# data[].attributes.body
In 21th century, teenagers live with more and more pressure, they have to face complex social relationship, difficulty and boring study. However a lot of adults can not understand us yet, therefore loneliness is always around us. We need something or someone which can leon and we need instructions from the elder, to grow, to live.

# data[].attributes.body
quote website

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.keywords[]
teen love quotes - cute teenage love quotations & sayings

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Teen Love Quotes - Cute Teenage Love Quotations & Sayings

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This article offers a cute list of love quotes for teens. Use these teenage love sayings & quotations to bring your love in existence.

# data[].attributes.body
Next, puberty can be an important source for the pressure, a lot of teens have struggled on the love. They spend thousands of money on their lovers, they sneak out to see each other, they spend sleeping time on chatting, they spend their study time to miss each other, even they write their lover's name on the dorm wall......some teens are too shy to do the confession, then probably lose themselves, as Mark Overby says, 'Love is much like a wild rose, beautiful and calm, but willing to draw blood in its defense. '   Here is a perfect example( experience) for it.  It was 2 month ago in my high school. Once I saw a classmate passed by and I had a crash on her, at that moment, I stood on the floor and heart started beating fast, face got hot, the body shaked. I felt something like stream go through my body to soul. I fell in love. Next the class began. I did get nothing from the teacher but her. Then I watched her everything every day, forgot my friends, parents, teachers and myself.  I missed her every single night, called her name again and again. However she did not notice at all. When the sport meeting was coming now, I practice a lot like a "Superman" in order to get a little possible cheer from her, for me. When the nights are coming, I listen to the music and write poems for her like a poet. I am under frying cause her refused each single confession from me. I always cry furtively when I am alone, my heart is broken through I still like her. Every time I listen to love songs, she comes out my mind. She got me go psycho. As a result, I could not control myself and got blames from my parents, also she did not make sense with me, I felt the sense of fail.

# data[].attributes.body
THE SECOND BODY PARAGRAPH

# data[].attributes.body
the quote web site

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
"Peer pressure and social norms are powerful influences on behaviour, and they are classic excuses." - Andrew Lansley

# data[].attributes.body
"My message isn't perfectly defined. I have, as a human being, fallen to peer pressure." - Kanye West             Peer pressure is an significant reason which brings a lot of pressure. It makes teens more emotional and unmanageable though sometime it has a few advantanges, often they need to receive something they do not want to do. In other words, as a teen, it's likely you've experienced the effect of peer influence in a number of different areas, from the clothes they wear to music they listen, even some items which break the laws. For instance, Alison (aged 18) says:

“I started doing drugs when I was 15. All my friends were into it and I honestly felt it was ok to do the stuff with them. I now know that I shouldn’t have done and it has taken me over a year to get back to where I’m at today. I’ve got drugs out of my body. I still don’t feel good about it and some days can be better than others... but I’m looking forwards, not backwards. I think that’s important. I know it was peer pressure that got me into that stuff. We all got screwed up. My advice to anyone is if you know that you shouldn’t do stuff then don’t do it – even if your friends think it’s cool. It’s not worth it… and your life gets messed up. I still have some of my friends but they’ve changed. They’re still trying to get their lives together. Don’t do drugs. You only get one body and only you can look after it.”                                          Obviously, peer pressure makes taking drugs more and more althrough a lot of them do not actually want to. We need to focus on the disadvantage.

# data[].attributes.body
THE FIRST BODY PARAGRAPH

# data[].attributes.body
the first introductory paragraph                                                                                                                     In a large number of  parents' cognitions, their kids are pure and kind, they are light of heart. An ancient Chinese poem said"Little baby longboat, stealing white lotus back. Do not understand the trace, the duckweed is open." However, time went far, things changed.                                                                               Now Society is more stressed. There is more pressure to be successful, to be a 'good' child, teenager, human.Of cause we do feel the pressure. We are even more sensitive than adults are! When society is stressed this influence kids. From young age children are being expected to know what subjects they will take at university and th erefore , a job.                                                                                          Eventhough we are young and small, the complex society is the pressure of teenagers. In my opinion, peer pressure, puppy love(puberty) are the main reasons for it.

# data[].attributes.body
The structure of expository essay

# data[].attributes.body
reference for teen's love

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The singer of a plaintive hit song from the 1950s croons 'Each night I ask the stars up above, Why must I be a teenager in love?', as he bemoans the ups and downs of his romance, one minute on top of the world, next minute in the deepest slough of despondency. Such angst!

Has anything changed? In modern pop songs, young people still sing about their crushes, unrequited loves and romantic break-ups; about feeling awkward, unsure, in despair, overwhelmed, joyous and inspired, although these days the sexual imagery is much more obvious. And it can appear that the tender feelings of first love are at odds with today's world of 'out there' sexuality. Adolescents are heavy consumers of online pornography, they are sexting, and using 'apps' to meet partners for casual sex hook-ups. They may post on Facebook about their sexual and romantic successes and failures. Research has not yet caught up with the long-term implications of these new ways of courting, but it does seem that falling in love and romantic relationships are still part of the developmental timetable for many adolescents.

Let's look at what is known. The US-based National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), involving a representative sample of thousands of school children in Grades 7 to 12, found that over 80 per cent of those aged 14 years and older were or had been in a romantic relationship, including a small number (2-3 per cent) in same-sex relationships (Carver et al., 2003; Grieger et al., 2014). Many of these relationships were short term, especially among younger adolescents, but a significant number were a year or more in duration. Evidence that these relationships were socially normative was shown by the finding that in most cases, parents had met their child's romantic partner and the couples had told others of their romantic status. There is limited data on romantic relationships in other developed countries, but existing research suggests similar percentages to the US data, although with somewhat older age groups (e.g. Moore et al., 2012).

The normative nature of adolescent romantic relationships means that those young people without a girlfriend or boyfriend can feel stressed or 'different' (Scanlan et al., 2012). Given that adolescence is a time when there is a great deal of pressure to conform to peer norms, young people who are not linking up romantically can feel lonely and out of step with their peers. For example, on the internet site girlsaskguys.com, an anonymous young woman asks: I've never had a boyfriend or girlfriend. Would you assume that there is something bad or wrong with that person that makes people not want to go out with them? I think it's because I am ugly. I am not fat however. What is wrong with me?

On a different advice site (quora.com), this young man similarly questions why he is different:
I am 21 and never had a girlfriend. Most of my friends are in a relationship. I feel kind of depressed and that I would never have a girlfriend. What should I do? I've asked a couple of girls whom I like to go out with me in the past and they declined.

Of course, not every young person is interested in romantic relationships. Some feel they are not ready, some want to concentrate on their studies or sport, others are more tempted by the casual sex culture of temporary 'hook-ups'. Nevertheless, most adolescents begin their sexual lives within the context of a romantic relationship and generally, involvement in romantic relationships in adolescence is developmentally appropriate and healthy (Collins et al., 2009).

What happens when teenagers fall in love?
Falling in love is an emotional upheaval at any age, but for adolescents the feelings are likely to be even more difficult to manage. Teenage bodies and brains are maturing at a rate not experienced since infancy. There is a growth spurt, development of secondary sex characteristics and young people change in appearance from child to adult. Physical awkwardness often results from growth asynchronies; young people can feel embarrassed and self-conscious about the sexualisation of their bodies or their perceived inadequacies in terms of often-unrealistic body ideals. As well, the adolescent brain has been described as 'a work in progress', with certain areas maturing more quickly than others, leading to potential mismatches between physical, emotional and cognitive development. For example, there can be incongruities between adult bodily appearance, increasing sex drive and the brain development required for mature decision-making and self-regulation of behaviour and emotions. The 'executive functioning' area of the brain - the prefrontal cortex - is among the last areas of the brain to fully mature, usually sometime in the twenties (Petanjek et al., 2011). Adolescence therefore becomes a time of diminished prefrontal cortical control, with the heightened possibility of risk-taking and poor judgement decisions, especially in environments described as 'reward-sensitive', where the temptations of immediate feel-good experiences are high, such as in romantic and sexual situations (Braams et al., 2015; Suleiman & Harden, 2016).

Hormonal changes, triggered by brain and body developments, are strongly implicated in the intense feelings of sexual attraction and falling in love. Testosterone and oestrogen - male and female sex hormones - are associated with heightened sexual urges, while the hormones oxytocin and vasopressin are implicated in attachment and bonding. During puberty, the volume of these circulating sex hormones in the body rises dramatically. In girls, the ovaries increase their production of oestrogen sixfold and in boys, the testes produce 20 times the amount of testosterone.

Both sexes have male and female hormones circulating in the bloodstream, but during adolescence a boy's testosterone level becomes 20 to 60 per cent higher than that of a girl, while her oestrogen level becomes 20 to 30 per cent higher than his. These hormones have strong effects on mood and libido. Young people are hormonally 'primed' toward being sexually attracted to others but, especially in early adolescence, they are not used to the feelings associated with the rapid increases and fluctuations in their hormone levels. High concentrations of certain hormones for one's age, or rapid fluctuations of hormone levels may trigger more negative moods and greater mood variability (Buchanan et al., 1992). Emotions associated with being 'in love' or 'in lust' are likely to be confused and confusing, even overwhelming for some (Temple-Smith et al., 2016).

It's not only the sex hormones that are involved in falling in love. Ortigue and his colleagues (2010) used brain imaging to show that when a person falls in love, 12 areas of the brain work in tandem to release euphoria-inducing chemicals such as dopamine, adrenaline and serotonin. Adrenaline is a stress hormone, causing sweating, heart palpitations and dry mouth - just catching a glimpse of the new love can trigger these bodily sensations. Dopamine stimulates desire and pleasurable feelings, and has been described as a 'feel good' hormone with similar effects to the drug cocaine. Fisher et al. (2006) found heightened levels of dopamine in the brains of couples newly in love. Further, Marazziti and Canale (2004) examined levels of serotonin in the bloodstreams of couples in love and people with obsessive-compulsive disorders. Their finding that levels were similarly heightened in the two groups led these researchers to conclude that serotonin level is associated with those constant thoughts about the loved one that are part of being 'love struck'.

In another illustration of how some of these effects are manifest, a study by Brand and colleagues (2007) compared newly 'in love' adolescents with a control group who were unpartnered. The 'in love' group scored higher than the controls on hypomania, a mood state (with accompanying thoughts and behaviours) in which emotions are more labile: euphoric one minute, in despair the next. The diary entries of the adolescent love birds showed they had more positive morning and evening moods than the controls, shorter sleep times but better quality sleep, lowered daytime sleepiness and better concentration during the day.

Falling in love takes some getting used to, all those different emotions, mood swings, needs and desires. Nevertheless, through their romantic relationships, adolescents have the potential for psychological growth as they learn about themselves and other people, gain experience in how to manage these feelings and develop the skills of intimacy. They also face new risks and challenges. These positive and negative aspects of adolescent romantic relationships are discussed below.

Psychosocial development
Lifespan developmental theorist Erik Erikson (1968) viewed crushes and youthful romances as important contributors to adolescent self-understanding and identity formation. He described teenage 'falling in love' as a form of self-development rather than true intimacy. Adolescents, becoming more self-aware as their cognitive powers develop, can try out their 'grown-up' identities with romantic partners and through feedback from the partners' responses and behaviours, gradually clarify self-image. The endless talking (and now texting) that often accompanies teen romances is a way of experimenting with different forms of 'self' and testing their effect on the other person.

As well as aiding identity development, adolescent romantic relationships - both short term and longer term - can provide positive learning experiences about the self, for example through influencing self-esteem and beliefs about attractiveness and self-worth, and raising status in the peer group (Zimmer-Gembeck et al., 2001; 2004). They can assist young people in renegotiating and developing more mature and less emotionally dependent relationships with their parents, as a precursor for independent living. When there is good will and warmth between the partners, romantic relationships offer a safe environment for learning about and experimenting with sexuality and sexual orientation (Collins et al., 2009). Teenage romantic relationships are, in a sense, a training ground for adult intimacy, providing an opportunity for learning to manage strong emotions, to negotiate conflict, to communicate needs and to respond to a partner's needs (Scanlan et al., 2012).

Challenges and problems
On the downside, romantic relationships can sometimes lead to unhealthy outcomes. Young people can become too exclusive when they pair up, cutting themselves off from friendship and support networks in ways that do not advance optimal development. Identity formation may be compromised if a teenager closes off developmental options through a partnership in which unhealthy living choices are made, or through early, unplanned parenthood.

Adolescents can be exposed to abusive and violent interactions or unwanted or coerced sexual activity within their romantic relationships (Mulford & Giordano, 2008). Aggression between romantic partners is common, with boys as likely to report abuse behaviour as girls. Collins et al.'s (2009) review indicates that, depending on the sample surveyed, 10 to 48 per cent of adolescents experience physical aggression and 25 to 50 per cent report psychological aggression from their romantic partner, including being sworn at, insulted and threatened. These days, aggression and bullying also occur online, for example, vengeful ex-partners have been known to share private photos or information on social media, causing embarrassment, humiliation or worse to the victim. Some teens appear to be more accepting of these situations than is healthy, for example interpreting jealousy and overly possessive behaviours as reflections of love.

Sexual coercion within romantic relationships is relatively common. A national survey of over 2000 Australian secondary students in Years 10, 11 and 12 found that among those who were sexually active, one-quarter had experienced unwanted sex (Mitchell et al., 2014). Reasons given for having sex when they did not want to included being too drunk to say no (49 per cent), frightened (28 per cent) or pressured by their partner (53 per cent). A US study of over 750 female students found almost 50 per cent had had at least one experience of unwanted sex, 70 per cent as part of a casual 'hook-up', and 57 per cent in a committed romantic relationship (Garcia et al., 2012). Regretted sex is also not an uncommon phenomenon among teenagers (e.g. Skinner et al., 2008).

Other challenges facing young people seeking or participating in romantic relationships include unrequited love and breaking up. In the case of unrequited love, fantasies about the other can be intense and obsessional, sometimes leading to misinterpretations that the feelings are reciprocated. In extreme cases this may result in maladjusted acting-out behaviours, such as aggression and stalking (Leitz & Theriot, 2005), but more commonly the distress is turned inwards, contributing to depression and low self-esteem, sometimes with the risk of self-harm.

Break-ups are a very common feature of adolescent romantic relationships, some of which last only a few weeks. Among a large sample of young people in their early twenties in Australia and Hong Kong, 80 per cent had experienced a break-up (Moore et al., 2012). The impact of splitting up may not be particularly severe or long-lasting, especially in the case of short-term liaisons. Nevertheless, some teenagers are more vulnerable than others. Several studies have shown romantic break-ups associated with depression, particularly among those who have already experienced mood disorders (Davila, 2008; Welsh et al., 2003). In our 2012 study, 40 per cent of participants felt very hurt following their relationship break-up, even though the majority of these dissolutions were self- or mutually initiated. Break-ups were more distressing if they were partner-initiated, and among adolescents with more 'clingy' relationship styles and greater tendencies toward negative mood.

Usually, time heals and experience teaches. Connolly and McIsaac (2009) researched break-ups among Canadian adolescents and found that the most common reasons given for ending a relationship related to unmet affiliation, intimacy, sexual or interdependence needs. In other words, young people were 'moving on' when their relationships were not fulfilling, and in the process, hopefully, were learning more about themselves and others. Over time, and through talking with others, including parents, peers and partners, adolescents can develop cognitive frameworks for better understanding the nature of intimate relationships and learn to cope with their ups and downs. One example comes from a study by Montgomery (2005) of nearly 500 young people aged 12 to 24 years, in which it was shown that older adolescents were less prone to romantic idealisation than younger ones. They were more realistic in their expectations of a romantic partner, so less liable to be disappointed. With experience, if all goes well, love becomes a little less blind.

Protective factors
With age and maturity come more realistic expectations and, hopefully, stronger capacities to make discerning partner choices, communicate and negotiate with partners and recover from relationship set backs and break ups. 'Hopefully' is the operative word here, because we know that people of any age can be undone by their heartbreaks and poor romantic choices. Nevertheless there are some protective factors likely to assist young people to negotiate first romantic relationships and survive break-ups.

Early sex education is important, ideally emanating from the home and supported by the school curriculum. It's a bit late for 'the talk' on the eve of a young person's first date. Education that goes beyond the mechanics of sex and emphasises mutual respect, decision-making and the meaning of consent should help young people to resist relationship bullying and sexual coercion. School and community-based programmes that focus on teaching the characteristics of healthy romantic relationships, recognising gender-based stereotypes, improving conflict-management and communication skills, and decreasing acceptance of partner violence can effectively reduce dating violence in adolescent relationships (Foshee et al., 1998). In addition, parental modelling of respectful interrelationships sets a pattern for young people to aim for in their own interactions.

Family and peer discussions that normalise teenage romantic relations - and breaking up - also help young people to frame their expectations and experiences in context. Some teenagers may need extra encouragement to maintain links with their friends and peer group, and to keep up their sports and hobbies when they are in the throes of an intense romance. But it is important that they do maintain these support links in order to help them resist the kinds of relationships that are too interdependent and have an obsessional quality. When this kind of relationship breaks up, there is a greater risk of distress and depression. Maintaining links with friends provides a distraction from troubles and a sounding board for adolescents to discuss their romantic successes, failures and hopes.

In today's world, cyber safety is a key issue for all of us, but especially young people. Education about topics such as the potential dangers of sexting, online sexual predators and the distortion of romantic relationships depicted on pornography sites is essential for adolescents. Parental monitoring of online activity, especially among children and younger teenagers, may be advisable, and this requires that parents too become educated in new media - savvy about Facebook, Instagram, Tinder and the like. While adolescents need their privacy, it is important for parents to be watchful for warning signs of obsessive and secretive internet use. The heady emotions of falling in love can lead teenagers into unwise activity; the problem with the internet is that sexts and social media posts can come back to haunt them well after a relationship is over.

In summary, adolescent romantic relationships - with all their ups and downs - have the capacity to be growth-promoting, confidence-boosting and healthy experiences that teach young people about the give and take of intimacy. They also provide traps for young players. And while we cannot (and should not) shield the adolescents in our care from all the hurts and disappointments that life throws up, there are protective factors that limit the likelihood of serious harm from toxic partnerships or distressing break-ups. Watchful, kindly and respectful parenting, strong friendship networks and relationship-oriented sex education can all play their part in helping adolescents enjoy their romantic adventures and learn from them.

Meet the author
'It's a long time since my own adolescence, but like so many people I will never forget the heady emotions of first love, the embarrassing things I did and the mistakes I made. The world has changed greatly since "my time", but from over 40 years of research into the adolescent experience (as well as being a mother, step-mother and grandmother to adolescents) I can see that much remains the same. There is more freedom and tolerance of youthful romantic and sexual experimentation, but the risks of poor decision-making persist. Some of these are new, like being the victim of a sexual predator or experiencing "revenge porn" on the internet. Some are as old as history, like regretted sex or unplanned pregnancy. Parents, teachers and counsellors of young people can offer more effective support if they become familiar with the latest research on adolescent romance, including the role of brain development, social attitudes, and online culture. In a recent book, Sexuality in Adolescence: The Digital Generation (2016, Taylor & Francis) my co-authors and I examine these issues in detail."
Susan Moore References
is Emeritus Professor of Psychology at Swinburne University of Technology in Melbourne, Australia

Braams, B.R., van Duijvenvoorde, A.C.K., Peper, J.S. & Crone, E.A. (2015). Longitudinal changes in adolescent risk-taking. Journal of Neuroscience, 35, 7226-7238.
Brand, S., Luethi, M., von Planta, A. et al. (2007). Romantic love, hypomania, and sleep pattern in adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 41(1), 69-76.
Buchanan, C.M., Eccles, J.S. & Becker, J.B. (1992). Are adolescents the victims of raging hormones: Evidence for activational effects of hormones on moods and behavior at adolescence. Psychological Bulletin, 111(1), 62-107.
Carver, K., Joyner, K. & Udry, J.R. (2003). National estimates of adolescent romantic relationships. In P. Florsheim (Ed.) Adolescent romantic relations and sexual behavior: Theory, research and practical implications (pp.23-56). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Collins, W.A., Welsh, D.P. & Furman, W. (2009). Adolescent romantic relationships. Annual Review of Psychology, 60, 631.
Connolly, J. & McIsaac, C. (2009). Adolescents' explanations for romantic dissolutions: A developmental perspective. Journal of Adolescence, 32(5), 1209-1223.
Davila, J. (2008). Depressive symptoms and adolescent romance. Child Development and Personality, 2(1), 26-31.
Erikson, E. (1968). Identity, youth and crisis. New York: Norton.
Fisher, H.E., Aron, A. & Brown, L.L. (2006). Romantic love: A mammalian brain system for mate choice. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 361 (1476), 2173-2186.
Foshee, V.A., Bauman, K.E., Arriaga, X.B. et al. (1998). An evaluation of safe dates, an adolescent dating violence prevention program. American Journal of Public Health, 88(1), 45-50.
Garcia, J.R., Reiber, C., Massey, S. & Merriwether, A. (2012). Sexual hookup culture: A review. Review of General Psychology, 16(2), 161-176.
Grieger, L.D., Kusunoki, Y. & Harding, D.J. (2014). The social contexts of adolescent romantic relationships. Focus, 31(1), 15-17.
Leitz, M.A. & Theriot, M.T. (2005). Adolescent stalking: A review. Journal of Evidence-Based Social Work, 2(3), 97-112.
Marazziti, D. & Canale, D. (2004). Hormonal changes when falling in love. Psychoneuroendocrinology 29, 931-936.
Mitchell, A., Patrick, K., Heywood, W. et al. (2014). Fifth National Survey of Australian Secondary Students and Sexual Health 2013. ARCSHS Monograph Series No. 97. Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society, La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia.
Montgomery, M.J. (2005). Psychosocial intimacy and identity: From early adolescence to emerging adulthood. Journal of Adolescent Research, 20(3), 346-374.
Moore, S., Leung, C., Karnilowicz, W. & Lung, C.L. (2012). Characteristics and predictors of romantic relationships in late adolescence and young adulthood in Hong Kong and Australia. Australian Psychologist, 47(2), 108-117. dating violence: A closer look at adolescent romantic relationships. National Institute of Justice Journal, No. 261, pp.34-40. Available via www.nij.gov/journals/261
Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N. et al. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. Journal of Sexual Medicine, 7, 3541-3552.
Petanjek, Z., Judaš, M., Šimić, G. et al. (2011). Extraordinary neoteny of synaptic spines in the human prefrontal cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 108(32), 13281-13286.
Scanlan, F., Bailey, A. & Parker, A. (2012). Adolescent romantic relationships - Why are they important? And should they be encouraged or avoided? Headspace, Orygen Youth Health Research Centre: Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. Retrieved 6 February, 2016 from tinyurl.com/h6s6prg.
Skinner, S.R., Smith, J., Fenwick, J. et al. (2008). Perceptions and experiences of first sexual intercourse in Australian adolescent females. Journal of Adolescent Health, 43(6), 593-599.
Suleiman, A.B. & Harden, K.P. (2016). The importance of sexual and romantic development in understanding the developmental neuroscience of adolescence. Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience, 7, 145-147.
Temple-Smith, M., Moore, S. & Rosenthal, D. (2016). Sexuality in adolescence: The digital generation. London: Routledge.
Welsh, D.P., Grello, C.P. & Harper, M.S. (2003). When love hurts: Depression and adolescent romantic relationships. In P. Florsheim (Ed.) Adolescent romantic relations and sexual behavior: Theory, research and practical implications (pp.185-212). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Zimmer-Gembeck, M.J., Siebenbruner, J. & Collins, W.A. (2001). Diverse aspects of dating: Associations with psychosocial functioning from early to middle adolescence. Journal of Adolescence, 24(3), 313-336.
Zimmer-Gembeck, M., Siebenbruner, J. & Collins, W.A. (2004). A prospective study of intraindividual and peer influences on adolescents' heterosexual romantic and sexual behavior. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 33(4), 381-394.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The singer of a plaintive hit song from the 1950s croons 'Each night I ask the stars up above, Why must I be a teenager in love?', as he bemoans the ups and downs of his romance, one minute on top of the world, next minute in the deepest slough of despondency.

# data[].attributes.body
Also, I had some troubles with a girl. She used to like me but I did not actually notice that. However I have the crash now but she sees me like a friend through I tried to chase her. I feel the big big trouble and sadness like the last example, it makes connection with me. here arethe examples of love problems which boys and girls met.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Free translation service for online automatic translation of text and web pages, translating between many languages, including Spanish, French, Japanese, German, Chinese, Italian, Korean, Thai and Russian.

# data[].attributes.body
I have my own idea---puberty(puppy love)puppy love is mostly secret crash. It attracts a lot of force from teens and they become anxious, emotional.Also, I have my own idea---puberty(puppy love)puppy love is mostly secret crash. It attracts a lot of force from teens and they become anxious, emotional.

# data[].attributes.body
The effects of peer pressure

# data[].attributes.body
However, when I done the first body paragraph confidently, I saw the padlet my classmate, I went down again because I think I did not fit this good team, the good class. This is a example that I learnt about my reason for my topic---peer pressure. Peer pressure sometimes kills the real me but I have to. Otherwise I can not fit other teens.

# data[].attributes.body
Recently, I have some social troubles, I am going down, down, down. I would really like to explord the sadness out or tell somebody. Fortunately, we got a AA on expository writing.I searched a lot of topics but they did not make sense to me. When this topic appeared, I became exciting because I feel the connection, I can tell something.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Expository essays discuss topics by using facts rather than opinions, requiring students to evaluate and investigate while setting forth their arguments clearly and concisely. Teachers often include expository essays as part of assessments, especially in college-level courses, so students can help themselves succeed by practicing writing these types of essays. When teachers are integrating writing throughout the curriculum, students can use expository essays to demonstrate what they've learned in other courses.

Sample Expository Essay Topics From Students

Tenth-graders wrote the following general expository essay topics. Students can practice writing these topics or use the list to come up with topics of their own. The important thing to remember is that these expository essays are based on facts rather than the writer's beliefs or feelings.

1. Explain why you admire a particular person.

2. Explain why someone you know should be regarded as a leader.

3. Explain why parents are sometimes strict.

4. If you had to be an animal, which would you be and why?

5. Explain why you especially enjoy a particular teacher.

6. Explain why some cities have curfews for teens.

7. Explain why some students are forced to leave school once they are sixteen.

8. Explain how moving from place to place affects teens.

9. Explain why getting a driver's license is an important event in the lives of many teenagers.

10. Describe the major stressors in teens' lives.

11. Explain why you like or don't like working in a team.

12. Describe some nonmaterial things that make you happy.

13. Explain why some teens commit suicide.

14. Explain how music affects your life.

15. Explain the impact of different music genres on society.

16. Explain why students listen to a particular type of music.

17. Explain why some teens skip school.

18. Explain the likely consequences of skipping school.

19. Describe the likely consequences of doing poorly in school.

20. Explain why teens do drugs.

21. Describe the likely consequences of selling drugs.

22. Describe the likely consequences of taking drugs.

23. Explain why teens smoke cigarettes.

24. Explain the likely consequences of being kicked out of school.

25. Explain the likely consequences of skipping classes.

26. Explain the likely consequences of brothers and sisters constantly fighting.

27. Explain why teens wear makeup.

28. Explain the consequences of having alcohol on the school campus.

29. Explain the likely consequences of being sexually active without using protection.

30. Explain why some teens' parents do not like to be alone with their child's boyfriend or girlfriend.

31. Explain the likely consequences of increasing the time between classes from five to 15 minutes.

32. Explain why some teens join gangs.

33. Explain the difficulties some teens have once they are in gangs.

34. Explain how life for a teenager changes once she has a baby.

35. Describe what you feel a boy should do if he finds out his girlfriend is pregnant.

36. Explain why you should or should not laugh at embarrassing moments.

37. Describe the effects of marijuana.

38. Explain the likely consequences of teens becoming sexually active.

39. Explain why it is helpful to organize your materials and activities.

40. Explain why your schoolwork is important.

41. Describe the ways you help out at home.

42. Explain the likely consequences of abolishing capital punishment.

43. Explain the consequences of adopting a pass/fail grading system.

44. Explain the likely consequences of enforcing an 11:00 p.m. curfew.

45. Explain the likely consequences of ending forced busing.

46. Explain why some teenagers dislike saying the pledge to the flag.

47. Explain why some schools don't have open lunch policies.

48. Explain why most teenagers are materialistic.

49. Explain why some teens get jobs.

50. Explain the consequences of having a job while in high school.

51. Explain the likely consequences of dropping out of school.

52. Describe some productive ways students can spend their leisure time.

53. Explain why dealing with their parents' divorce can be difficult for many teens.

54. Explain why teens love their parents even when family situations are difficult.

55. Describe the things that bring you the greatest happiness.

56. Describe three things you would like to change the world and explain why you would change them.

57. Explain why you prefer living in an apartment (or house).

58. Describe the likely consequences of requiring a childbearing license.

59. Describe three objects that symbolize our culture and explain why you selected them.

60. Explain why you are interested in a particular career.

61. Explain the likely consequences of requiring students to wear school uniforms.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
What Are Some Good Expository Essay Topics?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Expository essays discuss topics by using facts rather than opinions, requiring students to evaluate and investigate while setting forth their arguments clearly and concisely. Teachers often include expository essays as part of assessments, especially in college-level courses, so students can help themselves succeed by practicing writing these types of essays.

# data[].attributes.body
evidence in history
Holocaust[edit]

The Holocaust is probably the most well-known of genocides. In the 1940s, Nazi Germany, led by Adolf Hitler, began a systematic purge against the Jewish people living in Europe, killing around six million Jews by the end of World War II. It is clear that some Germans are culpable for the Holocaust; SS officers and soldiers clearly bought into the Jewish genocide and participated as executioners, jailers, and hunters (for hiding Jews).[55] However, a broader statement is harder to make—as seen below, not all Germans wanted to kill the Jews. When bringing the concept of peer pressure into the Holocaust, German culpability is even harder to decide.

The primary issue revolves around collective responsibility and beliefs. As such, there are two positions, most notably held by Christopher Browning and David Goldhagen.

Rwandan genocide[edit]

The Rwandan genocide occurred in 1994, with ethnic violence between the Hutu and Tutsi ethnicities. The primary belligerents were the Hutu; however, as with most ethnic conflict conflicts, not all Hutu wanted to kill Tutsi. A survivor named Mectilde described the Hutu breakdown as follows: 10% helped, 30% forced, 20% reluctant, and 40% willing.[60] For the willing, a rewards structure was put in place. For the unwilling, a punishment system was in effect. The combination, Professor Bhavnani argues, is a behavioral norm enforced by in-group policing. Instead of the typical peer pressure associated with western high school students, the peer pressure within the Rwandan genocide, where Tutsi and Hutu have inter-married, worked under coercion. Property destruction, rape, incarceration, and death faced the Hutu who were unwilling to commit to the genocide or protected the Tutsi from violence.[60]

When looking at a sample community of 3426 in the village of Tare during the genocide, McDoom found that neighborhoods and familial structures as important micro-spaces that helped determine if an individual would participate in violence. Proximity increases the likelihood of social interaction and influence. For example, starting at a set point such as the home of a "mobilizing" agent for the Hutu (any individual who planned or led an attack in the village), the proportion of convicts living in a 100m radius of a resident is almost twice as many for convicts (individuals convicted of genocide by the gacaca, a local institution of transitional justice that allows villagers to adjudicate on many of the perpetrators’ crimes by themselves) as for non-convicts. As the radius increases, so does the proportion decrease. This data hints that "social influence" was at play. Looking at neighborhoods, an individual is 4% more likely to join the genocide for every single percentage point increase in the proportion of convicted perpetrators living within a 100m radius of them. Looking at familial structures, for any individual, each percentage point increase in the proportion of genocide participants in the individual's household increased his chances of joining the violence by 21 to 25%.[61]

Of course, the complete situation is a little more nuanced. The extreme control of citizens' daily lives by the government in social affairs facilitated the rapidity of the genocide's spread and broke down the resolve of some who initially wanted to have no part in the genocide. First, prior to the genocide, Rwandans' sense of discipline was introduced and reinforced through weekly umuganda (collective work) sessions, involving praise for the regime and its leaders and a host of collective activities for the community. Respect for authority and the fear of stepping out of line were strong cultural values of pre-genocide Rwanda and so were included in these activities.[62] Second, their value of social conformity only increased in the decades leading up to the genocide in both social and political manners. Peasants were told exactly when and what to farm and could be fined given any lack of compliance. These factors helped to drive the killing's fast pace.

Most importantly, there were already ethnic tensions among the groups for a variety of reasons: conflicts over land allocation (farming versus pasture) and declining prices of Rwanda's main export: coffee. These problems combined with a history of previously existing conflict. With the introduction of the Second Republic under Habyarimana, former Tutsis in power were immediately purged, and racism served as an explanation as keeping the majority Hutu in legitimate government power.[4] As a result, when the war came, the Hutu were already introduced to the concept of racism against their very own peers.

The division in Rwanda was reinforced for hundreds of years. King Kigeli IV, a Tutsi, centralized Rwandan power in the 1800s, just in time for German colonization. The Germans furthered the message of distinct races, allowing Tutsi men to remain the leaders in the society.[4]

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Peer pressure is the direct or indirect influence on people of peers, members of social groups with similar interests, experience, or social status. Members of a peer group are more likely to influence a person's beliefs and behavior. A group or individual may be encouraged and want to follow their peers by changing their attitudes, values or behaviors to conform to those of the influencing group or individual. For the individual affected by peer pressure, this can result in either a positive or negative effect, or both.

Social groups include both membership groups in which individuals hold "formal" membership (e.g. political parties, trade unions, schools) and cliques in which membership is less clearly defined. However, a person does not need to be a member or be seeking membership of a group to be affected by peer pressure. Research suggests that organizations as well as individuals are susceptible to peer pressure. For example, a large company may be influenced by other firms in their industry or from headquarters.

Peer pressure can affect individuals of all ethnicities, genders and ages. Researchers have frequently studied the effects of peer pressure on children and on adolescents, and in popular discourse the term "peer pressure" is used most often with reference to those age-groups. For children, the themes most commonly studied are their abilities for independent decision-making. For adolescents, peer pressure's relationships to sexual intercourse and substance abuse have been significantly researched. Peer pressure can be experienced through both face-to-face interaction and through digital interaction. Social media offers opportunities for adolescents and adults alike to instil and/or experience pressure every day.

Studies of social networks examine connections between members of social groups, including their use of social media, to better understand mechanisms such as information sharing and peer sanctioning. Sanctions can range from subtle glances that suggest disapproval, to threats and physical violence. Peer sanctioning may enhance either positive or negative behaviors. Whether peer sanctioning will have an effect depends in part on members' expectations that possible sanctions will actually be applied. It can also depend on a person's position in a social network. Those who are more central in a social network seem more likely to be cooperative, perhaps as a result of how networks form. However, they are also more likely to participate (including in negative behaviors), perhaps because they experience repeated social pressure to behave in a certain way.

Imitation plays a large role in children's lives; in order to pick up skills and techniques that they use in their own life, children are always searching for behaviors and attitudes around them that they can co-opt. In other words, children get influenced by people that are important in their lives such as friends, parents and even YouTubers, celebrities, singers, dancers, etc. Children are aware of their position in the social hierarchy from a young age: their instinct is to defer to adults' judgements and majority opinions. Similar to the Asch conformity experiments, a study done on groups of preschool children showed that they were influenced by groups of their peers to change their opinion to a demonstrably wrong one. Each child was handed a book with two sets of images on each page, with a groups of differently sized animals on the left hand page and one animal on the right hand, and each child was asked to indicate the size of the lone animal. All the books appeared the same, but the last child would sometimes get a book that was different. The children reported their size judgements in turn, and the child being tested was asked last. Before him or her, however, were a group of children working in conjunction with the researchers. Sometimes, the children who answered before the test subject all gave an answer that was incorrect. When asked in the presence of the other children, the last child's response was often the same as his or her peers. However, when allowed to privately share their responses with a researcher the children proved much more resistant to their peers' pressure, illustrating the importance of the physical presence of their peers in shaping their opinions.

An insight is that children can monitor and intervene in their peers' behavior through pressure. A study conducted in a remedial kindergarten class in the Edna A. Hill Child Development Laboratory in the University of Kansas designed a program to measure how children could ease disruptive behavior in their peers through a two-part system. After describing a series of tasks to their classroom that included bathroom usage, cleaning up, and general classroom behavior, teachers and researchers would observe children's performance on the tasks. The study focused on three children who were clearly identified as being more disruptive than their peers, and looked at their responses to potential techniques. The system utilized was a two-part one: first, each student would be given points by their teachers for correctly completing tasks with little disruption (e.g. sitting down on a mat for reading time), and if a student reached three points by the end of the day they would receive a prize. The second part brought in peer interaction, where students who reached three points were appointed "peer monitors" whose role was to lead their small groups and assign points at the end of the day. The results were clear-cut, showing that the monitored students' disruption dropped when teachers started the points system and monitored them, but when peer monitors were introduced the target students' disruption dropped to average rates of 1% for student C1, 8% for student C2, and 11% for student C3 (down from 36%, 62%, and 59%, respectively). Even small children, then, are susceptible to pressure from their peers, and that pressure can be used to effect positive change in academic and social environments.

Adolescence is the time when a person is most susceptible to peer pressure because peers become an important influence on behavior during adolescence, and peer pressure has been called a hallmark of adolescent experience. Children entering this period in life become aware for the first time of the other people around them and realize the importance of perception in their interactions. Peer conformity in young people is most pronounced with respect to style, taste, appearance, ideology, and values. Peer pressure is commonly associated with episodes of adolescent risk taking because these activities commonly occur in the company of peers. Affiliation with friends who engage in risk behaviors has been shown to be a strong predictor of an adolescent's own behavior. Peer pressure can also have positive effects when youth are pressured by their peers toward positive behavior, such as volunteering for charity or excelling in academics. The importance of peers declines upon entering adulthood.

Even though socially accepted children often have the most opportunities and the most positive experiences, research shows that social acceptance (being in the popular crowd) may increase the likelihood of engaging in risky behavior, depending on the norms in the group. Groups of popular children showed a propensity to increase risky, drug-related and delinquent behavior when this behavior was likely to receive approval in their groups. Peer pressure was greatest among more popular children because they were the children most attuned to the judgments of their peers, making them more susceptible to group pressures. Gender also has a clear effect on the amount of peer pressure an adolescent experiences: girls report significantly higher pressures to conform to their groups in the form of clothing choices or speech patterns. Additionally, girls and boys reported facing differing amounts of pressures in different areas of their lives, perhaps reflecting a different set of values and priorities for each gender.

Peer pressure is widely recognized as a major contributor to the initiation of drug use, particularly in adolescence. This has been shown for a variety of substances, including nicotine and alcohol. While this link is well established, moderating factors do exist. For example, parental monitoring is negatively associated with substance use; yet when there is little monitoring, adolescents are more likely to succumb to peer coercion during initiation to substance use, but not during the transition from experimental to regular use. Caldwell and colleagues extended this work by finding that peer pressure was a factor leading to heightened risk in the context of social gatherings with little parental monitoring, and if the individual reported themselves as vulnerable to peer pressure. Conversely, some research has observed that peer pressure can be a protective factor against substance use.

Peer pressure produces a wide array of negative outcomes. Allen and colleagues showed that susceptibility to peer pressure in 13- and 14-year-olds was predictive of not only future response to peer pressure, but also a wider array of functioning. For example, greater depression symptomatology, decreasing popularity, more sexual behavior, and externalizing behavior were greater for more susceptible teens. Of note, substance use was also predicted by peer pressure susceptibility such that greater susceptibility was predictive of greater alcohol and drug use.

Substance use is likely not attributed to peer pressure alone. Evidence of genetic predispositions for substance use exists and some have begun to examine gene x environment interactions for peer influence. In a nationally representative sample, adolescents who had genetic predisposition were more likely to have good friends who were heavy substance users and were furthermore, more likely to be vulnerable to the adverse influence of these friends. Results from specific candidate gene studies have been mixed. For instance, in a study of nicotine use Johnson and colleagues found that peer smoking had a lower effect on nicotine dependence for those with the high risk allele (CHRNA5). This suggests that social contexts do not play the significant role in substance use initiation and maintenance as it may for others and that interventions for these individuals should be developed with genetics in mind as well.

Though the impact of peer influence in adolescence has been well established, it was unclear at what age this effect begins to diminish. It is accepted that such peer pressure to use alcohol or illicit substances is less likely to exist in elementary school and very young adolescents given the limited access and exposure. Using the Resistance to Peer Influence Scale, Sumter and colleagues found that resistance to peer pressure grew as age increased in a large study of 10- to 18-year-old. This study also found that girls were generally more resistant to peer influence than boys, particularly at mid-adolescence (i.e. ages 13-15). The higher vulnerability to peer pressure for teenage boys makes sense given the higher rates of substance use in male teens. For girls, increased and positive parental behaviors (e.g. parental social support, consistent discipline) have been shown to be an important contributor to the ability to resist peer pressure to use substances.

it is believed that peer pressure of excessive drinking in college comes down to three factors; being offered alcohol, modeling and social norms. Offering alcohol can be both as a kind gesture or the other extreme which is forceful. Then you have the modeling which is being a "copycat" and following your friends then finally you have the social norms which are drinking. There are two reasons why people do it; because everyone does it, or as a means to fit into social groups. on entering college most people begin to increase their amount of alcohol intake, this is more so true to those who do not live at home. This would be because you have shifted from being influenced by your parents to being influenced by your college peers. (Borsari and Carey, 2001)

Substance use prevention and intervention programs have utilized multiple techniques in order to combat the impact of peer pressure. One major technique is, naturally, peer influence resistance skills. The known correlational relationship between substance use and relationships with others that use makes resistance skills a natural treatment target. This type of training is meant to help individuals refuse participation with substance use while maintaining their membership in the peer group. Other interventions include normative education approaches (interventions designed to teach students about the true prevalence rates and acceptability of substance use), education interventions that raise awareness of potential dangers of substance use, alcohol awareness training and classroom behavior management. The literature regarding the efficacy of these approaches, however, is mixed. A study in Los Angeles and Orange Counties that established conservative norms and attempted to correct children's beliefs about substance abuse among their peers showed a statistically significant decrease in alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana use but other studies that systematically reviewed school-based attempts to prevent alcohol misuse in children found "no easily discernible pattern" in both successful and failed programs. A systematic review of intervention programs in schools conducted by Onrust et al. found that programs in elementary school were successful in slightly reducing a student's likelihood to abuse drugs or alcohol. However, this effect started to wear off with programs that targeted older students. Programs that targeted students in grades 8-9 reduced smoking, but not alcohol and other drug abuse, and programs that targeted older children reported no effect at all.

In a non-substance context, however, research has showed that decision-making training can produce concrete gains in risk perception and decision-making ability among autistic children. When administered the training in several short sessions that taught the children how to recognize risk from peers and react accordingly, the children showed through post-training assessments that they were able to identify potential threats and sources of pressure from peers and deflect them far better than normal adolescents in a control group.

There is evidence supporting the conclusion that parental attitudes disapproving sex tends to lead toward lower levels of adolescent unplanned pregnancy. These disparities are not due solely to parental disposition but also to communication.

A study completed in Cape Town, South Africa, looked at students at four secondary schools in the region. They found a number of unhealthy practices derived from peer pressure: condoms are derided, threats of ridicule for abstinence, and engaging in sexual activity with multiple partners as part of a status symbol (especially for males). The students colloquially call others who choose abstinence as "umqwayito", which means dried fruit/meat. An important solution for these problems is communication with adults, which the study found to be extremely lacking within adolescent social groups.

Literature reviews in this field have attempted to analyze the norms present in the interactions and decision making behind these behaviors. A review conducted by Bongardt et al. defined three types of peer norms that led to a person's participation in sexual intercourse: descriptive norms, injunctive norms, and outright peer pressure. Descriptive norms and injunctive norms are both observed behaviors and are thus more indirect forms of pressure, but differ in one key aspect: descriptive norms describe peers' sexual behaviors, but injunctive norms describe peers' attitudes toward those behaviors (e.g. approval or disapproval). The last norm defined by the study is called "peer pressure" by the authors, and is used to describe direct encouragement or pressure by a person's peers to engage in sexual behavior.

The review found that indirect norms (descriptive and injunctive) had a stronger effect on a person's decision to engage in sexual behavior than direct peer pressure. Between the two indirect norms, descriptive norms had a stronger effect: people were likely to try what they thought their peers were engaging in rather than what they thought had approval in their peer group.

Additionally, studies have found a link between self-regulation and likeliness to engage in sexual behavior. The more trouble a subject had with self-regulation and self-control growing up, the more they were likely to fall prey to peer pressure that would lead them to engage in risky sexual acts. Based on these findings, it may be a good idea to prevent these through either a decision-making program or by targeting adolescents' ability to self-regulate against possible risks.

From a purely neurological perspective, the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) and the striatum play an important role in figuring out the value of specific actions. The mPFC is active when determining "socially tagged" objects, which are objects that peers have expressed an opinion about; the striatum is significant for determining the value of these "socially tagged" objects and rewards in general. An experiment performed by Mason et al. utilizing fMRI scans analyzed individuals who were assigned to indicate if a chosen symbol appeared consecutively. The researchers did not tell the subjects the real purpose of the experiment, which was to collect data regarding mPFC and striatum stimulation. Before the actual experiment began, the subjects were subject to a phase of "social" influence, where they learned which symbols were preferred by other subjects of completed the experiment (while in actuality these other subjects did not exist). Mason et al. found that determining an object's social value/significance is dependent on combined information from the mPFC and the striatum [along the lines denoted in the beginning of the paragraph]. Without both present and functional, it would be difficult to determine the value of action based upon social circumstances.

A similar experiment was conducted by Stallen, Smidts, and Sanfrey. Twenty-four subjects were manipulated using a minimal group paradigm approach. Unbeknownst to them, they were all selected as part of the "in-group", although there was an established "out-group". Following this socialization, the subjects estimated the number of dots seen on the screen while given information about what an in-group or out-group member chose. Participants were more likely to conform to in-group decisions as compared to out-group ones. The experiment confirmed the importance of the striatum in social influence, suggesting that conformity with the in-group is mediated with a fundamental value signal-rewards. In other words, the brain associates social inclusion with positive reward. The posterior superior temporal sulcus (pSTS), which is associated with perspective taking, appeared to be active as well, which correlated with patients' self-reports of in-group trustworthiness.

In adolescence, risk-taking appears to increase dramatically. Researchers conducted an experiment with adolescent males who were of driving age and measured their risk-taking depending on whether a passenger (a peer of the same age) was in the car. A driving simulation was created, and certain risky scenarios, such as a decaying yellow light as the car was approaching, were modeled and presented to the subjects. Those who were most likely to take risks in the presence of peers (but took fewer risks when there were no passengers) had greater brain activity in the social-cognitive and social-affective brain systems during solo activity (no passengers.) The social-cognitive aspect refers to the ability to gauge what others are thinking and is primarily controlled by the mPFC, right temporal parietal junction, and the posterior cingulate cortex. The social-affective aspect relates to the reward system for committing actions that are accepted or rejected by other people. One side of the reward system is "social pain", which refers to the emotional pain felt by individual due to group repudiation and is associated with heightened activity in the anterior insula and the subgenual anterior cingulate cortex.

A explanation of how the peer pressure process works, called "the identity shift effect," is introduced by social psychologist, Wendy Treynor, who weaves together Festinger's two seminal social-psychological theories (on dissonance, which addresses internal conflict, and social comparison, which addresses external conflict) into a unified whole. According to Treynor's original "identity shift effect" hypothesis, the peer pressure process works in the following way: One's state of harmony is disrupted when faced with the threat of external conflict (social rejection) for failing to conform to a group standard. Thus, one conforms to the group standard, but as soon as one does, eliminating this external conflict, internal conflict is introduced (because one has violated one's own standards). To rid oneself of this internal conflict (self-rejection), an "identity shift" is undertaken, where one adopts the group's standards as one's own, thereby eliminating internal conflict (in addition to the formerly eliminated external conflict), returning one to a state of harmony. Although the peer pressure process begins and ends with one in a (conflict-less) state of harmony, as a result of conflict and the conflict resolution process, one leaves with a new identity-a new set of internalized standards.

Social media provides a massive new digital arena for peer pressure and influence. Research suggests there are a variety of benefits from social media use, such as increased socialization, exposure to ideas, and greater self-confidence. There is also evidence of negative influences such as advertising pressure, exposure to inappropriate behavior and/or dialogue, and fake news. These versions of digital peer pressure exist between youth, adults and businesses. In some cases, people can feel pressure to make themselves available 24/7 or to be perfect. Within this digital conversation there can be pressure to conform, especially as people are impacted by the frequency of times others hit the like button. The way others portray themselves on social media might lead to young people trying to mimic those qualities or actions in an attempt at conformity. It may also lead to a fear of missing out, which can pressure youth into irresponsible actions or decisions. Actions and influence on social media may lead to changes in identity, confidence, or habits in real life for children, adolescents, and adults.[better source needed ] Another area in which social media and social network groups influence people is in the purchasing of products. When a person is a part of an online social networking group, they are more likely to purchase a product if it was recommended by another member of that group than if it were recommended by a random person online. The effects of social networking groups on purchasing products even translates to subscriptions. If a subscription-based product was given to a member of an online social networking group as a gift by another member of the same group, the person receiving the gift is more likely to adopt the cost of the subscription and keep paying for the service.

Over 3 billion social media users across the world are using a variety of platforms, in turn, the type, frequency, and scope of the resulting peer pressure fluctuates. Some research suggests social media has a greater influence on purchasing decisions for consumers in China than in other countries in the world. In addition, Chinese consumers say that they are more likely to consider buying a product if they see it discussed positively by friends on a social media site. Some countries have a very low usage rate of social media platforms, or have cultures that do not value it as highly. As a result, the power and impact of digital peer pressure may vary throughout the world. Overall, there is limited research on this topic and its global scope.

The Holocaust is probably the most well-known of genocides. In the 1940s, Nazi Germany, led by Adolf Hitler, began a systematic purge against the Jewish people living in Europe, killing around six million Jews by the end of World War II. It is clear that some Germans are culpable for the Holocaust; SS officers and soldiers clearly bought into the Jewish genocide and participated as executioners, jailers, and hunters (for hiding Jews). However, a broader statement is harder to make-as seen below, not all Germans wanted to kill the Jews. When bringing the concept of peer pressure into the Holocaust, German culpability is even harder to decide.

The primary issue revolves around collective responsibility and beliefs. As such, there are two positions, most notably held by Christopher Browning and David Goldhagen.

Browning's Ordinary Men

Christopher Browning, most known for his book Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101, relies on an analysis of the men in Reserve Police Battalion 101. The men of the 101st were not ardent Nazis but ordinary middle-aged men of working-class background from Hamburg. They were drafted but found ineligible for regular military duty. Their test as an Order Police battalion first came in the form of Jozefow, a Jewish ghetto in Poland. The Battalion was ordered to round up the men in the ghetto and kill all women, children, and elderly on sight. During the executions, a few dozen men were granted release of their execution tasks and were reassigned to guard or truck duty. Others tried to stall as long as possible, trying not to be assigned to a firing squad. After the executions were completed, the men drank heavily, shaken by their ordeal.

At the end of his book, Browning supplies his theory on 101's actions: a combination of authoritative and peer pressure was a powerful coercive tool. First, the Nazi leadership wanted to keep the country's soldiers psychologically healthy, so soldiers were not forced to commit these murders. Throughout the German ranks, nothing negative happened to the soldiers and policemen who refused to join in on a firing squad or Jewish search party. They would simply be assigned other or additional duties, and perhaps subject to a little verbal abuse deriding their "cowardice". For the officers, no official sanction was given, but it was well known that being unable to carry out executions was the sign of a "weak" leader, and the officer would be passed for promotions. Second, Major Trapp, the head of Battalion 101, consistently offered protection from committing these actions, even so far as supporting one man who was blatantly and vocally against these practices. He established "ground" rules in which only volunteers were taking on 'Jewish Hunts" and raids.

Browning relies on Milgram's experiments on authority to expand his point. Admitting that Trapp was not a particularly strong authority figure, Browning instead points to the Nazi leadership and the orders of the "highest order" that were handed down. Furthermore, according to Browning's analysis, one reason so few men separated themselves from their task was peer pressure-individual policemen did not want to "lose face" in front of their comrades. Some argued that it was better to shoot one and quit than to be a coward immediately. Some superior officers treated those who did not want to execute Jews with disdain; on the other hand, those selected for the executions or Jewish hunts were regarded as real "men" and were verbally praised accordingly. For some, refusing their tasks meant that their compatriots would need to carry the burden and the guilt of abandoning their comrades (as well as fear of ostracization) compelled them to kill.

Goldhagen's Hitler's Willing Executioners

Daniel Goldhagen, disagreeing with Browning's conclusion, decided to write his own book, Hitler's Willing Executioners. Its release was highly controversial. He argues that the Germans were always anti-Semitic, engaging in a form of "eliminationism". Taking photos of the deceased, going on "Jew-Hunts", death marches near the end of the war, and a general focus on hate (rather than ignorance) are points Goldhagen utilizes in his book.

He does not believe that peer pressure or authoritative pressure can explain why ordinary Germans engaged in these actions. He believes that in order for the policemen in Battalion 101 (and those in similar situations) to kill, they must all be fully committed to the action-no half-heartedness. As he notes,

"For that matter, for someone to be pressured into doing something, by peer pressure, everyone else has to want to do it. Peer pressure can, of course, operate on isolated individuals, or small groups, but it depends upon the majority wanting to do it. So the peer pressure argument contradicts itself. If the majority of the people hadn't wanted to kill Jews, then there would have been peer pressure not to do it" (37).

Instead, he places a significant emphasis on the German people's anti-Semitism, to the extent of drawing ire from other historians. Browning notes Goldhagen's "uniform portrayal" of Germans, dehumanizing all of the perpetrators without looking at the whole picture. For example, in the town of Niezdow, the Police Battalion executed over a dozen elderly Poles in retaliation for the murder of a German policeman. It is less clear, then, if the Germans in the Police Battalion are antagonistic only towards Jews. The German-Canadian historian Ruth Bettina Birn has-in collaboration with Volker Rieß- checked Goldhagen's archival sources from Ludwigsburg. Their findings confirm the arbitrary nature of his selection and evaluation of existing records as opposed to a more holistic combination of primary sources. Furthermore, Konrad Kwiet, a Holocaust historian, argues that Goldhagen's narrow focus on German anti-Semitism has blinded him to other considerations. He points to the massacres of non-Jews as an example:

"[Goldhagen does not shine light] on the motives of "Hitler's willing executioners" in murdering handicapped people within the so-called "Euthanasia Program", in liquidating 2.7 million Soviet prisoners of war, in exterminating Romas or in killing hundreds of thousands of other people classified as enemies of the "German People and Nation". The emphasis on German responsibility allows Goldhagen to push aside the willingness of genocidal killers of other nationalities [such as Latvians] who, recruited from the vast army of indigenous collaborators, were often commissioned with the task of carrying out the 'dirty work', such as the murder of women and children, and who, in many cases, surpassed their German masters in their cruelty and spontaneous brutality".

The Rwandan genocide occurred in 1994, with ethnic violence between the Hutu and Tutsi ethnicities. The primary belligerents were the Hutu; however, as with most ethnic conflicts, not all Hutu wanted to kill Tutsi. A survivor named Mectilde described the Hutu breakdown as follows: 10% helped, 30% forced, 20% reluctant, and 40% willing. For the willing, a rewards structure was put in place. For the unwilling, a punishment system was in effect. The combination, Professor Bhavnani argues, is a behavioral norm enforced by in-group policing. Instead of the typical peer pressure associated with western high school students, the peer pressure within the Rwandan genocide, where Tutsi and Hutu have inter-married, worked under coercion. Property destruction, rape, incarceration, and death faced the Hutu who were unwilling to commit to the genocide or protected the Tutsi from violence.

When looking at a sample community of 3426 in the village of Tare during the genocide, McDoom found that neighborhoods and familial structures as important micro-spaces that helped determine if an individual would participate in violence. Proximity increases the likelihood of social interaction and influence. For example, starting at a set point such as the home of a "mobilizing" agent for the Hutu (any individual who planned or led an attack in the village), the proportion of convicts living in a 100m radius of a resident is almost twice as many for convicts (individuals convicted of genocide by the gacaca, a local institution of transitional justice that allows villagers to adjudicate on many of the perpetrators' crimes by themselves) as for non-convicts. As the radius increases, so does the proportion decrease. This data hints that "social influence" was at play. Looking at neighborhoods, an individual is 4% more likely to join the genocide for every single percentage point increase in the proportion of convicted perpetrators living within a 100m radius of them. Looking at familial structures, for any individual, each percentage point increase in the proportion of genocide participants in the individual's household increased his chances of joining the violence by 21 to 25%.

Of course, the complete situation is a little more nuanced. The extreme control of citizens' daily lives by the government in social affairs facilitated the rapidity of the genocide's spread and broke down the resolve of some who initially wanted to have no part in the genocide. First, prior to the genocide, Rwandans' sense of discipline was introduced and reinforced through weekly umuganda (collective work) sessions, involving praise for the regime and its leaders and a host of collective activities for the community. Respect for authority and the fear of stepping out of line were strong cultural values of pre-genocide Rwanda and so were included in these activities. Second, their value of social conformity only increased in the decades leading up to the genocide in both social and political manners. Peasants were told exactly when and what to farm and could be fined given any lack of compliance. These factors helped to drive the killing's fast pace.

Most importantly, there were already ethnic tensions among the groups for a variety of reasons: conflicts over land allocation (farming versus pasture) and declining prices of Rwanda's main export: coffee. These problems combined with a history of previously existing conflict. With the introduction of the Second Republic under Habyarimana, former Tutsis in power were immediately purged, and racism served as an explanation as keeping the majority Hutu in legitimate government power. As a result, when the war came, the Hutu were already introduced to the concept of racism against their very own peers.

The division in Rwanda was reinforced for hundreds of years. King Kigeli IV, a Tutsi, centralized Rwandan power in the 1800s, just in time for Belgian colonization. The Belgian furthered the message of distinct races, allowing Tutsi men to remain the leaders in the society.

Principals who served as strong "instructional" leaders and introduced new curricula and academic programs were able to create a system of peer pressure at the teaching level, where the teachers placed accountability pressure on themselves.

Peer pressure can be especially effective (more so than door-to-door visits and telephone calls) in getting people to vote. Gerber, Green, and Larimer conducted a large-scale field experiment involving over 180,000 Michigan households in 2006 and four treatments: one was a reminder to vote, one was a reminder to vote and a note informing them that they were being studied, one that listed the voting records for all potential household individuals, and finally one that listed the voting records for the household individuals and their neighbors. The final treatment emphasized peer pressure within a neighborhood; neighbors could view each other's voting habits with the lists, and so the social norm of "voting is best for the community" is combined with the fear that individuals' peers would judge their lack of voting. Compared to a baseline rate of 29.7% (only the voting reminder), the treatment that utilized peer pressure increased the percentage of household voters by 8.1 percentage points (to 37.8%), which exceeds the value of in-person canvassing and personalized phone calls.

A similar large-scale field experiment conducted by Todd Rogers, Donald P. Green, Carolina Ferrerosa Young, and John Ternovski (2017) studied the impact of a social pressure mailing in the context of a high-salience election, the 2012 Wisconsin gubernatorial election. Social pressure mailers included the line, "We're sending this mailing to you and your neighbors to publicize who does and does not vote." This study found a treatment effect of 1.0 percentage point, a statistically significant but far weaker effect than the 8.1 percentage point effect reported by Gerber, Green, and Larimer. The 2017 study's effects were particularly sizable for low-propensity voters.

An experiment conducted by Diane Reyniers and Richa Bhalla measured the amount donated by a group of London School of Economics students. The group was split into individual donators and pair donators. The donation amounts were revealed within each pair; then, the pair was given time to discuss their amounts and then revise them as necessary. In general, pair subjects donated an average of 3.64 pounds (Sterling) while individuals donated an average of 2.55 pounds. Furthermore, in pairs where one subject donated significantly more than the other, the latter would on average increase the donation amount by 0.55 pounds. This suggests that peer pressure "shames" individuals for making smaller donations. But when controlling for donation amount, paired subjects were significantly less happy with their donation amount than individual subjects-suggesting that paired subjects felt coerced to donate more than they would have otherwise. This leads to a dilemma: charities will do better by approaching groups of people (such as friends); however, this could result in increased donor discomfort, which would impact their future donations.

Organizational researchers have found a generally similar phenomenon among large corporations: executives and managers of large companies look to similar organizations in their industry or headquarters city to figure out the appropriate level of corporate charitable donations, and those that make smaller donations might be seen as stingy and suffer damage to their reputations.

1. Marquis, Christopher; Tilcsik, András (2016-10-01). "Institutional Equivalence: How Industry and Community Peers Influence Corporate Philanthropy" (PDF). Organization Science. 27 (5): 1325-1341. doi:10.1287/orsc.2016.1083. hdl:. ISSN 1047-7039.

2. ^ Larson, Jennifer M. (11 May 2021). "Networks of Conflict and Cooperation". Annual Review of Political Science. 24 (1): 89-107. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-041719-102523.

3. Haun, Daniel B. M.; Tomasello, Michael (2011). "Conformity to Peer Pressure in Preschool Children" (PDF). Child Development. 82 (6): 1759-1767. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2011.01666.x. hdl:11858/00-001M-0000-0012-C434-2. ISSN 0009-3920. PMID 22023172.

4. ^ Carden Smith, L. K.; Fowler, S. A. (1984). "Positive peer pressure: the effects of peer monitoring on children's disruptive behavior". Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis. 17 (2): 213-227. doi:10.1901/jaba.1984.17-213. ISSN 0021-8855. PMC . PMID 6735953.

5. ^ Brown, B. Bradford (2004). "Adolescents' Relationships with Peers". In Lerner, R. M.; Steinburg, L. (eds.). Handbook of Adolescent Psychology (2nd ed.). Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. pp. 363-394. doi:10.1002/9780471726746.ch12. ISBN 978-0-471-72674-6.

6. ^ Durkin, Kevin. "Peer Pressure", In: Anthony S. R. Manstead and Miles Hewstone (Eds.), The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social Psychology, 1996.

7. ^ Hanes, Stephanie (2012-10-25). "Teens and volunteering: Altruism or just peer pressure?". Christian Science Monitor. ISSN 0882-7729.

8. ^ Gormly, Kellie B. (March 18, 2013). "Peer pressure - for students and adults - can be positive". Pittsburgh Tribune-Review.

9. ^ Clasen, Donna Rae; Brown, B. Bradford (1985). "The multidimensionality of peer pressure in adolescence". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 14 (6): 451-468. doi:10.1007/BF02139520. ISSN 0047-2891. PMID 24301413. S2CID 6465967.

10. Also available as:^
Fletcher, Anne C.; Darling, Nancy; Steinberg, Laurence (1995). "Parental monitoring and peer influences on adolescent substance use". Coercion and Punishment in Long-Term Perspectives. pp. 259-271. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511527906.016. ISBN 9780521450690.

11. ^ Kendler, Kenneth S.; Prescott, Carol A.; Myers, John; Neale, Michael C. (September 2003). "The Structure of Genetic and Environmental Risk Factors for Common Psychiatric and Substance Use Disorders in Men and Women". Archives of General Psychiatry. 60 (9): 929-937. doi:10.1001/archpsyc.60.9.929. PMID 12963675.

12. ^ Sumter, Sindy R.; Bokhorst, Caroline L.; Steinberg, Laurence; Westenberg, P. Michiel (August 2009). "The developmental pattern of resistance to peer influence in adolescence: Will the teenager ever be able to resist?". Journal of Adolescence. 32 (4): 1009-1021. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2008.08.010. PMID 18992936.

13. ^ Borsari, Brian; Carey, Kate (December 2001). "Peer influences on college drinking: A review of the research". Journal of Substance Abuse. 13 (4): 391-424. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.602.7429. doi:10.1016/s0899-3289(01)00098-0. PMID 11775073.

14. ^ Tobler, Nancy (1986). "Meta-analysis of 143 adolescent drug prevention programs: Quantitative outcome results of program participants compared to a control or comparison group". Journal of Drug Issues. 16 (4): 537-567. doi:10.1177/002204268601600405. S2CID 76433088.

15. ^ Shope, Jean T.; Copeland, Laurel A.; Maharg, Ruth; Dielman, T.E. (August 1996). "Effectiveness of a High School Alcohol Misuse Prevention Program". Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research. 20 (5): 791-798. doi:10.1111/j.1530-0277.1996.tb05253.x. hdl:2027.42/65153. PMID 8865950.

16. ^ Hampton, Mary Rucklos; McWatters, Barb; Jeffery, Bonnie; Smith, Pamela (2005). "Influence of Teens' Perceptions of Parental Disapproval and Peer Behaviour on Their Initiation of Sexual Intercourse". The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality. 14 (3-4): 105-121. ISSN 1188-4517.

17. ^ Selikow TA, Ahmed N, Flisher AJ, Mathews C, Mukoma W (June 2009). "I am not "umqwayito": a qualitative study of peer pressure and sexual risk behaviour among young adolescents in Cape Town, South Africa". Scand J Public Health. 37 Suppl 2 (2_suppl): 107-12. doi:10.1177/1403494809103903. PMID 19493988.

18. ^ Bongardt, Daphne van de; Reitz, Ellen; Sandfort, Theo; Deković, Maja (2015-08-01). "A Meta-Analysis of the Relations Between Three Types of Peer Norms and Adolescent Sexual Behavior". Personality and Social Psychology Review. 19 (3): 203-234. doi:10.1177/1088868314544223. ISSN 1088-8683. PMC . PMID 25217363.

19. ^ Crockett, Lisa J.; Raffaelli, Marcela; Shen, Yuh-Ling (2006). "Linking Self-Regulation and Risk Proneness to Risky Sexual Behavior: Pathways through Peer Pressure and Early Substance Use". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 16 (4): 503-525. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2006.00505.x.

20. ^ Stallen, Mirre; Smidts, Ale; Sanfey, Alan (2013). "Peer influence: neural mechanisms underlying in-group conformity". Frontiers in Human Neuroscience. 7 (50): 50. doi:10.3389/fnhum.2013.00050. PMC . PMID 23482688.

21. ^ Eisenberger, Naomi I.; Lieberman, Matthew D.; Williams, Kipling D. (2003-10-10). "Does Rejection Hurt? An fMRI Study of Social Exclusion". Science. 302 (5643): 290-292. Bibcode:2003Sci...302..290E. doi:10.1126/science.1089134. ISSN 0036-8075. PMID 14551436. S2CID 21253445.

22. ^ Treynor, Wendy (2009). Towards a General Theory of Social Psychology:Understanding Human Cruelty, Human Misery, And, Perhaps, a Remedy (A Theory of the Socialization Process) (1st ed.). Redondo Beach, CA: Euphoria Press. pp. 67-69. ISBN 978-0205037438.

23. ^ O'Keeffe, Gwenn Schurgin; Clarke-Pearson, Kathleen; Council on Communications and Media (2011). "The Impact of Social Media on Children, Adolescents, and Families". Pediatrics. 127 (4): 800-804. doi:10.1542/peds.2011-0054. PMID 21444588.

24. ^ Udorie, June Eric (2015-09-16). "Social media is harming the mental health of teenagers. The state has to act | June Eric Udorie". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077.

25. ^ Bapna, Ravi; Umyarov, Akhmed (August 2015). "Do Your Online Friends Make You Pay? A Randomized Field Experiment on Peer Influence in Online Social Networks". Management Science. 61 (8): 1902-1920. doi:10.1287/mnsc.2014.2081. ISSN 0025-1909. S2CID 18907499.

26. Klee, Ernst; Dressen, Willi; Reiss, Volker (1996). The Good Old Days: The Holocaust as Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders. New York: The Free Press. ISBN 978-1568521336.

27. Browning, Christopher (1998). Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0060995065.

28. ^ Kwiet, Konrad (1997). "Goldhagen, the Germans, and the Holocaust". Gesher. Journal of Jewish Affairs. 133: 7-39.

29. ^ McDoom, Omar Shahabudin (2013-07-01). "Who killed in Rwanda's genocide? Micro-space, social influence and individual participation in intergroup violence" (PDF). Journal of Peace Research. 50 (4): 453-467. doi:10.1177/0022343313478958. ISSN 0022-3433. S2CID 53132227.

30. ^ Gerber, Alan S.; Green, Donald P.; Larimer, Christopher W. (2008-02-01). "Social Pressure and Voter Turnout: Evidence from a Large-Scale Field Experiment". American Political Science Review. 102 (1): 33-48. doi:10.1017/S000305540808009X. ISSN 1537-5943. S2CID 17451965.

31. ^ Reyniers, Diane; Bhalla, Richa (2013). "Reluctant altruism and peer pressure in charitable giving" (PDF). Judgment and Decision Making. 8 (1): 7-15.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Peer pressure is the direct or indirect influence on people of peers, members of social groups with similar interests, experience, or social status. Members of a peer group are more likely to influence a person's beliefs and behavior.

# data[].attributes.body
And you can start to search information for your body paragraphs now

# data[].attributes.body
Ms.Catherine's Comments: For the materials you found, you need to identify the information, and write some describtion with your own thinking.