, going to bed on time after a favorite read-aloud, or a limited amount of television time) to increase his sense of security within the family.

In the words of early childhood pioneer Erik Erikson, "It's a long haul bringing up our children to be good; you have to keep doing that - bring them up - and that means bringing things up with them: Asking, telling, sounding them out, sounding off yourself - finding, through experience, your own words, your own way of putting them together. You have to learn where you stand, and make sure your kids learn [where you stand], understand why, and soon, you hope, they'll be standing there beside you, with you."

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Three-year-old Sally was playing happily in the kitchen while her mother cleaned up the dinner dishes. As Sally's mom turned to collect another plate from the table, she noticed a puddle on the floor under Sally's feet. "Sally, honey, did you wet your pants?" Sally shook her head and said, "My shoes did it."

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fix a problem with a lie is make the problem more big

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You have to take a decision to tell the truth or make a history with a lie 

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You have to take a decision to tell the truth or make a history with a lie 

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B1dmRjyN0CQ

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YASSSSS!

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Bering crazy in not bad, being hypocritical and liar if. 

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Bering crazy in not bad, being hypocritical and liar if. 

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No one forces you to lie, however the fact that you are honest is because you have good valves from home and the deceitful and hypocritical people close many doors to other opportunities.

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No one forces you to lie, however the fact that you are honest is because you have good valves from home and the deceitful and hypocritical people close many doors to other opportunities.

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The problem is that with a lie, all the truths are put in doubt

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The problem is that with a lie, all the truths are put in doubt

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The problem is that with a lie, all the truths are put in doubt

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The problem is that with a lie, all the truths are put in doubt

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Look this pic, LMFAO!

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telling the truth causes a very good impression towards the other peronas since you give bail

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"Just be fucking honest about how you feel  about people while you´re alive."
-JOHN MAYER

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lying is a very bad thing because people who trust you no longer know whether to believe or not

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We need more honest people.

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Did you know that we all lie at least once a day?
They probably do not realize it, but at least once a day we tell a lie without feeling guilty. The amount may be higher in some people.

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Hellooooooo!

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This makes me laugh a lot friends! Jajaja....

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No, well, yes jaja

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you decide if your destiny will be fine depends on whether you decide whether to lie or speak the truth

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you decide if your destiny will be fine depends on whether you decide whether to lie or speak the truth

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My point of view is that being honest is very important in every situation, because every one of us who is lying loses a person we care about too much.

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In claro video There is a serie called lie to me and talk about a person who knows when people lie to resolve crimes

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https://www.google.com.mx/search?q=gifs+de+lies&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiVxrW70dzdAhULXa0KHcOcA-UQ_AUICigB&biw=1366&bih=657#imgdii=LcJtxufnbqHIQM:&imgrc=-rwpp8M2tuinxM:

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if there are lies in your life you will surely be wrong in the future

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if there are lies in your life you will surely be wrong in the future

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the lies can take you away but they do not allow you to return

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the lies can take you away but they do not allow you to return

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JAJAJAJAJAJA