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Bottle nose dolphins reduced detection. 

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Apparently the noise they make is pretty rare to see and is seen not always in person. As their habitat is mostly in Asia and East Asia. Which I have never heard of this species ever and its pretty cool!
Paiva, E. G., Kent, C. P. S., Gagnon, M. M., McCauley, R., & Finn, H. (2015). Reduced detection of indo-pacific bottlenose dolphins (Tursiops aduncus) in an inner harbour channel during pile driving activities. Aquatic Mammals, 41(4), 455+. https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A475125622/AONE?u=wash_main&sid=bookmark-AONE&xid=3239fc75

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This connects to whales being insufficiently looked at when describing within the carbon cycle. As in Chapter 2 it gives us in an insight "what blocks our breathing, and the stakes of a society that puts profit over breathe. The journal article did a good job of describing with graphs and so.

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The Impact of Whaling on the Ocean Carbon Cycle: Why Bigger Was Better

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Background Humans have reduced the abundance of many large marine vertebrates, including whales, large fish, and sharks, to only a small percentage of their pre-exploitation levels. Industrial fishing and whaling also tended to preferentially harvest the largest species and largest individuals withi…

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Ana R. Amaral,

Gretchen Lovewell,

Maria M. Coelho,

George Amato,

Howard C. Rosenbaum

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Abstract

Natural hybridization may result in the exchange of genetic material between divergent lineages and even the formation of new taxa. Many of the Neo-Darwinian architects argued that, particularly for animal clades, natural hybridization was maladaptive. Recent evidence, however, has falsified this hypothesis, instead indicating that this process may lead to increased biodiversity through the formation of new species. Although such cases of hybrid speciation have been described in plants, fish and insects, they are considered exceptionally rare in mammals. Here we present evidence for a marine mammal, Stenella clymene, arising through natural hybridization. We found phylogenetic discordance between mitochondrial and nuclear markers, which, coupled with a pattern of transgressive segregation seen in the morphometric variation of some characters, support a case of hybrid speciation. S. clymene is currently genetically differentiated from its putative parental species, Stenella coerueloalba and Stenella longisrostris, although low levels of introgressive hybridization may be occurring. Although non-reticulate forms of evolution, such as incomplete lineage sorting, could explain our genetic results, we consider that the genetic and morphological evidence taken together argue more convincingly towards a case of hybrid speciation. We anticipate that our study will bring attention to this important aspect of reticulate evolution in non-model mammal species. The study of speciation through hybridization is an excellent opportunity to understand the mechanisms leading to speciation in the context of gene flow.

Citation: Amaral AR, Lovewell G, Coelho MM, Amato G, Rosenbaum HC (2014) Hybrid Speciation in a Marine Mammal: The Clymene Dolphin ( Stenella clymene). PLoS ONE 9(1): e83645. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0083645

Editor: Norman Johnson, University of Massachusetts, United States of America

Received: August 7, 2013; Accepted: November 5, 2013; Published: January 8, 2014

Copyright: © 2014 Amaral et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Funding: AR Amaral was funded by a grant from the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (SFRH/BPD/79002/2011). The authors thank NOAA Fisheries for funding to initiate this project. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

The consequences of the exchange of genetic material between individuals belonging to different species have long been a matter of debate among biologists [1], [2]. Natural hybridization among plant species has been seen as a potential mechanism for the spread of beneficial mutations and the formation of new taxa. In contrast, hybridization in animals has traditionally been viewed as a rare and evolutionarily destructive process leading to the prevention or reversal of divergence between incipient species (e.g. [3]). In recent years, however, hybridization has been well documented across several animal groups, such as insects, birds and fishes, suggesting that this phenomenon may be more important for the evolutionary history and speciation of animals than previously thought [4]. In some cases, hybridization has been shown to increase the genetic diversity of populations [5], providing them with a higher adaptability to environmental change. In other cases, it can lead to the formation of new species, able to explore new niches [6]. Hybridization leading to speciation is a phenomenon that has attracted the attention of scientists for some time now, although it is still poorly understood [7], [8]. It has been reported in plants, fishes, insects and birds, but very rarely in mammals and never in marine mammals [9], [10]. Some argue that the unique genetic (e.g. high rates of gene rearrangements that can lead to a rapid change in gene expression and post-zygotic isolation mechanisms) and morphological mechanisms mammals have, can reduce the potential for the production of viable hybrids [11]. Others argue that hybridization in mammals can be as frequent as in other animals, although its detection can be hindered by cryptic morphological characteristics and by a general lack of extensive studies [4]. Because morphological variation may not always have a genetic basis, hybrid individuals can have the exact same morphotype as one of the parental species [4], thus leading to instances in which hybrids are cryptic. Their identification is thus sometimes only possible with the use of molecular tools.

Cetaceans are a group of marine mammals that have diverged from their terrestrial ancestors around 53 Mya [12]. Their evolution has been characterized by some rapid radiation events, which in some groups has led to a confusing taxonomy and a difficulty in clarifying phylogenetic relationships due to the confounding effects of incomplete lineage sorting and possibly hybridization [13]. Hybridization in cetaceans has been reported to occur both in captivity and in the wild [14], but the extent to which it has contributed to the evolutionary history of these species remains unexplored. Because cetaceans are known to exhibit prominent karyological uniformity [15], they may have the potential to produce viable hybrid offspring more easily than other mammals. This has in fact been confirmed in captivity for at least a cross between Tursiops truncatus and Delphinus capensis, which produced a fertile hybrid [16]. In the wild there have been several documented cases of hybridization, across whale and porpoise species, but also among dolphin species, including within the genus Stenella [17]. While hybridization in whales and porpoises has been confirmed using molecular tools [18], [19], such confirmation is lacking for hybridization among dolphin species.

The clymene dolphin, Stenella clymene, Gray (1846) is endemic to the tropical and subtropical Atlantic Ocean. Its cranial features closely resemble those of Stenella coeruleoalba, but its external appearance and behaviour are more similar to those of Stenella longirostris [20], which has led to some confusion regarding its recognition as a full species. Early molecular studies showed an additional uncertainty in the phylogenetic position of S. clymene, with mitochondrial DNA phylogenetic trees placing it as sister taxa of S. coeruleoalba [21], [22], and a nuclear DNA tree based on Amplified Fragment Length Polymorphism (AFLPs) placed it as sister taxa of S. longirostris [21]. This conflicting evidence between different molecular and morphological characters has led to the present investigation. With the aim to understand the evolutionary mechanisms that may be behind the origin of S. clymene, namely a possible origin through natural hybridization, we sequenced one mitochondrial and six nuclear loci and followed a phylogenetics and population genetics approach. If S. clymene is of recent hybrid origin, we expect to find genetic intermediacy between the two parental forms, nuclear admixture, mitochondrial capture and unique mtDNA variation.

Materials and Methods

Ethics statement

Procedures for ensuring animal welfare during biopsy sampling were approved as part of the Scientific Research permits issued by the National Marine Fisheries Service under the authority of the Marine Mammal Protection Act of 1972 (16 U.S.C. 1361 et seq), the regulations governing the taking and importing of marine mammals (MMPA) (50 CPR part 216), the Endangered Species Act of 1973 (ESA) (16 U.S.C. 1531 et seq.), and the regulations governing endangered fish and wildlife permits (50 CFR parts 222-226). Biopsies were taken under NMFS permit numbers 14097, 774-1437, 774-1714, 1026/689424, and 873 issued to the National Marine Fisheries Southwest Fisheries Science Center. The samples originating from outside US jurisdiction were imported under CITES Import permit numbers US774223 and US689420, and under CITES Certificate of Scientific Exchange #690343. CITES permits are issued by the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service. The Southwest Fisheries Science Center is a Registered Scientific Institution under CITES (US052).

DNA extraction and sequencing

Tissue samples (skin or muscle) from Stenella longirostris, Stenella coeruleoalba and Stenella clymene were obtained from free-range dolphins using a dart biopsy system or from dead, stranded individuals. Fifty-eight samples were received as DNA extraction from the Southwest Fisheries Science Center, Marine Mammal and Turtle Research Sample Collection (SWFSC-NOAA, La Jolla, CA). DNA from the remaining samples was extracted following a standard proteinase K and two phenol-chloroform-isoamyl extractions [23]. Samples from Stenella coeruleoalba and S. longirostris used in this study were obtained from different locations in the Atlantic, Pacific and Indian oceans in order to provide an overall estimate of genetic diversity for each species. Samples from Stenella clymene were mostly obtained from the Gulf of Mexico and adjacent Atlantic Ocean waters and included a mass stranding that occurred near Tarpon Springs, in Florida (USA), in 1995.

For the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), a total of 72 individuals ( Stenella clymene, n = 15; S. longirostris, n = 21; S. coeruleoalba, n = 36) were amplified and sequenced for the cytochrome b gene (1106 bp) using the L-strand primer on tRNA glutamine (L14724, 5′-TGACTTGAARAACCAYCGTTG 3′) and the H-strand primer on tRNA threonine (5′CCTTTTCCGGTTTACAAGAC 3′) [22] (GenBank Accession Numbers KF691950 - KF692018). Polymerase Chain Reactions (PCR) and sequencing conditions used are described in [24]. In addition, four anonymous nuclear loci [Del_05, Del_10, Del_12 and Del_16 [25]] and two introns [BTN [26] and PLP [27]] were PCR amplified and sequenced as described in [28] (GenBank Accession Numbers KF691817 - KF691949). Some samples failed to sequence for some of the loci. All PCR products were cleaned by adding 0.5 U of Shrimp Alkaline Phosphatase and 5 U of Exonuclease I and incubated at 37°C for 30 min and 80°C for 15 min. Both strands were directly sequenced (BigDye Terminator CycleSequencing; Applied Biosystems) on an ABI 3730 automated sequencer. All sequences obtained were aligned using the software Sequencher, version 5.0 (Gene Codes Corporation). An extended dataset, including additional samples from Delphinus delphis, D. capensis, D. capensis tropicalis, Stenella attenuata, S. frontalis, S. longirostris, S. coeruleoalba, S. clymene, Tursiops truncatus, T. aduncus, Lagenodelphis hosei, Sousa chinensis, Sotalia fluviatilis, Globicephala melas and Phocoena phocoena, sequenced for nine nuclear loci (the ones mentioned above plus CHRNA1, Del_04 and Del_11, see [13]) was used to estimate a species tree of the subfamily Delphininae using the method implemented in the software package *BEAST [29]. 1 000 million MCMC generations sampling every 100 000 generations were run in the program BEAST v. 1.7.4. [30], choosing the Yule process as the species tree prior, the Piecewise constant and linear model for population size estimates and a strict molecular clock with an uncorrelated lognormal distribution. The program Tracer v.1.5 was run to ensure mixing and that there was no lack of convergence of the posterior distribution and parameters by examining effective population size (ESS) values. TreeAnnotator v. 1.6.1. was subsequently used to summarize the obtained trees in a single tree that best represents the posterior distribution.

The same dataset sequenced for the cytochrome b gene was used to estimate a Bayesian phylogenetic tree using the program MrBayes v. 3.2.1 [31]. 5 million MCMC generation sampling every 1 000 generations were run. The dataset was partitioned by codon positions and the Tamura-Nei model of nucletodide substitution was chosen, according to the results given by Modeltest v. 3.8. [32]. Sequences from Globicephala melas and Phocoena phocoena were used as outgroups.

Heterozygous individuals found in the nuclear loci were resolved using the program PHASE v.2.1. [33], [34]. Alleles were inferred setting the phase-certainty threshold to 90%.

Nucleotide and haplotype diversities for each mitochondrial and nuclear locus, and for each species, were estimated in DNAsp v. 5.10.01 [35]. In order to assess the degree of genetic differentiation between the three Stenella species, pairwise F ST was estimated for each locus with 10 000 random generations using Arlequin v. 3.5 [36]. Genealogical relationships at the haplotype level for each locus were inferred using the median-joining network as implemented in Network v. 4.6.0.0 [37].

In order to understand the phylogenetic relationships of the three species within the subfamily Delphininae, a species tree based on nine nuclear loci was estimated using a multi-locus species tree approach. A Bayesian phylogenetic tree was additionally estimated for the cytochrome b data

Morphological data were collected from 12 S. clymene individuals that were part of the mass stranding in Florida. Photographic data were available, which allowed the external appearance of the individuals to be compared and confirm the identity of two individuals that contain mitochondrial DNA of S. longisrostris. In addition, these dataset allowed us to verify if skull measurements correspond to the ones described in the species description of Stenella clymene [20]. Skull measurements were taken as described in [20].

Results

In total, 72 sequences were obtained for the mitochondrial cytochrome b gene for the three Stenella species, which grouped into 61 haplotypes ( Table 1). No haplotypes were shared among the three species. For the six nuclear loci, the number of sequences obtained for each species for each locus varied from 3 S. clymene sequences obtained for Del_05 to 17 S. coeruleoalba sequences obtained for BTN ( Table 1). Some samples were not successfully phased into alleles and were therefore removed from subsequent analyses ( Table 1). We shared haplotypes among the three species in two of the six nuclear genes, as also seen in the haplotype networks (see below).

Levels of genetic diversity found in the mtDNA were high for all species, with S. clymene showing the highest nucleotide diversity, but the lowest haplotype diversity ( Table 2). For the nuclear DNA, levels of genetic diversity obtained varied among loci, as expected given the stochasticity of the nuclear genome ( Table 2). Nevertheless, levels found are within the range reported for nuclear loci obtained in other dolphin species (e.g. [28]).

The three species showed high levels of differentiation among them ( Table 3). In the mtDNA, S. clymene and S. coeruleoalba were the least differentiated. In the nuclear DNA, levels of differentiation varied among loci, with S. clymene and S. longirostris being the least differentiated in 3 of the 6 loci ( Table 3).

The mtDNA haplotype network showed a clear separation between S. coeruleoalba and S. longirostris, with most S. clymene haplotypes being clustered among S. coeruleoalba ( Figure 1). Two S. clymene haplotypes clustered with S. longirostris. The same pattern is seen in the mtDNA phylogenetic tree ( Figure 2). In order to rule out misidentification or errors in amplification and sequencing of these individuals, DNA was re-extracted and amplification and sequencing was conducted in two different laboratories, and the same results were obtained.

Circle size is proportional to the number of individuals exhibiting the correspondent haplotype. Length of lines separating the haplotypes is proportional to the number of mutational steps. White circles indicate missing, intermediate haplotypes.

Posterior probability values are above nodes. Branch lengths are in substitutions/site.

Haplotype networks obtained for the six nuclear loci showed different patterns from the one obtained for the mtDNA ( Figure 3). Two of the loci showed very little differentiation among the three species (BTN and Del_10), with shared haplotypes among all three. In contrast, the other four loci (PLP, Del_05, Del_12 and Del_16) showed a more clear separation, with fewer shared haplotypes. In PLP and Del_12, only S. coeruleoalba and S. longirostris share haplotypes, with S. clymene haplotypes occupying more external positions. In Del_05 and Del_16, S. clymene shares haplotypes with S. longirostris, clearly being more related to this species than to S. coeruleoalba. This pattern strongly contrasts from the one obtained in the mtDNA, where S. clymeme showed to be more related with S. coeruleoalba ( Figure 1).

a) BTN, b) Del_10, c) PLP, d) Del_05, e) Del_12, f) Del_16. Circle size is proportional to the number of individuals exhibiting the correspondent haplotype. Each species within each haplotype is coloured according to the legend. Length of lines separating the haplotypes is proportional to the number of mutational steps. White circles indicate missing, intermediate haplotypes.

The two S. clymene individuals that clustered with S. longirostris in the mtDNA network share haplotypes with both S. coeruleoalba and S. longirostris in the least variable nuclear loci, but in the more informative loci are located in the tips of the networks, with the exception of Del_05 where they share a haplotype with S. longirostris.

These two individuals, along with others that were sequenced in this study, were part of a mass stranding near Tarpon Springs, Florida (USA) in June 1995. In order to confirm their morphological identification as S. clymene, we examined the available skulls, photographs of external appearance and biometric data collected by the Mote Marine Laboratory at the time of the stranding. Twelve skulls were measured in order to obtain the same characteristics described in [20] ( Table S1), and a graph of the preorbital width against the length of the upper toothrow was plotted ( Figure 4). This relationship summarizes differences in shape known to differentiate the three species [20]. The scatterplot shows that all individuals fit within the measurements described for S. clymene. Preorbital width varied between 152 and 170.5 mm (described range is 156-171 mm) and length of the upper toothrow varied between 174.5 and 208.75 mm (described range is 183-210 mm). Information on these twelve individuals is included in Table S1. The available photographs of the external appearance do not shed much light into the coloration patterns ( Figure S1). Apart from the two putative hybrids, the other individuals that were part from the mass stranding had mitochondrial DNA of Stenella clymene.

Triangles represent the two hybrid individuals identified in this study.

The species tree obtained with the nuclear loci resulted in a topology similar to the one recently published by [13], except for the branches including the genera Delphinus, Lagenodelphis and Tursiops and the three Stenella species analysed in this study ( Figure 5). These branches had a low posterior probability value, reflecting an uncertainty of the method positioning the taxa. The study mentioned above did not include Stenella clymene, which may explain the differences observed in the tree here presented. Nevertheless, the results confirm that S. clymene is phylogenetically closer to S. longirostris than to S. coeruleoalba, although a relatively low posterior probability value (0.86) separates these two clades.

Posterior probability values are above nodes.

Discussion

Our results suggest that the evolution of Stenella clymene does not follow a simple bifurcating tree, but more likely the result of reticulation through the admixture between two other closely related species, S. coeuruleolba and S. longisrostris. This finding has important implications not only for the clarification of the evolutionary relationships among species of the genus Stenella but also for our understanding of hybrid speciation in mammal species.

We confirmed that the mitochondrial genome of Stenella clymene is more closely related to that of S. coeruleoalba whereas the nuclear genome seems to be more closely related to S. longirostris. This result had already been described in previous phylogenetic studies, albeit with a smaller sample size and different molecular markers [21], [22]. This discrepancy of results between mitochondrial and nuclear markers suggests a hybrid origin of S. clymene, as a result of an ancient hybridization between a female S. coeruleoalba and a male S. longirostris. Our results further indicate that S. clymene is currently genetically distinct from its parental species, although backcrosses may still occur. We found two S. clymene haplotypes clustered with S. longirostris in the mitochondrial trees. These two individuals were part of a mass stranding of clymene dolphins in Florida. Their identification was confirmed by skull anatomy, external biometric measurements and coloration patterns, as explained in the Results section. The majority of the individuals have a mitochondrial DNA of S. clymene, except for the two individuals that appear to be the result of introgression between S. clymene and S. longirostris.

The morphological characteristics of S. clymene further support its origin through hybrid speciation. The morphometric variation seen in this species is outside that of both its putative parental species [20], suggesting a pattern of transgressive segregation [38], [39]. This pattern arises in later generation hybrids where parental alleles have recombined to form new genetic associations. These new combinations lead to novel phenotypes, which can sometimes explore new habitats and resources, contributing to niche divergence [40]. Although transgressive phenotypes can also be the result of selection following speciation, the most widely accepted phenomenon to originate evolutionary novelty is hybridization [41].

Ecological divergence has been suggested as one of the main drivers of hybrid speciation, leading to reproductive isolation between the hybrid and the parental species [5], [42]. This mechanism could explain the origin of S. clymene, although our knowledge on the ecology of this species is scarce and the few data available suggests that at least in some areas, the clymene dolphin may be exploring the same resources as S. longirostris. Mixed schools of both species have been observed in Florida and in the Caribbean [43]. Although ecological divergence has been suggested as critical for the persistence of a species of hybrid origin [5], [42], we suggest that behavioral mechanisms instead may be responsible for the maintenance of S. clymene as an independent lineage. Sexual selection, for example, can lead to assortative mating, resulting in a significant decrease in female mating with individuals from other species, and generating reproductive isolation [44]-[46]. This mechanism has been well demonstrated in primate, rodent and seal hybrid zones [11]. It is possible that mechanisms of female choice may have evolved in S. clymene as well. In this instance, S. clymene females would more often choose conspecific (hybrid) individuals rather than individuals from the parental species, even if encounters were frequent. Little is known about female choice in cetacean species, but this mechanism occurs among many other mammals. Baboon females, for example, have a preference for males that are phenotypically similar to themselves, regardless of ancestry [47]. Alternative mechanisms that have been proposed to explain the establishment of reproductive isolation between a hybrid and its parental species include chromosomal rearrangements and spatial isolation from the parental species. We do not consider these to be likely for Stenella clymene. Cetaceans, and dolphin species in particular, present strikingly similar karyotypes[15], which suggests a lack of major chromosomal rearrangement differences among the various species. The three Stenella species occur in sympatry, which also excludes the possibility of spatial isolation leading to reproductive isolation.

Several cases of hybrid speciation have been documented in animals [9], suggesting that this phenomenon may be more important than previously thought. Some of these cases have been found due to discrepancies in molecular markers, as the ones we found here (e.g. [45]). In mammals, only one case has been fully confirmed [38] but a handful of others suggested [48], [49], which shows that reticulate evolution is a viable mechanism for speciation in this group.

There are two alternative scenarios that could explain our results, although we consider them less likely: introgressive hybridization between S. clymene and S. longirostris such as the hybrid individuals that were part of the mass stranding in Florida, and non-reticulating forms of speciation including incomplete lineage sorting. If we had a case of introgressive hybridization, we would expect the hybrids to show intermediate morphological characters between the two species, which they do not. S. clymene has morphological characteristics of both S. coeruleoalba and S. longirostris, which lead to a novel phenotype. In addition, sporadic hybridization does not explain the strong phylogenetic discordance seen between mtDNA and nuDNA markers. Incomplete lineage sorting could explain the different patterns seen in the nuclear haplotype networks, and it is likely still affecting the nuclear genome of these species, given their recent divergence. However, it does not entirely explain the strong discordance between mtDNA and nuDNA markers or the morphological trait variation seen in S. clymene. Incomplete lineage sorting is usually found at any stage during a process of divergence or speciation, until populations or species are completely differentiated. However, even when this differentiation seems complete, we may still find portions of the genome where alleles are shared among populations or species, specially if there is ongoing gene flow (hybridization). Dolphin species within the subfamily Delphininae are known to have diverged quite recently, possibly during a rapid radiation event [13]. This coupled with a slow nuclear genome evolution which seems to be characteristic of cetacean species, leads to a general lack of polymorphism in nuclear loci and subsequent low levels of nuclear genetic differentiation among species [50].

The evolutionary relationships among species of the genus Stenella have been contentious to date, with morphological and nuDNA characters disagreeing with mtDNA [13], [22]. We suggest that this is likely due to the occurrence of natural hybridization among these species. This phenomenon is not easily incorporated into phylogenetic analyses, although some recent methods have been developed (e.g. [51], [52]), and until it is taken into account, a clear understanding of the relationships among these will not be possible.

Our study provides the first evidence of a marine mammal species that originated through hybridization between two other species. We suggest that sexual selection through assortative mating is likely the mechanism responsible for maintaining Stenella clymene as an independent lineage, despite ongoing backcrosses with the parental species. The permeability of the genome and the karyological uniformity of these species, coupled with a complex social structure and behavior that likely contribute to the establishment of reproductive isolation, suggest that hybrid speciation may be a more common evolutionary process in these species than previously thought. As more molecular studies become available, we expect to see additional cases of hybrid speciation reported in the near future. Such reports will provide evidence that, as with other animal complexes, reticulate evolution has been an important evolutionary process contributing to the diversity of marine mammals as well.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank K. M. Robertson and the Southwest Fisheries Science Center for providing samples for this study; M. Arnold for providing comments to the manuscript; W. F. Perrin and R. G. LeDuc for first putting the hypothesis of hybrid speciation in the clymene dolphin forward. We are grateful to the staff of the AMNH New York, in particular to Rebecca Hersch. We also thank Matthew Leslie and Catherine Munsch for previous contributions in the laboratory.

Author Contributions

Conceived and designed the experiments: ARA HCR. Performed the experiments: ARA. Analyzed the data: ARA GL. Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: GL MMC GA HCR. Wrote the paper: ARA.

References

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2. 14. Bérubé M (2002) Hybridism. In: Perrin WF, Wursig B, Theweissen JGM, editors. Encyclopedia of marine mammals. San Diego, Calif.: Academic Press Inc. pp. 596-600.

3. 15. Arnason U (1980) C-banded and G-banded karyotypes of 3 delphinids - Stenella clymene, Lagenorhynchus albirostris and Phocoena phocoena. Hereditas 92: 179-187.

4. 16. Zornetzer HR, Duffield DA (2003) Captive-born bottlenose dolphin x common dolphin (Tursiops truncatus x Delphinus capensis) intergeneric hybrids. Can J Zool 81: 1755-1762.

5. 17. Silva-Jr JM, Silva FJL, Sazima I (2005) Presumed Interspecific hybrids in the genus Stenella (Delphinidae) in the Tropical West Atlantic. Aquatic Mammals 31.

6. 18. Berube M, Aguilar A (1998) A new hybrid between a blue whale, Balaenoptera musculus, and a fin whale, B-physalus: Frequency and implications of hybridization. Mar Mamm Sci 14: 82-98.

7. 19. Willis PM, Crespi BJ, Dill LM, Baird RW, Hanson MB (2004) Natural hybridization between Dall's porpoises (Phocoenoides dalli) and harbour porpoises (Phocoena phocoena). Can J Zool-Rev Can Zool 82: 828-834.

8. 46. Ritchie MG (2007) Sexual selection and speciation. Annual Review of Ecology Evolution and Systematics. pp. 79-102.

9. 47. Bergman TJ, Beehner JC (2003) Hybrid zones and sexual selection: insights from the Awash baboon hybrid zone. In: Jones C, editor. Sexual Selection and Primates: New Insights and Directions. Norman, Oklahoma, USA: American Society of Primatologists. pp. 500-537.

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Hybrid Speciation in a Marine Mammal: The Clymene Dolphin (Stenella clymene)

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Natural hybridization may result in the exchange of genetic material between divergent lineages and even the formation of new taxa. Many of the Neo-Darwinian architects argued that, particularly for animal clades, natural hybridization was maladaptive. Recent evidence, however, has falsified this hypothesis, instead indicating that this process may lead to increased biodiversity through the formation of new species.

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The fin of a lagenorhynchus acutus ( sharp) 

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Her own article about self-care and ways for liberation.

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By Stop talking about Self-Care Yashna Maya Padamsee
In the last 3 years as I talk about the Healing Justice (HJ) work I am involved in I am met with dueling responses of either deep yearning and curiosity about sustainability or a look that says "how sweet" and "call me when you're ready to do some real work."

Each response often leads to the introduction conversations that get stuck on the idea that HJ is only about the practice of "self-care." Self-care is important and essential but lets not get stuck here.

I love the idea of exploring ways to care for ourselves and our sustainability such as- honoring what unions won for us by working an 8 hour day (instead of working 10-14 hour days all the time), or other common self-care options like taking a bubble bath, or eating comfort food.

If we let ourselves be caught up in the discussion of self-care we are missing the whole point of Healing Justice (HJ) work. Talking only about self-care when talking about HJ is like only talking about recycling and composting when speaking on Environmental Justice. It is a necessary and important individual daily practice- but to truly seek justice for the Environment, or to truly seek Healing for our communities, we need to interrupt and transform systems on a broader level.

We need to move the self-care conversation into community care. We need to move the conversation from individual to collective. From independent to interdependent.

Too often self-care in our organizational cultures gets translated to our individual responsibility to leave work early, go home- alone- and go take a bath, go to the gym, eat some food and go to sleep. So we do all of that "self-care" to return to organizational cultures where we reproduce the systems we are trying to break; where we are continually reminded of our own trauma or exposed and absorb secondary PTSD, and where we then feel guilty or punished for leaving work early the night before to take a bubble bath.

Self-care, as it is framed now, leaves us in danger of being isolated in our struggle and our healing. Isolation of yet another person, another injustice, is a notch in the belt of Oppression. A liberatory care practice is one in which we move beyond self-care into caring for each other.
Why are we seeking Care?
You shouldn't have to do this alone.

There is a growing rumble of yearning for healing in our movement work. Oppression and trauma do influence our well-being. On-going generational trauma and violence affect our communities, our bodies, our hearts, minds and spirits. Racism, sexism, classism, eats at our very beings. This leads us to seek care. We know this. Our bodies know this. Our friends can read it in our faces even if we have learned to ignore it.

We put our bodies on the line everyday- because we care so deeply about our work- hunger strikes, long marches, long days at the computer or long days organizing on a street corner or a public bus or a congregation. Skip a meal, keep working. Don't sleep, keep working. Our communities are still suffering, so I must keep going. We risk and test our bodies to go further and we stretch our hearts or close our hearts to keep going- whatever it takes- and ultimately what it takes is a toll on us. This leads us to seek care.

We want to deny it- but abelism still shapes our movement work- "go hard or go home". In the the Needs Assessment by Kindred Southern Healing Justice Collective, they state, "Changemakers are dying as a result of spiritual and physical deprivation from trauma, stress and unrest in our movements."
How do we move from Self-care to Community-Care?
We are burning out faster and at higher rates- unable to do the work we love. How can we win when our bodies individually and collectively can't keep up? We are risking not just burn-out, but organizer loss and movement fragmentation. We cannot afford this.

In his Letter from a Birmingham Jail, Dr. King says "I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." In that same spirit- can we be cognizant of the interrelatedness of our own bodies, of our own well-beings? I cannot sit and read a manifesto for liberation of mind without going deep and healing for liberation of body and spirit. I cannot sit and care for my body without being concerned with what happens to the bodies of my sisters. We are connected.

Can we understand how creating another world will require, or rather, demand our well-being? From small-town collectives and national organizations to strategy and pop-ed sessions to shared meals and parties- it is our responsibility not as individuals, but as communities to create structures in which self-care changes to community care. In which we are cared-for and able to care for others.

Disability Justice is mightily leading the way in showing us that we don't have to keep doing our work in the same way nor do we need to do it alone. For example, Sins Invalid ("a performance project that incubates and celebrates artists with disabilities") rescheduled an entire production due to a members health concerns and performed when it was safe for every-one's bodies. Or another shining example is Creating Collective Access - creating a "new model of being in our movements ...by resisting against the individualization of access" by organizing for collective care at social movement gatherings.

If your liberation is wrapped up with mine- for me that means that it matters how you feel and what you are feeling. Your well-being is our liberation, and I would hope that you would say the same.
Organizations for Liberation
We can take the lead from the field notes of many Healing Justice & Disability Justice organizers, collectives, events and organizations, work from visionary poets and examples from national organizing campaigns that center the principle of Care. There are resources out there and treasures that are many generations old. Find them, talk about them, practice them together, honor them.

"We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly." Dr. King (Letter from a Birmingham Jail)

As our conversation develops from the limited idea of self-care to the expansive reality of community care we are able to honor the depth of Healing Justice work and the depths of ourselves. We need to switch our thinking- individually and organizationally- to including well-being in our work for justice. Because when we are able to do that- that means we are cognizant of Dr. King's "network of mutuality." Because when we do that we will truly be working towards a liberatory and visionary new world.

So go on and call me when you are ready to do some real work.

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Communities of Care, Organizations for Liberation - Transform Harm

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By Yashna Maya Padamsee Original article found here Stop talking about Self-Care In the last 3 years as I talk about the Healing Justice (HJ) work I am involved in I am met with dueling responses of either deep yearning and curiosity about sustainability or a look that says "how sweet" and "call me when you're [...]

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I didn't know who this group had existed which is amazing!

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Subversive Sirens: Gold-Winning Synchronized Swimmers Fight For Body Positivity, Equality | NBC News

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The first African-American Congresswoman, Shirley Anita Chisholm represented a newly reapportioned U.S. House district centered in Brooklyn, New York. Elected in 1968 with deep roots in the Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood, Chisholm was catapulted into the national limelight by virtue of her race, gender, and outspoken personality. In 1972, in a largely symbolic undertaking, she campaigned for the Democratic presidential nomination. But "Fighting Shirley" Chisholm's frontal assault on many congressional traditions and her reputation as a crusader limited her influence as a legislator in an institution long resistant to change. "I am the people's politician," she once told the New York Times. "If the day should ever come when the people can't save me, I'll know I'm finished. That's when I'll go back to being a professional educator." ¹

Shirley Anita St. Hill was born on November 30, 1924, in Brooklyn, New York. She was the oldest of four daughters of Charles St. Hill, a factory laborer from Guyana, and Ruby Seale St. Hill, a seamstress from Barbados. For part of her childhood, Shirley St. Hill lived in Barbados on her maternal grandparents' farm, receiving a British education while her parents worked during the Great Depression to settle the family in Bedford-Stuyvesant. The most apparent manifestation of her West Indies roots was the slight, clipped British accent she retained throughout her life. She attended public schools in Brooklyn and graduated with high marks. Accepted to Vassar and Oberlin colleges, Shirley St. Hill attended Brooklyn College on scholarship and graduated cum laude with a BA in sociology in 1946. From 1946 to 1953, Chisholm worked as a nursery school teacher and then as the director of two daycare centers. She married Conrad Q. Chisholm, a private investigator, in 1949. Three years later, Shirley Chisholm earned an MA in early childhood education from Columbia University. She served as an educational consultant for New York City's division of day care from 1959 to 1964. In 1964 Chisholm was elected to the New York state legislature; she was the second African-American woman to serve in Albany.

A court-ordered redistricting that carved a new Brooklyn congressional district out of Chisholm's Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood convinced her to run for Congress. The influential Democratic political machine, headed by Stanley Steingut, declared its intention to send an African-American candidate from the new district to the House. The endorsement of the machine usually resulted in a primary victory, which was tantamount to election in the heavily Democratic area. In the primary, Chisholm faced three African-American challengers: civil court judge Thomas R. Jones, a former district leader and New York assemblyman; Dolly Robinson, a former district co-leader; and William C. Thompson, a well-financed state senator. Chisholm roamed the new district in a sound truck that pulled up outside housing projects while she announced: "Ladies and Gentlemen ... this is fighting Shirley Chisholm coming through." Chisholm capitalized on her personal campaign style. "I have a way of talking that does something to people," she noted. "I have a theory about campaigning. You have to let them feel you." ² In the primary in mid-June 1968, Chisholm defeated Thompson, her nearest competitor, by about 800 votes in an election characterized by light voter turnout.

In the general election, Chisholm faced Republican-Liberal James Farmer, one of the principal figures of the civil rights movement, a cofounder of the Congress of Racial Equality, and an organizer of the Freedom Riders in the early 1960s. The two candidates held similar positions on housing, employment, and education issues, and both opposed the Vietnam War. Farmer charged that the Democratic Party "took [Black voters] for granted and thought they had us in their pockets.... We must be in a position to use our power as a swing vote." ³ But the election turned on the issue of gender. Farmer hammered away, arguing that "women have been in the driver's seat" in Black communities for too long and that the district needed "a man's voice in Washington," not that of a "little schoolteacher." ⁴ Chisholm, whose campaign motto was "unbought and unbossed," met that charge head-on, using Farmer's rhetoric to highlight discrimination against women and explain her unique qualifications. "There were Negro men in office here before I came in five years ago, but they didn't deliver," Chisholm countered. "People came and asked me to do something ... I'm here because of the vacuum." Chisholm portrayed Farmer as an outsider (he lived in Manhattan) and used her fluent Spanish to appeal to the growing Hispanic population in the Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood. (Members of the Puerto Rican diaspora accounted for about 20 percent of the district vote.) The deciding factor, however, was the district's overwhelming liberal tilt: More than 80 percent of the voters were registered Democrats. Chisholm won the general election by a resounding 67 percent of the vote. ⁵

Chisholm's freshman class included two African Americans of future prominence: Louis Stokes of Ohio and William Lacy Clay Sr., of Missouri-and boosted the number of African Americans in the House from six to nine, the largest total up to that time. ⁶ Chisholm was the only new woman to enter Congress in 1969.

Chisholm's welcome in the House was not warm, due to her refusal to abide by long-standing House expectations for first-term Members to fly under the radar. "I have no intention of just sitting quietly and observing," she said. "I intend to focus attention on the nation's problems." She did just that, lashing out against the Vietnam War in her first floor speech on March 26, 1969. Chisholm vowed to vote against any defense appropriation bill "until the time comes when our values and priorities have been turned right-side up again." ⁷ She was assigned to the Committee on Agriculture, a decision she appealed directly to House Speaker John W. McCormack of Massachusetts (bypassing Ways and Means Committee Chairman Wilbur Daigh Mills of Arkansas, who oversaw Democratic committee appointments). McCormack told her to be a "good soldier," at which point Chisholm brought her complaint to the House Floor. She was reassigned to the Veterans' Affairs Committee which, though not one of her top choices, was more relevant to her district's makeup. "There are a lot more veterans in my district than trees," she quipped. ⁸ From 1971 to 1977 she served on the Committee on Education and Labor, having won a place on that panel with the help of Hale Boggs of Louisiana, whom she had endorsed as Majority Leader. ⁹ She also served on the Committee on Organization Study and Review (known as the Hansen Committee), whose recommended reforms for the selection of committee chairmen were adopted by the Democratic Caucus in 1971. From 1977 to 1981, Chisholm served as Secretary of the Democratic Caucus. She eventually left her Education Committee assignment to accept a seat on the Rules Committee in 1977, becoming the first Black woman-and the second woman ever-to serve on that powerful panel. Chisholm also was a founding member of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) in 1971 and the Congressional Women's Caucus in 1977.

Chisholm continued to work for the causes she had espoused as a community activist. She sponsored increases in federal funding to extend the hours of daycare facilities and a guaranteed minimum annual income for families. She was a fierce defender of federal assistance for education, serving as a primary backer of a national school lunch bill and leading her colleagues in overriding President Gerald R. Ford's veto on this measure. However, Chisholm did not view herself as a "lawmaker, an innovator in the field of legislation"; in her efforts to address the needs of the "have-nots," she often chose to work outside the established system. At times she criticized Democratic leadership in Congress as much as she did the Republicans in the White House. She was an explorer and a trailblazer rather than a legislative artisan. ¹⁰

True to this approach, Chisholm declared her candidacy for the 1972 Democratic nomination for President, charging that none of the other candidates represented the interests of Black and minority voters and the inner-city poor. She campaigned across the country and succeeded in getting her name on 12 primary ballots, becoming as well known outside her Brooklyn neighborhood as she was in it. At the Democratic National Convention she received 152 delegate votes, or 10 percent of the total, a respectable showing given her modest funding. A 1974 Gallup Poll listed her as one of the top 10 most-admired women in America-ahead of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis and Coretta Scott King and tied with Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for sixth place. ¹¹ But while the presidential bid enhanced Chisholm's national profile, it also stirred controversy among her House colleagues. Chisholm's candidacy split the CBC. Many Black male colleagues felt she had not consulted them or that she had betrayed the group's interests by trying to create a coalition of women, Hispanics, white liberals, and welfare recipients. ¹² Pervasive gender discrimination, Chisholm noted, cut across racial lines: "Black male politicians are no different from white male politicians. This 'woman thing' is so deep. I've found it out in this campaign if I never knew it before." ¹³ Her presidential campaign also strained relations with other women Members of Congress, particularly Bella Savitzky Abzug of New York, who endorsed South Dakota Senator George Stanley McGovern instead of Chisholm.

By 1976 Chisholm faced a stiff challenge from within her own party primary by a longtime political rival, New York city councilman Samuel D. Wright. Born and raised in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Wright was a formidable opponent who had represented Brooklyn in the New York assembly for a number of years before winning a seat on the city council. He criticized Chisholm for her absenteeism in the House, brought on by the rigors of her presidential campaign, and for what he said was a lack of connection with the district. Chisholm countered by playing on her national credentials and her role as a reformer of Capitol Hill culture. "I think my role is to break new ground in Congress," Chisholm noted. She insisted that her strength was in bringing legislative factions together. "I can talk with legislators from the South, the West, all over. They view me as a national figure and that makes me more acceptable." ¹⁴ Two weeks later Chisholm turned back Wright and Hispanic political activist Luz Vega in the Democratic primary, winning 54 percent of the vote to Wright's 36 percent and Vega's 10 percent. ¹⁵ She won the general election handily with 83 percent of the vote. ¹⁶

From the late 1970s onward, Brooklyn Democrats speculated that Chisholm was losing interest in her House seat. Her name was widely floated as a possible candidate for several jobs related to education, including president of the City College of New York and chancellor of the New York City public school system. ¹⁷ In 1982 Chisholm declined to seek re-election. "Shirley Chisholm would like to have a little life of her own," she told the Christian Science Monitor, citing personal reasons for her decision to leave the House; she wanted to spend more time with her second husband, Arthur Hardwick Jr., a New York state legislator she had married about six months after divorcing Conrad Chisholm in 1977. ¹⁸

Other reasons, too, factored into Chisholm's decision to leave the House. She had grown disillusioned over the conservative turn the country had taken with the election of President Ronald Reagan in 1980. Also, there were tensions with people on her side of the political fence, particularly African-American politicians who, she insisted, misunderstood her efforts to build alliances. While her rhetoric about racial inequality could be passionate at times, Chisholm's actions toward the white establishment in Congress were often conciliatory. Chisholm maintained that many members of the Black community did not understand the need for negotiation with white politicians. "We still have to engage in compromise, the highest of all arts," Chisholm noted. "Blacks can't do things on their own, nor can whites. When you have black racists and white racists it is very difficult to build bridges between communities." ¹⁹

After leaving Congress in January 1983, Chisholm cofounded the National Political Congress of Black Women and campaigned for Jesse Jackson's presidential bids in 1984 and 1988. She also taught at Mt. Holyoke College in 1983. Though nominated as U.S. Ambassador to Jamaica by President William J. (Bill) Clinton, Chisholm declined due to ill health. She settled in Palm Coast, Florida, where she wrote and lectured, and died on January 1, 2005, in Ormond Beach, Florida. ²⁰

View Record in the Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress

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CHISHOLM, Shirley Anita | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives

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The first African-American Congresswoman, Shirley Anita Chisholm represented a newly reapportioned U.S. House district centered in Brooklyn, New York. Elected in 1968 with deep roots in the Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood, Chisholm was catapulted into the national limelight by virtue of her race, gender, and outspoken personality.

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Sign in reduces how often you have to reauthenticate to access UW resources.

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More background knowledge on what had happened in many manmade changes that had caused their habitat to constantly change.

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Habitat fragmentation and species extirpation in freshwater ecosystems; causes of range decline of the Indus river dolphin (Platanista gangetica minor) - PubMed

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Habitat fragmentation of freshwater ecosystems is increasing rapidly, however the understanding of extinction debt and species decline in riverine habitat fragments lags behind that in other ecosystems. The mighty rivers that drain the Himalaya - the Ganges, Brahmaputra, Indus, Mekong and Yangtze -…

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Recognised by their peers and loved ones for their contributions, service, vision, dedication and expertise towards constructive change and improvement to Māori health, we invite you to journey through the words of support that have been prepared for 100 Māori Leaders to showcase the width and breadth of Māori of today who influence and contribute to Māori health and wellbeing.

Be inspired. Aspire.

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Recognised by their peers and loved ones for their contributions, service, vision, dedication and expertise towards constructive change and improvement to Māori health, we invite you to journey through the words of support that have been prepared for 100 Māori Leaders to showcase the width and breadth of Māori of today who influence and contribute to Māori health and wellbeing.

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There are 40 publications for Greek economic crisis.

Strategic Analysis, May 2021 | May 2021

The Greek economy-still fragile due to the lingering effects of the 2009-10 crisis-was hit particularly hard by the COVID-19 pandemic. Greece's 2020 GDP decline was one of the worst among the group of EU and eurozone member states, along with the highest levels of unemployment and underemployment.

Dimitri B. Papadimitriou, Christos Pierros, Nikos Rodousakis, and Gennaro Zezza update their analysis of the state of the Greek economy on the basis of recently released provisional data for 2020Q4, and model three projections through 2023: (1) a baseline scenario in which no agreement is reached on the disbursement of EU funds (the Recovery and Resilience Facility); (2) a scenario in which EU grants and loans are distributed in a timely manner; and (3) an additional scenario that pairs EU funds with implementation of an employer-of-last resort program. The second scenario would see Greece's GDP growth return to its pre-pandemic trend-albeit still leaving the economy below the level of real GDP it reached in 2008. The third scenario has the most favorable impact on growth and employment-raising real GDP above its pre-pandemic trend. Failure to achieve a proper recovery of GDP in Greece would be directly related to an absence of fiscal policy expansion.

This Strategic Analysis is the joint product of the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College and INE-GSEE (Athens, Greece). It is simultaneously issued in both English and Greek.

Strategic Analysis, December 2020 | December 2020

While the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic have been broadly similar for individuals, families, societies, and economies globally, the policy responses have varied significantly between countries. In the case of Greece, the pandemic abruptly ended the country's fragile recovery and threw its economy into a dramatic contraction beginning in 2020Q2. Fiscal stimulus programs financed by reserve funds and European-backed structural funds have been implemented, but to date there is no evidence of a significant impact. Given the emergence of COVID-19's second wave of contagion and the economic consequences of business shutdowns and further job losses, our own growth projections, as well as those from the European Commission, IMF, OECD, and the Greek government, have been revised downward for 2021 and prospects for the beginning of a recovery before the end of 2020 have died out.

Using their stock-flow consistent macroeconomic model developed for Greece (LIMG), we run simulations for a baseline scenario and two alternative policy outcomes. The results of the projections for a "business as usual" baseline scenario are pessimistic and show that a V-shaped recovery is not in the cards. The European "recovery funds" alternative scenario projections, while more pessimistic than our report from May 2019, indicate that implementing these funds beginning in 2021Q3 will result in accelerating growth with positive outcomes. A more robust GDP growth rate and consequent employment growth can be realized with the combined effects of the European recovery funds together with an enhanced public job guarantee program. It is this mix of policies that can gain traction and bear fruit in putting the Greek economy on a path to sustainable and inclusive growth.

This Strategic Analysis is the joint product of the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College and INE-GSEE (Athens, Greece). It is simultaneously issued in both English and Greek.

Strategic Analysis, September 2016 | October 2016

The Greek government has agreed to a new round of fiscal austerity measures consisting of a sharp increase in taxes on income and property and further reductions in pension and other welfare-related expenditures. Based on our model of the Greek economy, policies aimed at reducing the government deficit will cause a recession, unless other components of aggregate demand increase enough to more than offset the negative impact of fiscal austerity on output and employment.

In this report we argue that the troika strategy of increasing net exports to restart the economy has failed, partly because of the low impact of falling wages on prices, partly because of the low trade elasticities with respect to prices, and partly because of other events that caused a sharp reduction in transport services, which used to be Greece's largest export sector.

A policy initiative to boost aggregate demand is urgently needed, now more than ever. We propose a fiscal policy alternative based on innovative financing mechanisms, which could trigger a boost in confidence that would encourage renewed private investment.

Public Policy Brief No. 138, 2014 | October 2014

To mobilize Greece's severely underemployed labor potential and confront the social and economic dangers of persistent unemployment, we propose the immediate implementation of a direct public benefit job creation program-a Greek "New Deal." The Job Guarantee (JG) program would offer the unemployed jobs, at a minimum wage, on work projects providing public goods and services. This policy would have substantial positive economic impacts in terms of output and employment, and when newly accrued tax revenue is taken into account, which substantially reduces the net cost of the program, it makes for a comparatively modest fiscal stimulus. At a net cost of roughly 1 percent to 1.2 percent of GDP (depending on the wage level offered), a midrange JG program featuring the direct creation of 300,000 jobs has the potential to reduce the unemployed population by a third or more, once indirect employment effects are taken into account. And our research indicates that the policy would do all this while reducing Greece's debt-to-GDP ratio-which leaves little room for excuses.

Research Project Report, April 2014 | July 2014

A Proposal for Rural Reinvestment and Urban Entrepreneurship

The crisis in Greece is persistent and ongoing. After six years of deepening recession, real GDP has shrunk by more than 25 percent, with total unemployment now standing at 27.2 percent. Clearly, reviving growth and creating jobs should be at the top of the policy agenda.

But banks remain undercapitalized, and lending has been restricted to only the most creditworthy businesses and households. Many start-ups and small- and medium-size enterprises (SMEs) have almost no access to development loans, and for those to whom credit can be extended, it is at disproportionally high interest rates.

The success of micro-lending institutions in developing nations (such as the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh) has highlighted the positive economic performance of community-based credit, and such lending models have proven to be an important poverty policy alternative in areas where transfer payments are limited. Community or co-operative financial institutions (CFIs) can fill the gap when existing institutions cannot adequately perform critical functions of the financial system for SMEs, entrepreneurs, and low-income residents seeking modest financing and other banking services.

We propose expanding the reach and services of CFIs within Greece, drawing upon lessons from the US experience of community development banking and various co-operative banking models in Europe. The primary goals of this nationwide system would be to make credit available, process payments, and offer savings opportunities to communities not well served by the major commercial Greek banks.

Our blueprint includes suggestions on the banks' organization and a framework within which they would be chartered, regulated, and supervised by a newly created central co-operative bank. It also looks at the possible impact that such a network could have, especially in terms of start-ups, SMEs, and rural redevelopment (agrotourism)-all of which are critical to Greece's exit from recession.

Research Project Report, July 2013 | July 2013

Technical Paper

In this report Levy Institute President Dimitri B. Papadimitriou and Research Scholars Gennaro Zezza and Michalis Nikiforos present the technical structure of the Levy Institute's macroeconomic model for the Greek economy (LIMG). LIMG is a stock-flow consistent model that reflects the "New Cambridge" approach that builds on the work of Distinguished Scholar Wynne Godley and the current Levy Institute model for the US economy. LIMG is a flexible tool for the analysis of economic policy alternatives for the medium term and is also the analytic framework for a forthcoming Strategic Analysis series focusing on the Greek economy.

Strategic Analysis, July 2013 | July 2013

A Strategic Analysis

Employment in Greece is in free fall, with more than one million jobs lost since October 2008-a drop of more than 28 percent. In March, the "official" unemployment rate was 27.4 percent, the highest level seen in any industrialized country in the free world during the last 30 years.

In this report, Levy Institute President Dimitri B. Papadimitriou and Research Scholars Michalis Nikiforos and Gennaro Zezza present their analysis of Greece's economic crisis and offer policy recommendations to restore growth and increase employment. This analysis relies on the Levy Institute's macroeconomic model for the Greek economy (LIMG), a stock-flow consistent model similar to the Institute's model of the US economy. Based on the LIMG simulations, the authors find that a continuation of "expansionary austerity" policies will actually increase unemployment, since GDP will not grow quickly enough to arrest, much less reverse, the decline in employment. They critically evaluate recent International Monetary Fund and European Commission projections for the Greek economy, and find these projections overly optimistic. They recommend a recovery plan, similar to the Marshall Plan, to increase public consumption and investment. Toward this end, the authors call for an expanded direct public-service job creation program.

Policy Note 2013/1 | March 2013

A Case against Neoliberal Economics, the Domestic Political Elite, and the EU/IMF Duo

The crisis in Greece reflects the deep structural problems of the country's economy, its bureaucratic inefficiency, and a pervasive culture of corruption. But it also reflects the deadly failure of the neoliberal project, which has become institutionalized throughout the European Union's operational framework-with the International Monetary Fund the world's single most powerful enforcer of market fundamentalism.

Research Project Report, October 18, 2012 | October 2012

Interim Report

In this interim report, we discuss the evolution of major macroeconomic variables for the Greek economy, focusing in particular on the sources of growth before and after the euro era, the causes and consequences of the continuing recession, and the likely results of the policies currently being implemented. Some preliminary suggestions for alternative policies are included. These alternatives will be tested in a more robust econometric framework in a subsequent report.

Policy Note 2012/7 | June 2012

Possible Costs and Likely Outcomes of a Grexit

The European Union's (EU) handling of the Greek crisis has been an unmitigated disaster. In fact, EU political leadership has been a failure of historic proportions, as its myopic, neoliberal bent and fear-driven policies have brought the eurozone to the brink of collapse. After more than two years of a "kicking the can down the road" policy response, it's a do-or-die situation for Euroland. Greece has reached the point where an exit looks rather imminent (it's really a matter of time, regardless of the June 17 election outcome), Portugal is bleeding heavily, Spain is about to go under, and Italy is in a state of despair. This Policy Note examines why the bailout policies failed to rescue Greece and boost the eurozone, and what effects a "Grexit" might possibly have-on Greece and the rest of Euroland.

Public Policy Brief No. 124, 2012 | May 2012

The Link between the State and the Macroeconomy, and the Disastrous Effects of the European Policy of Austerity

Conventional wisdom has calcified around the belief that the countries in the eurozone periphery are in trouble primarily because of their governments' allegedly profligate ways. For most of these nations, however, the facts suggest otherwise. Apart from the case of Greece, the outbreak of the eurozone crisis largely preceded dramatic increases in public debt ratios, and as has been emphasized in previous Levy Institute publications, the roots of the crisis lie far more in the flawed design of the European Monetary Union and the imbalances it has generated.

But as Research Associate and Policy Fellow C. J. Polychroniou demonstrates in this policy brief, domestic political developments should not be written out of the recent history of the eurozone's stumbles toward crisis and possible dissolution. However, the part in this tale played by southern European political regimes is quite the opposite of that which is commonly claimed or implied in the press. Instead of out-of-control, overly generous progressive agendas, the countries at the core of the crisis in southern Europe-Greece, Spain, and Portugal-have seen their macroeconomic environments shaped by the dominance of regressive political regimes and an embrace of neoliberal policies; an embrace, says Polychroniou, that helped contribute to the unenviable position their economies find themselves in today.

Policy Note 2012/1 | March 2012

We live in a terrifying world of policymaking-an age of free-market dogmatism where the economic ideology is fundamentally flawed. Europe's political leadership has applied neo-Hooverian (scorched-earth) policies that are shrinking economies and producing social misery as a result of massive unemployment.

Large-scale government intervention is critical in reviving an economy, but the current public-policy mania, which imposes fiscal tightening in the midst of recession, can only lead to catastrophic failure. The bailouts, for example, do not solve Greece's debt crisis but simply postpone an official default. What is needed is a political and economic revolution that includes a return to Keynesian measures and a new institutional architecture-a United States of Europe.

One-Pager No. 26 | February 2012

Improving Competitiveness by Reducing Living Standards and Increasing Poverty

Greece's new EU/IMF bailout package is all about private sector wage cuts and an overhaul of labor rights. In short, it will do absolutely nothing to address the nation's economic crisis because it is not designed to rescue Greece's embattled economy. In fact, it will have the unwanted effect of keeping the nation locked in a vicious cycle of debt-and leading, finally, to its exit from the eurozone.

Research Project Report, November 30, 2011 | November 2011

Countries in crisis round the world face the daunting task of dealing with abrupt increases in unemployment and associated deepening poverty. Greece, in the face of her sovereign debt crisis, has been hit the hardest. Remediating employment policies, including workweek reductions and employment subsidies, abound but have failed to answer the call satisfactorily. Direct public-service job creation, instead, enables communities to mitigate risks and vulnerabilities that rise especially in turbulent times by actively transforming their own economic and social environment.

With underwriting from the Labour Institute of the Greek General Confederation of Workers, the Levy Economics Institute was instrumental in the design and implementation of a social works program of direct job creation throughout Greece. Two-year projects, funded from European Structural Funds, have begun.

This report traces the economic trends preceding and surrounding the economic crisis in Greece, with particular emphasis on recent labor market trends and emerging gaps in social safety net coverage. While its primary focus is identifying the needs in Greece, broader lessons for direct job creation are highlighted, and could be applied to countries entertaining targeted employment creation as a means to alleviate social strains during crisis periods.

Working Paper No. 688 | September 2011

Greece's Debt Crisis in Context

According to author and journalist C. J. Polychroniou, Greece was unfit to join the euro: its entry was orchestrated by fabricating the true state of the country's fiscal condition, and its subsequent "growth performance" rested upon heavy state borrowing and European Union (EU) transfers. Moreover, the Greek economic crisis is also a political and moral crisis, as financial scandals and corruption have been major sources of wealth creation.

The EU and International Monetary Fund bailout plan (May 2010), which includes a structural adjustment program with harsh austerity measures, has been a social and economic catastrophe. Such policy ensures that Greece will default and be forced to exit the euro, says Polychroniou, but compelling Greek citizens to take charge of their own economic problems and national faults may be the best scenario. Extreme EU neoliberal policies also increase the risk of the eurozone's dissolution.

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Greek economic crisis | Levy Economics Institute

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There are 40 publications for Greek economic crisis. Strategic Analysis, May 2021 | May 2021 The Greek economy-still fragile due to the lingering effects of the 2009-10 crisis-was hit particularly hard by the COVID-19 pandemic. Greece's 2020 GDP decline was one of the worst among the group of EU and eurozone member states, along with the highest levels of unemployment and underemployment.

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"“I wanted to understand the inequality that was structuring the world—even as I was feeling that it had not made anything impossible for me,” she said (Okeowo, 2020). "
In the book Alexis wanted to foreshadow the feminist's struggle within being an African American and in the chapter where she mentions Saidiya she mentions her work and what she has done for many African American women.

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The scholar's provocative writing illuminates stories that have long gone untold.

On a clear night earlier this year, the writer and scholar Saidiya Hartman was fidgeting in a cab on the way to MOMA PS1, the contemporary-art center in Queens. The museum was holding an event to celebrate Hartman's latest book, " Wayward Lives, Beautiful Experiments," an account, set in New York and Philadelphia at the turn of the twentieth century, that blends history and fiction to chronicle the sexual and gender rebellions of young Black women. Several artists planned to present work that illustrated Hartman's influence on them. She was nervous just thinking about it. "I'm crying on the inside," she said. "I'm this shy person, and this feels so weird."

Hartman, who is fifty-nine, wore a blue batik tunic over slim black pants and plum-shaded ankle boots. A professor of English and comparative literature at Columbia, she occupies a singular position in contemporary culture: she is an academic, influenced by Michel Foucault, who has both received a MacArthur "genius" grant and appeared in a Jay-Z video. Hartman has a serene, patient demeanor, which the cultural theorist Judith Butler described as "withheld and shy, self-protective." She speaks at what seems like precisely three-quarters speed, to allow her to inspect her thoughts before releasing them. "She definitely has a bit of that holding-your-tongue thing as a power mode," the artist Arthur Jafa, a friend and collaborator of hers, told me. "She carries the universe in her head, and you can feel it in her presence." But her best friend, Tina Campt, a professor of visual culture at Brown, called her endearingly "goofy and awkward." On a recent trip to London, Campt told me, Hartman got lost returning to her hotel from a restaurant. The hotel was a block away.

At the museum, a tent had been set up in a courtyard, and a line of attendees snaked around it: artists, fashion people, writers, students, cool kids with their hair in topknots. Thelma Golden, the director of the Studio Museum in Harlem, greeted Hartman with a hug and warned, "Prepare for fan-girling."

The event's curator, Thomas Lax, was waiting inside the tent to show Hartman around. (Hartman's partner, Samuel Miller, a civil-rights attorney, had stayed home in Manhattan to help their teen-age daughter study for finals.) Lax had been a graduate student of Hartman's at Columbia, and they remain in touch. "Once you're in the circle, you don't want to leave," Lax said. Jafa, wearing a brocaded coat and gold-heeled boots, surveyed the crowd, which included the artists Glenn Ligon and Lorraine O'Grady. " Everybody's here," he said.

In three books and a series of essays, Hartman has explored the interior lives of enslaved people and their descendants, employing a method that she says "troubles the line between history and imagination." Her iconoclastic thinking on the legacy of slavery in American life has prefigured the current cultural moment. In 2008, five years before Black Lives Matter was founded, she wrote of "a past that has yet to be done, and the ongoing state of emergency in which black life remains in peril." Her writing has become a lodestar for a generation of students and, increasingly, for politically engaged people outside the academy.

At the museum, Jafa screened footage that showed how Hartman's ideas had "infiltrated" his art-making. The choreographer and performer Okwui Okpokwasili sang a piece inspired by characters in her book: domestic workers, chorus girls, juvenile delinquents, and wanderers. The artist Cameron Rowland read from a letter written by a South Carolina planter, detailing disobedience on his plantation-a litany of impudent acts that the planter seemed not to realize constituted a campaign of sly subversion. Rowland said that the letter evoked the "legacies of Black antagonism that are part of what Saidiya calls 'acts of everyday resistance.' " As Rowland read, the crowd erupted into laughter and cheers.

When the presentations were over, Hartman sat at a table at the back of the tent, where a line of people held copies of her book for her to sign. One woman said that she was having a "small crisis" and was about to change her name.

Hartman, whose given name is Valarie, responded soothingly. "That's O.K.," she said. "Which name do you want it signed to?" Another asked for advice on graduate programs; Hartman invited the woman to come see her at Columbia.

After the signing, a group of celebrants headed out to an Italian restaurant nearby. Hartman sat in the middle of a long table, the reluctant center of gravity. "She's royalty for us," Jafa said. "We're celebrating her, but we're also celebrating ourselves. It's a victory dance for the marginal, edgy, weirdo Black nerds."

Hartman grew up in Brooklyn, but her people on her mother's side are from Alabama. According to family lore, their forebears were enslaved first in Mississippi, but a slaveowner sold one of them to an Alabama plantation, to pay a debt. As a girl, Hartman occasionally visited Alabama during the summer, and remembers long Baptist services and cold bottles of Coca-Cola; her great-grandfather took her on country drives, pointing out farms that had once been owned by Black folks. The drives "deeply marked me," Hartman told me. But she also felt out of place in the conservative circles that her family occupied. "That Black social world was defined by a class and color hierarchy that was so extreme," she said.

Her mother, Beryle, grew up in Montgomery, among churchgoing activists; she and her parents took part in the bus boycott of the nineteen-fifties. During segregation, the family was proudly middle-class: one relative was among the first Black doctors in Selma, and another was a Tuskegee Airman. Beryle went to Tuskegee University and then to Tennessee State, where she studied social work. She was also schooled in propriety, encouraged to wear white gloves and forbidden to have male visitors in her dorm.

During college, Beryle met Virgilio Hartman, a private stationed at Maxwell Air Force Base. Her parents did not approve; Virgilio hadn't attended college, and he didn't come from the right kind of people. His family, immigrants to New York from Curaçao, were hardworking strivers, but, Hartman recalled, "there was less keeping up with the Joneses."

In Brooklyn, Hartman's parents' closest friends were a Jewish lesbian couple; her own friends were the children of immigrants from Panama and Haiti. Her mother took her and the neighborhood kids to the Guggenheim and the Museum of Modern Art, and to see shows like " For Colored Girls. . . . " Her father, a policeman, encouraged her to attend the highly competitive Stuyvesant High School.

Hartman, surrounded by people of varied ethnicities, considered herself a New Yorker first. Audre Lorde's daughter was a schoolmate; she also hung out with "privileged, disaffected white kids." She wrote poetry, played classical guitar, joined a physics club for a month. She wore overalls, flannel shirts, and a "wild Afro," to fit in with her leftist crew and also to reject the "Black American princess" image that her mother wanted her to present.

Hartman's early experience of politics was "simple and direct and radical," she said. She joined socialist organizations and reproductive-rights groups. While in high school, she interviewed the radical writer Amiri Baraka, and asked if there was a more effective way than poetry to bring about societal change. "Yes," he told her. "The gun." But her own inclinations were less combative. A few years before, her parents had sent her to a Black-nationalist summer camp in Crown Heights. On a camp trip to Pennsylvania, she accidentally stepped on the foot of a white boy and apologized. A counsellor told her that she should never apologize to a white person, and to go step on his foot again. Hartman made her way back to the boy and brushed his foot with hers. She vowed never to return to the camp.

Hartman was "questing," she said. After high school, she spent a year at Wesleyan, and then a year in a film program at New York University-an unhappy experience at what she describes as "vocational school for white guys from Long Island." Returning to Wesleyan, she sat in on a course on feminism, taught by Judith Butler. "She was so smart that I thought the windows were gonna blow out," Butler, who now teaches Hartman's books, said. "The quickness of her mind and the sharpness of her critique were breathtaking."

Hartman's mentors were working to erode the dominance of European perspectives. Hazel Carby gave Hartman a Marxist view of African-American, Caribbean, and African histories; Gayatri Spivak introduced her to post-structuralism, which holds that the truth of events is inextricably tied to the language used to describe them. Hartman began thinking about the invisible framework that governed her (relatively charmed) life as a young Black woman. "I wanted to understand the inequality that was structuring the world-even as I was feeling that it had not made anything impossible for me," she said. She changed her name from Valarie to Saidiya, which is derived from the Swahili word for "to help." The change, she wrote later, "extirpated all evidence of upstanding Negroes and their striving bastard heirs, and confirmed my place in the company of poor Black girls-Tamikas, Roqueshas, and Shanequas." (Her family called her by the new name reluctantly.)

Hartman was still marked by the experiences of her youth: following the rules down South, roaming free in New York. "I'm both a pessimist and a wild dreamer," she told me. She imagined getting involved in radical politics, going to Grenada to join Maurice Bishop's Black-liberation movement. Instead, she went to graduate school at Yale, and studied voraciously. The playwright Lynn Nottage, who met her there, recalled, "At parties, I'd be rocking to the music, and she'd be standing back trying to interrogate what was happening. I'd say, 'Just come into the party,' and she would be analyzing the lyrics to the song, how people are dancing, the gender and racial dynamics."

For her doctoral thesis, Hartman planned to write about the blues. But when she read Foucault's work on the ways that people are subjected to power, she saw a chance to do something new. Foucault, she realized, was "not thinking about Black people or slavery in the Americas." Her thesis would examine how totalizing, violent domination had shaped the status and agency of enslaved people.

The result was " Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America," which argued, in dense and provocative detail, that Emancipation constituted another phase of enslavement for Black Americans, as they moved from the plantations to the punitive controls of the Black Codes and Jim Crow. Hartman was illuminating what she calls the "afterlife of slavery": limited access to health care and education, premature death, incarceration, and impoverishment-the "skewed life chances" that Black people still face, and the furious desire for freedom that comes with them. As Butler put it, "The question she returns to again and again is: 'Did slavery ever really end?' "

That question had been the subject of earlier scholarship; Hartman's book, with its compelling portrayal of lives caught between cruelty and resistance, helped move it toward the mainstream. Frank B. Wilderson III, a former student of Hartman's who now chairs the department of African-American studies at the University of California, Irvine, described her as quietly persuasive. "She's not an 'angry Black woman,' " he told me. "She's not Assata Shakur. But what they don't know is that, where Assata Shakur will blow your head off, Saidiya has just put a stiletto between your ribs."

Wilderson interviewed Hartman in 2002 for an article called "The Position of the Unthought." In it, he criticized scholars of African-American history for underplaying the "terror of their evidence in order to propose some kind of coherent, hopeful solution"; he praised "Scenes of Subjection" for exposing the unrelenting violence of slavery. Hartman agreed that turning that legacy into a narrative of uplift was "obscene." But she has always been interested in portraying the agency of Black people. In "Scenes of Subjection," her subjects endure vicious circumstances through acts of imagination, making a way out of no way; they evaded work on plantations and, after Emancipation, refused to enter into contracts with their former masters. Hartman told me that her goal was to shift Black lives from the "object of scholarly analysis" to the basis for an "argument that challenged the assumptions of history." Once, while she was discussing "Scenes of Subjection" with her class at Columbia, a student expressed surprise that she gave the words of a slave the same weight as those of Foucault. "Yeah," she responded. "Exactly."

One rainy evening, I visited Hartman at the apartment that she shares with her family, in a stately building on the Upper West Side. Her labradoodle was barking excitedly, and Miller pulled him into the kitchen so that Hartman and I could talk in the living room. Behind her was a book-crammed study, with two handsome desks. Academic work has given Hartman a comfortable life-the apartment, provided by Columbia, is spacious, with hardwood floors, West African-cloth table runners, and a view of Riverside Park. But it has also, at times, been at odds with her creative instincts. She told me that she went to graduate school with no intention of becoming a professor: "I didn't have a trust fund, and I wanted to continue to study." That initial ambivalence has never really gone away.

Hartman's first teaching job was at the University of California, Berkeley, where she received early tenure on the strength of her draft of "Scenes of Subjection." The chair of the English department told her that, since she now had tenure, there was no need to finish the book. Hartman was taken aback, but ultimately she found freedom in her colleagues' low expectations. "As a Black woman intellectual, I am at the bottom of the food chain," she said during a talk at the Hammer Museum, in Los Angeles. But "within that space of no one taking me seriously, there was also all this space to work."

At Berkeley, Hartman wanted to reckon with the ways in which violence had been used to enforce social order. She also wanted to write with a resonance that was uncommon in scholarly literature. "I wanted to be a Wailer," she said-a member of Bob Marley's band. "What does it mean to describe Trench Town, in Jamaica, but be describing the world? What does it mean to have that kind of power articulating a condition, with poetry and beauty?"

Hartman is well versed in academic discourse; she sometimes describes her work as an effort to "topple the hierarchy of discourse" and to "jeopardize the status of the event." But she can also write with striking intimacy, evoking the feelings and the conditions of Black life. In her second book, a kind of anti-memoir called " Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route," she described a pervasive sense of dispossession:

Two people meeting on the avenue will ask, 'Is this where you stay?' Not, 'Is this your house?' 'I stayed here all my life' is the reply. Staying is living in a country without exercising any claims on its resources. It is the perilous condition of existing in a world in which you have no investments. It is having never resided in a place that you can say is yours.

The book grew out of a trip that Hartman took to Ghana, inspired by her great-great-grandmother Polly, who had been a slave in Alabama. As a girl, Hartman had been frustrated with the gaps in Polly's story: what she looked like, how her life had been. She wanted to investigate the rupture between Africa and the United States-the oceanic graveyard that transformed free people into slaves and, she believes, shaped the identity of the Black diaspora. "The routes traveled by strangers were as close to a mother country as I would come," she writes. In Ghana, she retraced the paths of captives, from ancestral villages to holding cells. But, instead of the words of enslaved Africans, she found only silence. Hartman wandered Accra and the Gold Coast for a year, disappointed that the Ghanaians she met saw her as an outsider, and upset that they refused to talk about African culpability in the slave trade.

The historical archive was little help. Hartman pored over records that often amounted to commercial transactions of enslaved bodies: slaver manifests, trade ledgers, food inventories, captains' logs, bills of sale. "In every line item, I saw a grave," she writes. "To read the archive is to enter a mortuary; it permits one final viewing and allows for a last glimpse of persons about to disappear into the slave hold."

The detailed narratives that did exist had been left by people like Thomas Thistlewood, a British plantation overseer in Jamaica. In his diaries, he described punishing a slave: "Gave him a moderate whipping, pickled him well, made Hector shit in his mouth, immediately put a gag in it whilst his mouth was full & made him wear it 4 or 5 hours." How could Hartman describe an enslaved life using such a passage, whose "annihilating force" revealed a great deal about Thistlewood but nothing about the slave?

Through those years, Hartman told me, "I was wrestling with what it means to have the colonial archive, the archive of the Western bourgeoisie, dictate what it is we can know about these lives." Even later, more earnest attempts at historical memory were misleading; the Works Progress Administration's slave narratives, which often had white Southerners ask formerly enslaved people about their lives, made honest responses unthinkable. Hartman had been trying to overcome the silences about Black life, but she found herself reproducing them. As she once wrote, "The loss of stories sharpens the hunger for them."

For Hartman, reckoning with history means returning again and again to old events and ideas. The writer Maggie Nelson told me that "Scenes of Subjection" is one of her favorite books, because it "uses historical record and trenchant argument to upend truisms." Nelson praised Hartman's ability to reframe events: "As a writer, she's continuing to shift the kaleidoscope and keep offering something different, like 'Now how about this? How about this?' "

In "Lose Your Mother," she wrote of a girl who was tortured to death on a British slave ship, possibly because she had refused to dance naked for the captain. The girl's death intensified a debate in England over the abolition of the slave trade. Hartman's account, re-creating the brutal killing and the trials that followed, briefly mentions another captive on the ship, a young girl who is referred to in legal documents only as Venus. After the book came out, Hartman said, "I was really haunted by that second girl."

A year later, in the essay "Venus in Two Acts," Hartman returns to the girl, criticizing herself for abandoning her. She admits to being tired of trying to tell stories based on "empty rooms, and silence, and lives reduced to waste," and wonders how to wring more from the archive. "What else is there to know?" she writes. "Hers is the same fate as every other Black Venus: no one remembered her name or recorded the things she said, or observed that she refused to say anything at all."

Hartman began exploring "what might have been," starting with a single invented detail, of a sailor testifying that the two girls seemed like friends. In a process that she calls "critical fabulation," she imagined a narrative: two doomed children passing days together, finding solace and joy in each other's company; Venus holding her friend as she died, whispering that everything would be all right.

Hartman knew that such a counter-history would be seen as less legitimate. "History pledges to be faithful to the limits of fact, evidence, and archive," she wrote. "I wanted to write a romance that exceeded the fictions of history." But a conventional history of the girls' experience was impossible. As she noted, "There is not one extant autobiographical narrative of a female captive who survived the Middle Passage."

Still, she spends much of the essay describing her own uncertainty about what she's doing. Can stories fill in the archive? They might provide comfort, but to whom? For the dead, it is too late. In the end, Hartman decides that the goal is not to "recover" or "redeem" the dead girls but to create a fuller picture of their lives. Campt, her friend and colleague, said, "She gave us a way of seeing them, not on the terms that society wanted to see them but on their own terms."

In 2017, Arthur Jafa directed a video for the Jay-Z single "4:44," an apology for the rapper's romantic failings. Two and a half minutes in, a woman walks down a New York street, wearing a pensive, purposeful expression: Hartman. "I was totally awkward and stiff," she said, laughing as she recalled the filming. "She had a certain primness, properness," Jafa acknowledged. "But it's an image of a person thinking in motion." When Jay-Z saw a cut of the video, he asked who Hartman was. Jafa explained that she is "the archangel of Black precarity." Her presence, he said, "may not register to ninety-five per cent of his audience now, but five years down the line, ten years down the line, twenty years down the line, that's going to be one of the most powerful moments of the video."

These days, Hartman is regularly referred to by activists, social-media influencers, and woke celebrities like Jeremy O. Harris, the author of "Slave Play." Her latest book, "Wayward Lives, Beautiful Experiments," might be her most daring; it is certainly her most popular. "After 'Scenes of Subjection' and 'Lose Your Mother,' I thought, I just can't write another book about slavery," Hartman told an interviewer at the London Review Bookshop last October. But Hartman, who describes her work as "a lot of sitting at my desk and staring off into space," has spent much of her writing life thinking about how Black people have resisted subjugation by means of "productive, creative, life-saving deviations from the norm." As she worked on the book, she began reimagining a scene from the life of W. E. B. Du Bois.

On an August day toward the end of the nineteenth century, Du Bois was on South Street in Philadelphia, amid day laborers and new migrants, pretty boys and brazen girls. Twenty-eight years old, Harvard-educated, and dressed in a gray three-piece suit, Du Bois was then a novice sociologist, hired to conduct a study of the Seventh Ward, the city's oldest Black neighborhood. Du Bois was scandalized by the slum's naked display of brawling, pleasure-seeking, and hustling; he blamed slavery's destruction of the Black family, but also the loose morals of the recent arrivals from the South. On South Street, he saw two young Black women window-shopping at a shoe store, and heard one tell the other, "That's the kind of shoes I'd buy my fellow." In Du Bois's view, "the remark fixed their life history." They must have been prostitutes, from one of the slums "where each woman supports some man from the results of her gains."

Hartman admires Du Bois, whom she sees as a model for innovative readings of the archive. In " Black Reconstruction," he narrates the lives of slaves who refused to work and who fled plantations; by describing these activities not as criminality but as a "general strike," he changed the way historians treated enslaved people.

But his telling of the encounter with the two young women felt incomplete to Hartman. "There was drama in that moment," she told me. "There's Du Bois's framing of it-but how did he look in their eyes? Why was female desire so scandalous that they could only be prostitutes?"

In "Wayward Lives," Hartman retells the scene from the women's point of view, as if she were a filmmaker, pulling back the lens to reveal characters at the margins of the frame. "They looked long and hard at all the objects on display in the shop window, expectant and dreaming of a way out," she writes. Stopping to admire a pair of boots, the color of oxblood and ivory, they imagine them worn by a "beautiful, dangerous" man, and fantasize about the adventures they might have with him. They pay no mind to Du Bois; he is just part of the hectic cityscape, an afterthought.

The young Black women in "Wayward Lives" arrived in New York and Philadelphia in the early days of the Great Migration, a generation or two removed from slavery. They were hoping for something more than what they'd left behind. What they found was decrepit slums, domestic work that felt akin to slavery, and social reformers and policemen who patrolled their most intimate activities. Laws to discourage "wayward minors" criminalized dancing, dating, and even walking in some streets. Under the guise of housing reform, young Black women were routinely arrested on "suspicion of prostitution," and sent to reformatories and workhouses. Hartman writes that they were arrested "on the threshold of their homes and inside their apartments, while exiting taxicabs, flirting at dance halls, waiting for their husbands, walking home from the cabaret with friends, enjoying an intimate act with a lover, being in the wrong place at the wrong time."

Many of the city's young Black women lived in a kind of "everyday anarchy," anyway; they took lovers, had lesbian relationships, dressed and behaved as they pleased. (Black women, Hartman notes, were flappers before the term existed.) She writes of Harriet Powell, a seventeen-year-old who, despite being arrested for her "nocturnal wanderings," danced past midnight in Harlem clubs, went to movies, and rented a room where she met her lover. Powell and other Black girls in the city's sexual revolution had a freedom that their grandmothers could only dream of.

The archival material that Hartman draws on was mostly left by people who saw Black women as a "problem": journals of rent collectors, surveys of sociologists, trial transcripts and slum photographs, prison case files, interviews with psychiatrists and psychologists. To balance the portrait, Hartman does her most speculative work, exploring her subjects' shared horizon of desire and yearning. In one exchange, she writes about a white reform worker, Helen Parrish, fretting over her tenant Mamie Sharp, who saw other men besides her partner:

There was no easy way to lead into the matter of adultery, so Helen broached the issue directly. "Mamie, have you been going around town with other men? Have you?" The question was as much an accusation as inquiry. Mamie's reply was no less direct: "Yes, I like to go about as I please." Mamie didn't apologize or offer any excuses for not being able to hold steady; she did not try to temper Helen's judgment by admitting that she had been lonely.

As Hartman worked on the book, she thought of her maternal grandmother, Berdie. She had gone to college to be a teacher, but became pregnant with Beryle, and her parents threw her out of the house, raising the child themselves.

Families like Beryle's, striving for respectability in a racist world, would have been embarrassed to acknowledge women who had children out of wedlock-let alone those who did sex work or had female lovers. "There is a certain kind of uplift and progress narrative that was saying, 'Oh, no, no, don't waste any time thinking about the past. Move on. Pull yourself up by your bootstraps,' " Hartman said. In "Wayward Lives," though, women like these are "sexual modernists, free lovers, radicals, and anarchists." They are visionaries, imagining a different way of life.

Hartman's rethinking of the archive has enormous appeal for readers hungry to see their identity-feminist, queer, gender-nonconforming-mirrored in the past. Part of the book's argument is that Black women originated a set of social arrangements that were once considered deviant and are now commonplace: expansive notions of family, generous intimacy and sociality, fluid romantic relationships. Black women, Hartman says, have often operated outside of gender norms, whether they wanted to or not. During slavery, they had little control over their children or their reproduction. Afterward, poverty and discrimination forced them to do things that few white women did: work for wages, lead households, and enter and leave marriages freely. If they could not meet expectations set by white men, that allowed them to conduct experiments in living. The poet and theorist Fred Moten told me, "Saidiya does the very crucial work of expanding our understanding of the Black radical tradition," revealing that it is "fundamentally the work of working-class Black women and young Black girls."

But the historian Annette Gordon-Reed, writing recently in the New York Review of Books, wondered if Hartman was projecting political aims onto people driven by necessity. She considered the case of Mattie Nelson, who, on the way to a sexual awakening, lost a baby in a teen-age pregnancy and was painfully abandoned by several male lovers. "If Nelson were given the choice between living a precarious life, depending upon men whom society prevented from realizing their potential, and being a wife and mother under circumstances available to white middle- and upper-class women, there is no reason to assume she would not have opted for the latter," Gordon-Reed wrote. "We live after a sustained critique of bourgeois values and lifestyles, decades in the making. Nelson did not." For Hartman, though, rebels don't need to be motivated by ideology, or even to consider themselves revolutionaries. "Many of the people who have produced radical thought have not been imagined to be involved in the task of thinking at all," she said.

In March, "Wayward Lives" won the National Book Critics Circle Award-for criticism, rather than for nonfiction or fiction. No one seemed sure how to categorize it. "The book has had a very complex reception," Hartman told me. "I've been exploring the same set of critical questions since the beginning. But some people in the university world are, like, ' "Scenes of Subjection" is the real thing. What are these other two books?' " Her publisher, W. W. Norton, had hoped for higher sales, and Hartman wondered if the book's marketing was partly to blame. The U.S. edition was published with extensive endnotes, and the interplay of factual and speculative sections may have confused readers new to her work. Her British publisher, Profile Books, classified "Wayward Lives" as both literature and history; it cut the endnotes and put them online, allowing the book to be read as creative nonfiction rather than as scholarship. "Some people told me, 'Oh, I like that novel,' " Hartman said, laughing. "I'm so unfaithful to genre, so it was fine."

But Hartman rejects the idea that her books should be understood as historical fiction. Instead, she calls her work a "history of the present"-writing that examines the past to show how it haunts our time. Many of her peers were engaged in the same project, she said; she points to the Canadian writer M. NourbeSe Philip's " Zong," a book of poems, extrapolated from legal documents, about a hundred and fifty Africans who were drowned on a British slave ship, so that the owners could collect an insurance payment.

For several decades, Black female scholars like Hortense Spillers, Sarah Haley, Erica Armstrong Dunbar, Tera Hunter, Farah Griffin, and Deborah Gray White have been creatively reading the archive, reconstructing the experiences of Black women using such alternative sources as cleaning manuals, Black newspapers, musical productions, and buried correspondence. Hartman sees her work as "enabled" by these women. But, she says, "the people who I really felt provoked and solicited by have been creative writers, the novelists and poets who are making other kinds of stories." Her inspirations include Caryl Phillips, Jamaica Kincaid, and, especially, Toni Morrison, whose novel " Beloved," inspired by a single newspaper clipping, was a painstaking effort to deepen the archive.

In 1987, the year that "Beloved" was published, Morrison wrote of a process of "emotional memory" that aimed to find truth in the gaps of verifiable fact. "They straightened out the Mississippi River in places, to make room for houses and livable acreage. Occasionally the river floods these places," she wrote. "It is remembering. Remembering where it used to be. All water has a perfect memory and is forever trying to get back to where it was. Writers are like that."

In "Wayward Lives," a chorus girl at a Harlem night club finds herself in the luxurious apartment of A'Lelia Walker, the daughter of the Black hair-care entrepreneur Madam C. J. Walker. The girl, Mabel Hampton, sees men and women-"voyeurs, exhibitionists, the merely curious, queers, the polyamorous, and the catholic"-stretched out on silk pillows. They are drinking champagne, eating caviar, and smoking marijuana; to Hampton's surprise, they are also having sex out in the open.

Walker-who, Hartman writes, "drank excessively, played cards with her intimates, gorged on rich food"-arrives late but makes an impression:

She conversed with her guests, wearing a little silk short set, but it might as well have been an ermine coat; she had the bearing of a queen, and wore the flimsy little outfit with a stately air. Even without her infamous riding crop, there remained something forbidding and dangerous about her.

The scene is rooted in archival fact; historians agree that Walker had queer friends, threw decadent parties, and hosted salons during the Harlem Renaissance. In an interview in 1983, Hampton recalled attending a sex party in the early twenties. "There was men and women, women and women, and men and men," she said. "And everyone did whatever they wanted to do." But the vivid specificity of Hartman's portrayal drew criticism.

"I'm uncomfortable with people making claims and drawing conclusions," A'Lelia Bundles, a journalist who is Walker's great-granddaughter, told me, "just because they want to project something onto her." Bundles, who has published several books about Walker and is working on a new biography, said that Hartman had not consulted her or examined Walker's letters. She disputed the detail of the riding crop, which suggested that Walker was interested in S & M; in Bundles's photographic archive of Walker, she never carried a crop. A private sex party "would have not been impossible," Bundles said. But her research made it seem unlikely that Walker would have led such a visibly queer life.

Hartman said that she never interviews her subjects' relatives, and pointed out that the crop appeared in earlier historians' work. She believes that the pushback revealed "an anxiety around queerness." Her goal, she said, is "not about trying to pin down an identity, but thinking about the queer networks of love and friendship, and depending on the ephemera and rumors when the archive refuses to document these lives. So much of queer life could only survive without being detected."

The historian and artist Nell Painter saw value in Hartman's interrogation of the archive: "She can raise questions for historians to do historical work that they might not have thought of." But, she told me, "her work is not history-it's literature. She has a lot to say to history, but historians do something that's somewhat different. We can't make up an archive that doesn't exist or read into the archive what we want to find." Painter believes that there is still more evidence to be found about the history of Black life. "The past changes according to what questions we ask," she said. "The archive is a living, moving thing. The sources we can put our eyes on are changing as we speak."

All historians make imaginative leaps, but filling in blanks with precise details makes some uneasy. A fellow-academic and admirer of Hartman told me, "When it comes to specific people who lived real lives, I think fiction is the only place where we should speculate."

Hartman tends to be less interested in honoring the archive than in considering "the way in which language and narrative and plot are entangled in the mechanisms of power." She argues that much of what the archive contains about enslaved people was left by people whose views were so compromised as to be effectively made-up. "Fact is simply fiction endorsed with state power . . . to maintain a fidelity to a certain set of archival limits," she said, at the Hammer Museum. "Are we going to be consigned forever to tell the same kinds of stories? Given the violence and power that has engendered this limit, why should I be faithful to that limit? Why should I respect that?"

As the coronavirus forced New York into lockdown, I visited Hartman's corner office at Columbia, where she had begun teaching a seminar remotely. A framed print of Lorna Simpson 's photograph "Two Sisters and Two Tongues" leaned against a bookcase; outside, students in graduation gowns posed for distanced photos on the steps.

The university sprawls along the southern edge of Harlem, where Hartman once lived, in a housing project with her film-school boyfriend. ("My family was mortified," she recalled.) I asked if she ever felt nostalgic when she went uptown. Looking out the window, she said, "It feels like a museum. All I see on the streets is private capital and rapaciousness, moving people of color out of New York."

A few days later, Hartman and her family left for Massachusetts, where they have a home. When I spoke to her recently, she had been at her desk, working on a project that she prefers to keep secret. "I'm very superstitious about that," she said, laughing. She would say only that it has to do with chronicling the history of the world from the perspective of Black women. She had also been gardening, rereading Morrison and Claudia Rankine, and watching "Greenleaf," a TV melodrama about a Southern Black church, with her daughter.

The news from the city had been on her mind. "Witnessing so many Black and brown people die, it was really emotionally devastating," Hartman said. As the lockdown intensified, New York assigned police to enforce social-distancing and mask-wearing rules. In six weeks, Brooklyn officers arrested forty people for violations; thirty-five were Black. Reports emerged of officers breaking up an evening cookout, swinging batons and knocking out someone's tooth.

In "Wayward Lives," Hartman lingers on the incongruous beauty of dark hallways where lovers could meet. For residents of Black neighborhoods, the halls, staircases, fire escapes, stoops, and courtyards became an extension of living spaces; if your apartment was too small or too uncomfortable, you could go a few feet outside and still feel at home. But that practice of escape has become fraught and, during the lockdown, criminalized. "You're not permitted to take up space in the public sphere," Hartman said. "We see this in gentrifying neighborhoods in New York. The new homeowners will try to pass ordinances like 'No barbecues in the front yard.' "

During the pandemic, the tense relationship between Black residents and the police worsened. Mass protests against the police killing of George Floyd, in Minneapolis, swept through the city, and video footage captured incidents of violence from officers. Black New Yorkers were not only dying from the coronavirus at twice the rate of their white neighbors; they remained disproportionately vulnerable to police brutality. But Hartman saw reason for hope. "Millions of people are involved in the critique of anti-Black racism and state violence," she said. "They're not settling for a tinkering with this order, but saying that the foundation of this order is slavery and settler colonialism, and that we have to build something new." They were imagining a different way of life. ♦

This article has been updated to reflect Thomas Lax's pronoun usage.

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How Saidiya Hartman Retells the History of Black Life

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The scholar's provocative writing illuminates stories that have long gone untold, Alexis Okeowo writes.

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"From being with the largest sharpest teeth to a being who uses those same teeth not to kill or even chew, but to listen, I wonder if we, or the species that comes after us can turn our weapons into weathervanes in time" ( 93).
How much has changed into different species and used in a ways where it isn't as dangerous like the evolution of humans.

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CHAPTER 14

SUBMARINE SONAR EQUIPMENT

Introduction

The primary method of sonar detection by a submarine is listening (chapter 13) because echo ranging discloses its presence. On a war patrol a submarine maintains a listening watch. When a target is detected, the bearing is determined by the listening equipment. When the sonar range to the target is desired, the echo-ranging transducer is trained to the target bearing and a single short ping is emitted. The echo-ranging equipment on a submarine is used most often for navigation and only as required for target ranging.

During World War II, combination sonar equipments that provided ranging, listening, and sounding were installed on submarines. The model WCA is such a combination sonar equipment.

The model WFA sonar equipment, which has torpedo-detection and mine-detection circuits, was developed near the end of World War II. As the WFA does not have a sounding device, it is installed usually with an echo-sounding equipment, such as the model NGA. The WCA and WFA-1 are described in this chapter. The NGA is a sounding equipment for installation in submarines only. It provides a paper record as well as a rotating-light indication.

Capacitive and f-m scanning sonars, which have been developed since the war, are being installed on modern submarines. The model QHB-1 capacitive-type scanning sonar and the model QLA f-m scanning sonar also are described in this chapter.

Model WCA Sonar Equipment

The WCA sonar equipment was mounted on most submarines during World War II. It is now being replaced by scanning equipment. Because it is no longer being installed on modern submarines, the WCA sonar equipment is described only briefly.

The model WCA-2 equipment uses 3 transducers and 1 hydrophone in three separate housings, as shown in figure 14-1. The NM is a magnetostriction transducer. The QC magnetostriction transducer and the JK Rochelle-salt hydrophone are housed in one sound head, called the QC-JK. The QB is a Rochelle-salt transducer.

As shown in figure 14-2, the WCA-2 consists of three systems.

One system, the QC-JK, uses the combination sound head for echo ranging and listening. The QC magnetostriction element is used for echo

ranging. The JK crystal hydrophone, which is more sensitive than the QC magnetostriction transducer, is used for listening only. The QC and JK units cannot be used simultaneously.

The second system uses the QB Rochelle-salt transducer for echo ranging. The QB transducer can be operated over a wider range of frequencies than the QC because a crystal transducer is less sharply resonant than a magnetostriction transducer of the same beamwidth.

The third system uses the NM transducer for sounding only. The NM system requires no training controls because the beam is directed vertically downward.

Although the combined equipment consists essentially of three separate complete systems, each of the three systems uses one or more units in common with one or both of the other systems.

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FOLDOUT - Figure 13-22. -Schematic diagram of the AN/UQC-1 equipment.

Figure 14-1. -The three sound heads of the WCA-2 sonar equipment.

For example, the QB and QC-JK systems use the same range indicator, and the sounding and QC-JK systems use a common driver unit.

The units of the WCA are similar to standard units discussed previously. The indicator is the familiar rotating-light type used on early echo-ranging equipment. The sounding unit has its

own indicator, which is a rotating-light type. The only major difference between surface-ship echo-ranging equipment and the WCA is the use in the WCA of a Rochelle-salt echo-ranging system. The remote training unit provides for slewing in either direction because the equipment is used for listening most of the time.

Model WFA-1 Sonar Equipment

The model WFA-1 is a searchlight type of echo-ranging and listening equipment. It can be operated in any one of the following modes: (1) Listening, (2) echo-ranging, (3) communication, (4) torpedo-detection, (5) mine-detection, and (6) monitoring own ship's noise.

Listening may be carried out over the frequency range of from about 200 cps to about 100 kc. Bearing is determined accurately by a bearing-deviation indicating (BDI) meter.

The frequency band for echo ranging is from 17.2 to 46 kc. The BDI circuits can be used with echo-ranging operation for high accuracy. Higher frequencies used in enemy waters give maximum secrecy and highest bearing accuracy, but shorter maximum ranges.

Telegraphic communication with other vessels equipped with echo-ranging equipment is made possible by the inclusion of a telegraph key that keys the transmitter. The frequency range for this mode of operation is the same as for echo ranging.

For torpedo detection, the transducer beneath the keel is rotated constantly. Any sound signal picked up is fed through the receiver to the range recorder, the stylus of which is synchronized with the transducer rotation, as explained later.

For mine detection, the equipment is operated as a short-pulse echo-ranging equipment using either the topside transducer or the transducer beneath the keel. In this mode of operation the transducer is trained over a restricted arc of 30° or 40° on each side of the bow. Mines and other small navigational hazards can be detected at ranges up to 600 yards. The short pulse produces the high resolution that is necessary to detect objects, such as mines at short ranges or in close proximity to one another.

The WFA-1 equipment has two identical control stacks, one in the conning tower and the other in the forward torpedo room. The conning tower is the primary control point, but, in an emergency, control can be switched to the forward torpedo room. Figure 14-3 is an over-all pictorial diagram of the equipment.

Figure 14-2. -Block diagram of the WCA-2 sonar equipment.

The WFA-1 has two sound head assemblies-one mounted on the deck, the other on the hull near the keel.

The topside sound head is mounted vertically on the main deck above the forward torpedo room

and is rotated by the topside training mechanism. It is not retractable. This sound head consists of three individual units, as follows:

1. A low-frequency (sonic) hydrophone, which operates over a band of from 200 cps to 15 kc for listening.

2. An intermediate-frequency (ultrasonic) transducer, which operates over a band of from 17.2 to 35 kc for echo ranging, and over a band of from 12.5 to 35 kc for listening.

3. A high-frequency (ultrasonic) transducer, which operates over a band of from 35 to 46 kc for echo ranging and over a band of from 31 to 100 kc for listening. These frequencies are selected because the crystals that are used operate at optimum efficiency in these ranges.

The lower sound head is mounted on a hoist-train shaft and functions like any retractable searchlight transducer. It contains a single crystal transducer that operates over a band of from 22 to 32 kc, with most efficient operation at 27 kc

for both echo ranging and listening. The sound head is spherical to prevent turbulence at high speeds and to keep water noise at a minimum.

For torpedo detection, the lower sound head is rotated at 12 revolutions per minute and the range-recorder stylus sweeps across the chart in about 4.6 seconds. Thus, each sweep of the stylus occurs in one complete revolution of the transducer. Stylus travel is synchronized with the transducer by a microswitch mounted on the transducer shaft. The interval for fly-back of the recorder stylus occurs while the transducer rotates through the sector from 170° to 190°. This sector is chosen for fly-back because during this interval the transducer sweeps across the ship's stern, and only unwanted sounds from the screws are picked up. The bottom scale on the recorder is graduated to indicate the bearing of all received sounds. Torpedo detection is strictly a listening function.

The receivers are of the sum-and-difference type and have BDI meters, as well as RCG circuits.

Model QHB-1 Capacitive-Scanning Sonar Equipment

The model QHB-1 is almost identical with the model QHB scanning sonar that is used on surface ships. The QHB-a is described in chapter 6 of this text. The QHB-1 differs from the QHB-a in the following respects: (1) the QHB-1 has a relative instead of a true PPI presentation-that is, the bearings of signals are referred only to the heading of the submarine; (2) it has a single-ping

keying feature as well as facilities for automatic keying; and (3) its transducer is more ruggedly constructed to withstand increased pressure without leaking. To prevent accidental keying, the keying control mechanism of the QHB-1 must be manually held in the closed position, either for "automatic" or repetition keying or for single-ping operation.

Model QLA F-M Scanning Sonar Equipment

DESCRIPTION

The QLA echo-ranging equipment is an f-m scanning sonar. It provides a plan-position indication (PPI) of underwater objects within sound range. It can be installed on submarines or surface vessels. In contrast to the searchlight-type sonar, the f-m sonar provides continuous area search coupled with the ability to detect very small objects.

Sonar echo-returns from vessels, wakes, sand banks, antisubmarine nets, and other submerged

objects that reflect ultrasonic energy are presented both audibly and visually. The audible signals are tones. The visual signals are intensity-modulated spots on the oscilloscope PPI indicator. Figure 14-4, A, shows a surface ship entering a channel. Figure 14-4, B, shows the QLA indication aboard the ship.

The QLA equipment and the location of the major units are shown pictorially in figure 14-5. The major units are (1) the frequency-modulated oscillator, which generates the f-m signal; (2) the driver, which amplifies the f-m signal and drives

Figure 14-4. -Typical QLA indication. A, Ship entering channel; B, indication aboard the ship.

the projector; (3) the sound head, which contains the projector and a hydrophone for receiving the echo returns; (4) the hoist-train mechanism, which raises, lowers, and rotates the sound head; (5) the receiver, which heterodynes the returning echoes

with the oscillator signal; (6) the analyzer, which uses a series of 20 filters which are sequentially connected through electronic switch tubes to extract the frequency components of the heterodyned signal; and (7) the indicator, which intensity-modulates a cathode-ray tube beam in accordance with the output of the analyzer and which moves the beam to present a plan-position indication. The loudspeaker makes the returning echo audible, and the test oscillator is used to adjust the sweep of the frequency-modulated oscillator.

PRINCIPLES OF OPERATION

The functional block diagram of the QLA equipment is shown in figure 14-6. The f-m oscillator develops the carrier signal, which varies with time. At the beginning of an operating cycle the frequency is at a maximum of 46 2/3 kc, and at the end of the cycle (several seconds later) it is at a minimum of 36 kc. The frequency decreases uniformly from the maximum to the minimum value. At the end of an operating cycle the frequency returns abruptly to its maximum value and the cycle is repeated. The abrupt return or fly-back to initial frequency requires only a few milliseconds, during which time the projector is silenced or "blanked."

If frequency is plotted vertically and time horizontally, the result is a curve having a sawtooth pattern, as shown in figure 5-20. The downward slope of the sawtooth signal represents a decrease of frequency with time; the vertical line forming the left side of the waveform represents the fly-back from minimum to maximum frequency. The length or base of the sawtooth waveform corresponds to the time required for one operating cycle. The frequency at any instant is different from that at any other instant in an operating cycle, and the frequency changes linearly with time.

The QLA sound head contains a projector and a hydrophone. The projector transmits sound waves in a wide fan-shaped beam that has an arc of about 80°. The sound waves are reflected by any object in the beam of the projector. A small part of the reflected energy returns to the sound head as an echo, where it is picked up by the sharply directive hydrophone.

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FOLDOUT - Figure 14-3. -Over-all pictorial diagram of the WFA-1 equipment.

Figure 14-5. -Major units of the QLA f-m sonar.

Range Measurement

During the time required for sound of a particular frequency to reach the target and to return as an echo, the frequency of the projected sound decreases. The longer the travel time, the greater is the decrease and the greater is the difference in frequency between the echo and the sound being radiated as the echo arrives. Figure 5-20 shows that the frequency difference, f, between echo and signal is proportional to travel time. It is evident, therefore, that the difference in frequency between a returning echo and the signal being transmitted when the echo is received, is proportional to the range of the reflecting object.

The QLA sonar receiver mixes the echo with the signal that is being transmitted and produces a beat frequency equal to the difference in frequency between the echo and the transmitted signal. This frequency difference is presented to the operator both audibly and visually. The audible indication is a musical tone of constant pitch in the loudspeaker; and the visual indication is a spot of light on the cathode-ray indicator.

The difference frequency can be any frequency between 0 and 10 2/3 kc. However, only frequencies between 500 and 2,000 cycles per second are analyzed and used to indicate range. This band was chosen for technical reasons, including ear sensitivity and filter-design considerations.

The analyzer resolves the frequencies between 500 and 2,000 cycles per second by use of 20 bandpass filters, 20 detectors, and an electronic switch. The receiver output is applied to all 20 filters (figure 14-6). The signal at the output of each filter depends on the frequency of the signal and, hence, on the range to the target. The filter outputs are rectified and applied to the intensity amplifier of the indicator. The electronic switch applies the output from filter 1 through filter 20 in sequence as brightening voltage to the oscilloscope. During this time the spot on the oscilloscope is moved radially outward from the center of the screen. Thus, for each of the 20 filters there is a corresponding radius on the screen. For example, a signal with a frequency of 500 cycles per second brightens the trace at a point 3/4 of an inch from the center; a signal with a frequency of 2,000 cycles per second brightens the trace at a point 3 inches from the center.

Range Scale

The range scale is selected by changing the rate at which the f-m oscillator sweeps in frequency. The rate at which the oscillator sweeps determines the frequency difference corresponding to a given range. The greater the rate of change of frequency, the greater is the difference (number of cycles per second) representing a given range.

The oscillator can be swept at five rates. Thus, the operator can select one of five range scales. The rates of sweep are such that range scales of 300 feet, 300 yards, 600 yards, 1,200 yards, and 3,000 yards are available. The periods of sweep corresponding to these ranges are 0.67 second, 2.0 seconds, 4.00 seconds, 8.00 seconds, and 20 seconds, respectively.

Bearing of the Indicator Sweep

The bearing of the hydrophone determines the angular displacement of the sweep on the indicator. As shown in figure 14-6, the hydrophone training mechanism operates through a sine potentiometer and a sweep generator and orients the trace so that the trace is at the same angle (with respect to the vertical) that the hydrophone axis is with respect to the heading of the ship. The indication of any echo on the screen therefore appears in a position corresponding to its relative bearing

Maximum Scanning Rate

The maximum angular rate of speed at which the QLA sonar can scan depends on the maximum range for which the equipment is being operated. The projector transmits sound into the water over an arc of 80°-that is, 40° on each side of the hydrophone. Thus, a particular target is in the field of the projector for about 40° of its rotation before it is received by the hydrophone. The sound head must rotate less than 40° in the' time required for the sound to travel to the maximum range and back.

The maximum useful speed of rotation of the sound head (in revolutions per minute) is approximately 5,000 divided by the range in yards. On short ranges the speed is limited by the characteristics of the electrical system to about 10 revolutions per minute. In a particular installation the choice of speeds is dictated by the service intended. The speed of rotation at long ranges can

Figure 14-6. -Functional block diagram of the QLA f-m sonar.

be increased if the search angle is limited to about 50°; the whole area can then be covered by allowing this search angle to progress from one sweep to the next.

DOPPLER EFFECT

The QLA sonar uses the frequency of an echo in determining range. Therefore, any doppler causes an error in the measurement of range. The error

is 75 cycles per second (or one channel on the screen of the cathode-ray tube) for each 2 ½ knots of relative range rate. The error causes the measured range to be too long when closing, and too short when opening, the target. In ranging on moving vessels, the larger part of the echo comes from the wake. The doppler effect in this case is due largely to own ship's doppler.

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CHAPTER 14 SUBMARINE SONAR EQUIPMENT Introduction The primary method of sonar detection by a submarine is listening (chapter 13) because echo ranging discloses its presence. On a war patrol a submarine maintains a listening watch. When a target is detected, the bearing is determined by the listening equipment.

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Black Unicorn

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One of the 3 manatee species in the world, Trichechus inunguis is a river dweller that can reach 2.8 m in length and weigh half a ton. Manatees are found from the mouth of the Amazon River to the upper reaches of the tributaries of Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana and Peru.

Their elongated and flattened rear end, paddle-like fore-limbs and hippo-like snout combine to make this one of the most unusual species in the Amazon.

Amazon manatees are exclusively vegetarian (herbivores), feeding on water lettuce and hyacinth. In the course of a day, they may eat up to 8% of their body weight. They feed mostly during the wet season, when there is plenty of new vegetation, storing the food in their fat reserves.

When the dry season returns, manatees return to the main rivers, where they congregate. During this fasting period, they rely on their stored fat reserves until food becomes available again.

They live in groups of 4 to 8 individuals and are also found alone. Gestation takes approximately 13 months, after which a single calf is born. In captivity, manatees have lived more than 12 years.

The Amazon manatee once had a range throughout the Amazon River Basin - but because of persistent hunting for its meat and oil, it has become a rare sight.

This species belongs to the order Sirenia, of which only 4 species remain today. The other 3 species are the West Indian manatee (Trichechus manatus), the West African manatee (Trichechus senegalensis), and the dugong (Dugong dugon), which inhabits coastal marine areas of the Indian and Pacific Ocean basins.

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One of the 3 manatee species in the world, Trichechus inunguis is a river dweller that can reach 2.8 m in length and weigh half a ton. Manatees are found from the mouth of the Amazon River to the upper reaches of the tributaries of Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana and Peru.

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Didn't know they were so close to us!

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Elephant Seals at Año Nuevo State Park

Perhaps the most compelling attraction for human visitors to Año Nuevo State Reserve is the large colony of northern elephant seals that assembles here each winter. Their name is reflective of their large size and the long pendulous noses on the males. These large animals spend most of their lives at sea, coming ashore only to molt, give birth, and mate.
Hundreds of thousands of northern elephant seals once inhabited the Pacific Ocean. They were slaughtered wholesale in the 1800s for the oil that could be rendered from their blubber. By 1892, only 50 to 100 individuals were left. The only remaining colony was on the Guadalupe Island off the coast of Baja California.

In 1922, the Mexican government gave protected status to elephant seals, and the U. S. government followed suit a few years later when the seals began to appear in Southern California waters. Since that time, elephant seals have continued to multiply exponentially, and they have extended their breeding range as far north as Point Reyes. Today, there are approximately 200,000 northern elephant seals.

The first elephant seals on Año Nuevo Island were sighted in 1955, and the first pup was born there in 1961. In 1978, 872 were born there. Males began to haul out on the mainland in 1965. A pup born in January 1975 was the first known mainland birth of a northern elephant seal at Año Nuevo; 86 pups were born there in 1978. By 1988/1989, about 2,000 elephant seals came ashore at Año Nuevo, and the number of seals breeding and giving birth on the mainland is still increasing. During the 1994-95 breeding season, approximately 2,000 pups were born on the mainland.

Breeding Season
The elephant seal breeding season begins at Año Nuevo in December, when the first males arrive. From fourteen to sixteen feet long and weighing up to 2 1/2 tons, these huge bulls engage in violent battles to establish dominance. The successful bulls do much of the breeding, with most of the duty falling on the "alpha" bull at the top of the social ladder.

Birth
In late December, the females begin to arrive and form "harems" on the beaches of the Reserve. Much smaller than the males, they average ten to twelve feet in length and weigh 1,200 to 2,000 pounds. Three to six days after she arrives, the female gives birth to the pup that was conceived the previous year. Normally only one pup is born to each female, and she nurses for 25 to 28 days.

Nursing
Ordinarily, a mother nurses her own pup, although if they are separated another female may adopt the youngster. Feeding on its mother's rich milk (55% fat), the pup grows from approximately 75 pounds at birth to 250-350 pounds in less than a month. Some resourceful pups nurse from two or three females. They can weigh 600 pounds and are aptly called "super weaners."

Mating and Gestation
Females come into season and mate about 24 days after giving birth. However, the fertilized egg does not implant in the wall of her uterus for about four months--a rare phenomenon called "delayed implantation." The theory is that the female is so weak after nursing and fasting that she doesn't have enough energy to nourish the egg. Since the seals' gestation period is seven months, this delay means that the young will be born after the female reaches her breeding ground the following year. The pups could not survive if born at sea. Adult females may mate several times before returning to the ocean, abruptly weaning their pups by desertion. By mid-March, most of the adult seals are gone, leaving the pups behind.

Weaners
When the weaned pups are four to six weeks old, their original coat of black fur molts and is replaced by a shiny new silver coat. Soon afterward, they begin learning to swim in the shallow offshore waters or in ponds formed by rainwater. They are very curious and rather awkward and somewhat afraid of the water at first. But they learn quickly, spend more and more time swimming about, and then, during the last three weeks of April, they go to sea one by one and disperse northwestward. They feed off the coast of northern Washington and Vancouver Island in British Columbia and do not appear on land again until September.

Molting
Pinnipeds, like other mammals, must replace old skin and hair. Most animals shed hairs year-round, but elephant seals do it all at once. The molting process is so abrupt in the elephant seal that it is called a catastrophic molt. During the spring and summer months, elephant seals return to Año Nuevo for their annual molts.

April to May - Females and juveniles

May to June - Sub-adult males

July to August - Adult males

At sea, elephant seals typically dive 20 minutes to a depth of 1,000 to 2,000 feet in search of food: rays, skates, rat fish, squid, and small sharks. The maximum recorded depth is 5,692 feet. The females eat nothing while they are giving birth, nursing, and mating, and the males go without food for up to three months at that time. They are preyed upon by killer whales and sharks.

Development
Females give birth for the first time at an average age of 3-4 and have an average life expectancy of about 20 years. Males are mature at five years, don't reach high rank until 8, with prime breeding years between 9-12. Males have a life expectancy of 14 years.

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California State Parks, State of California

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Elephant Seals at Año Nuevo State Park Perhaps the most compelling attraction for human visitors to Año Nuevo State Reserve is the large colony of northern elephant seals that assembles here each winter. Their name is reflective of their large size and the long pendulous noses on the males.

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What an inspiration.

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You are here

Toni Cade Bambara

Primary Vocation: Literary

Geographic Connection to Pennsylvania: Philadelphia, Philadelphia County

Author of Gorilla, My Love (1972), novelist Bambara spent her final years in Philadelphia.

Abstract:

With her first novel, Gorilla, My Love, published in 1972, Toni Cade Bambara established a distinct voice for herself with her unique conversational style. Her additional contributions to African American literature and community were manifested through her teaching career, compilations, and filmmaking. Bambara lived the last ten years of her life in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and died there in 1995 of cancer.

Biography

Miltonia Mirkin Cade began her life in Harlem in the 1940s. When she was five-years-old she told her mother that she wanted to be called "Toni" and by the time she finished college, all of her professors called her Toni Cade. She changed her name legally to Toni Cade Bambara in 1970.

Bambara had an extensive education. As a girl, she would visit the Apollo Theatre with her father (which added to her interest in art) and Speaker's Corner with her mother (which added to her interest in politics). She earned her Bachelors of Arts degrees from Queens College in both Theatre Arts and English. She studied Commedia dell' Arte at the University of Florence and the Ecole de Mime Etienne Decroux in Paris in 1961. Following these experiences, she attended various colleges in New York to study linguistics, dance, and cinema. She obtained a Masters of Arts in American Literature from the City College of New York in 1965.

Bambara contributed greatly to African American literature. She was one of the first writers to compile an anthology of African American women's writing, The Black Woman: an Anthology (1970). Perhaps her most noted books are Gorilla, My Love (1972), a collection of short stories, and The Salt Eaters (1980), a novel. Both highlight African American culture. She also published African American folklore to teach readers about the African story-telling heritage.

In 1959, Bambara won the John Golden Award for Fiction from Queen's College and the Peter Pauper Press Award in Journalism from the Long Island Star. Her first novel, The Salt Eaters, won the 1981 American Book Award and Langston Hughes Society Award. In that same year, she was also awarded a National Endowment for the Arts Grant. She received both the Best Documentary Award from the Pennsylvania Association of Broadcasters and a Documentary Award from the National Black Programming Consortium in 1986.

Bambara was also well-known for teaching and community service. She taught at the City College of New York, Scribe Video Centre, Rutgers University, Atlanta University, and Spelman College. She also began to do community work as a caseworker for the New York Department of Welfare. She also helped to build the SEEK (Search for Education, Elevation, Knowledge) program at the City College of New York with which she discovered more talent by welcoming people of all backgrounds, especially minorities, and encouraging the flow of creativity, giving them additional opportunities for success.

Toni Cade Bambara's writing style was notably different than many of her contemporaries. First, not every story plot is linear. Common elements include flashbacks, streams of consciousness, and subplots entwined within the main plot. She also had a unique flair for dialect. Critics describe the conversational tone of her stories as "being black." Her unique writing is often described as poetry by interviewers and biographers, though it is technically prose.

Toni Cade Bambara was diagnosed with colon cancer in 1993 and died two years later, at age 56, in Philadelphia. She is survived by her mother, Helen Brehon, and daughter, Karma Bene Bambara. Afterwards, her daughter collected several of her unpublished works, which comprised Deep Sightings and Rescue Missions (1996), and Toni Morrison edited Bambara's last novel, Those Bones are Not My Child (1999).

Selected Works:

Books

Gorilla, My Love. New York: Random House, 1972.

The Sea Birds are Still Alive: Collected Stories. New York: Random House, 1977.

The Salt Eaters. New York: Random House, 1980.

Deep Sightings and Rescue Missions: Fiction, Essays, and Conversations. New York: Pantheon, 1996.

Those Bones are Not My Child. New York: Pantheon, 1999.

Produced Scripts

Tar Baby. Adapted by Bambara from Toni Morrison's novel. Sanger/Brooks Film Productions, 1984.

W.E.B. Du Bois, A Biography in Four Voices. Video, script by Bambara, Thulani Davis, Amiri Baraka, and Wesley Brown. Scribe Video Center/California Newsreel, 1995.

Edited Collections

The Black Woman: an Anthology. Edited, with contributions, by Bambara, Toni Cade. New York: New American Library, 1970.

Tales and Stories for Black Folks. Edited, Bambara. Garden City, New York: Zenith, 1971.

Sources:

Doerksen, Teri Ann. "Toni Cade Bambara." Dictionary of Literary Biography, Volume 218: American Short Story Writers Since World War II, Second Series. 2004. 28 Sept. 2011.

Goodnough, Abby. "Toni Cade Bambara, a Writer and Documentary Maker, 56." New York Times 11 Dec. 11 1995: 10.

Henriquez, Monica. "OBITUARY: TONI CADE BAMBARA: In Celebration of the Struggle." Guardian (London) 12 Dec. 1995: 16.

Houston Chronicle News Services. "Writer-Filmmaker Bambara Dies of Cancer." The Houston Chronicle 12 Dec. 1995: 4.

Knight-Ridder Newspapers. "Toni Cade Bambara's Stories Told of a Cultural Coalition." Gazette (Montreal, Quebec) 16 Dec. 1995: D4.

Written by Jennifer Stone, Spring 2004

Literary & Cultural Heritage Map of PA Biography List Feature Articles

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Toni Cade Bambara Primary Vocation: Literary Geographic Connection to Pennsylvania: Philadelphia, Philadelphia County Author of Gorilla, My Love (1972), novelist Bambara spent her final years in Philadelphia. Abstract: With her first novel, Gorilla, My Love, published in 1972, Toni Cade Bambara established a distinct voice for herself with her unique conversational style.

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Conference of third world lesbians and gays

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Conference of third world lesbians and gays