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The Difficult Road for Long-Term English Learners 

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The Difficult Road for Long-Term English Learners 

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April 2009 | Volume 66 | Number 7
Supporting English Language Learners

Kate Menken and Tatyana Kleyn

With a team from the Research Institute for the Study of Language in an Urban Society, we are currently in our third year of research on long-term English language learners in New York City high schools. The first phase of this research, which we conducted in the 2007-08 school year, consisted of interviews with 29 long-term English language learners and their teachers and administrators to identify the characteristics and education needs of these students. During the second phase, which is currently underway, we are piloting a program of support services specifically targeting long-term English language learners in two New York City high schools. The focus is on English and Spanish biliteracy development and explicit literacy instruction across all content subjects.

From our own research (Menken, Kleyn, & Chae, 2007) as well as others' (Callahan, 2006; Freeman, Freeman, & Mercuri, 2002; Ruiz-de-Velasco & Fix, 2000), several common characteristics emerge that define this student population. Long-term English language learners

Are typically found in grades 6-12.

Speak different languages and come from all over the world.

Are often orally bilingual and sound like native English speakers. However, they typically have limited literacy skills in their native language, and their academic literacy skills in English are not as well-developed as their oral skills are.

Fall into two main groups: (1) transnational students who have moved back and forth between the United States and their family's country of origin and have attended school in both countries; and (2) students who have received inconsistent schooling in the United States, moving in and out of bilingual education, English as a second language, and mainstream programs in which they received no language support services.

Have often not resided in the United States continuously, despite the fact that they may have been born in this country. So the U.S.-born label can be misleading.

Experience inconsistent schooling because of frequent moves or incoherent language programming within and across the schools they have attended. Thus, many have significant gaps in their schooling.

Perform below grade level in reading and writing and, as a result, struggle in all content areas that require literacy. The overall school performance of long-term English language learners is low, with poor grades and grade retention commonplace, making this population at high risk for dropping out.

Have different needs from those of newly arrived English language learners, yet language programming at the secondary level is typically intended for new arrivals. In addition, most educators are unfamiliar with the specialized needs of this population, a problem compounded by poor data about these students in their school records.

What Are Their Stories?

Three students whom we interviewed for our research give a human face to the issue.

José Miguel: Transnational with Schooling Gaps

José Miguel is a 10th grader who has experienced significant transnational and intranational moves (Menken et al., 2007). He was born in Mexico and came to the United States when he was 2 years old. For five years, his family lived in New York, where he began school. His family then moved to Virginia for his 2nd grade year. After completing only part of that school year, he went to live in Mexico for nearly two years. He did not attend school during that time. When he returned to Virginia, "They put me in 4th grade," he said, "because of my age." He spent two years in Virginia before returning to New York City, where he attended one middle school and where he is now in his second year of high school.

Because of his frequent moves, José Miguel has faced considerable inconsistency in the programming he has received. He began in a bilingual program in New York City but received English-only instruction in Virginia. His English acquisition was then interrupted when he moved to Mexico. Since returning from Mexico, José Miguel has only received English as a second language instruction in middle and high school, without native language support. His high school first placed him in a Spanish foreign language class, but his proficiency in Spanish caused the school to quickly move him to French class instead.

As a result of his education experiences, José Miguel believes that his literacy skills are more developed in English than in Spanish. He can read Spanish, he noted, "but not perfectly." His grades average 75 percent.

Sandra: U.S.-Born, with Inconsistent U.S. Schooling

Sandra is an 11th grader who was born in the United States and has remained in this country her entire life. She was born to immigrant parents-her mother came from Ecuador and her father from Puerto Rico. At home, she converses in Spanish with her parents and in English with her siblings. Among her friends, English is her language of choice, with one exception: "When we talk about our parents," she said. Sandra feels equally comfortable speaking both languages.

Sandra's academic career has spanned a total of five New York City schools: three elementary schools, one middle school, and one high school. Language instruction has been inconsistent. She recalled how the teacher in an early grade "used to write sentences in Spanish and then do the same sentences in English." As she moved into 4th grade, her teacher and fellow students were bilingual, "But we didn't do no work in Spanish," she explained. In fact, she received no Spanish instruction until her sophomore year of high school, when she began taking a Spanish course intended for those learning it as a foreign language. She easily passed that course because of her oral proficiency and was then placed in a Spanish class for students from Spanish-speaking backgrounds. (These are common in schools with large numbers of Spanish-speaking students.) This class posed new challenges for her because of her limited literacy skills in the language. As she explained, "It's like words that I've never seen before, I've never spoken."

Sandra is also enrolled in an English as a second language class. But she doesn't go to it because it's too easy-"like a baby class," she said. For example, the teacher "takes a paragraph and she does a dictation. And she tells us what to write, and she reads it," or she asks the students to write about a vacation they took.

Her English language arts class, on the other hand, is too challenging for her. One task that the teacher asks the students to do is a critical lens, which requires students to interpret a quotation and write a persuasive essay, drawing on different literary genres. Said Sandra, "And I be stuck, like how am I supposed to write what that means?" Sandra's average grade in 11th grade is 55 percent. She admitted, "I feel embarrassed. I usually get low grades."

Akousa: Foreign-Born, with Inconsistent U.S. Schooling

Akousa is a 12th grader whose family emigrated from Ghana when she was 7 years old. Before arriving in the United States, she only spoke Twi. Akousa experiences rigid language separations in her personal life and schooling. She explains, "I speak Twi the most with my father and stepmother. I have to speak English with my brother because I feel like it's more easier for me. I, like, spit it out." With bilingual friends, she uses both English and Twi, yet she points out, "I'm trying to speak my language to my people who come from where I came from ... because it's my native language and I should be proud of it. I shouldn't let it slip out of my mind." Although her personal life has been bilingual, her schooling has been completely monolingual in English; there are relatively few Twi speakers in New York, and thus no bilingual programs in that language.

Akousa started school in the United States in 3rd grade, although before beginning that year, she was out of school for somewhere between a few months and a full school year. So far, she has attended two elementary schools, one middle school, and one high school. Akousa received English as a second language services in elementary and high school; in middle school, she experienced a three-year absence of any language support.

Although Akousa feels comfortable speaking English and Twi, her schooling experiences have led to English dominance in her literacy skills. She never formally learned to read in Twi, yet English literacy poses a great challenge for her. She explained, "The big words, I don't understand them, you know, so confusing." When asked to specify her greatest weakness, she responded, "Oh! Writing ... Like when they give you an essay to write ... I have to really think deep and sometimes I misunderstood what they say." Akousa's average grade in her senior year is 69 percent.

What Opportunities Have We Missed?

As research has shown, native language literacy ability is one of the greatest predictors of academic performance in school for English language learners (Ford, 2005; Thomas & Collier, 1997). Research is also conclusive that teaching students to read in their native language promotes higher levels of reading achievement in English (Goldenberg, 2008). Students who have the opportunity to develop and maintain their native languages in school are likely to outperform their counterparts in English-only programming and to experience academic success (Baker, 2006; Krashen & McField, 2005; Thomas & Collier, 1997). This is because the literacy skills that students learn in their native languages transfer to English (Cummins, 2000).

However, the long-term English language learners we studied rarely had the opportunity to hone their native language skills. For instance, Akousa has been taught in English only, and she never formally learned how to read and write in her native language. The majority of English language learners speak Spanish, but the rest speak more than 400 languages, which makes it difficult for schools to include less prevalent languages, such as Twi, in their programming. But schools can still focus on developing all students' native language literacy skills through several approaches: by using bilingual paraprofessionals or local volunteers; by implementing after-school enrichment programs; and by providing, when possible, texts in students' native languages for classroom use.

In addition, students like Akousa are often placed in mainstream classrooms for long periods of time without receiving language support. This lack of support is explained by the fact that the majority of mainstream teachers feel unprepared to work with language learners (Nieto, 2002).

José Miguel missed two years of elementary school altogether, a period when literacy is a central focus of schooling. When he returned from Mexico to the United States, he found that the 4th grade curriculum already demanded high levels of literacy and that his peers had a stronger literacy foundation than he did. He is still making up for the time lost.

Moreover, although José Miguel and Sandra were enrolled in bilingual education programs in early elementary school, these programs were not always pedagogically sound. For example, in Sandra's experience, the teacher used to write the same sentence in English and Spanish on the chalkboard. But this concurrent translation approach has proven to be an ineffective pedagogical tool, as students simply wait to hear information in their dominant language and disregard the other language (Crawford, 2004).

Whatever the caliber of these bilingual education experiences, they were not sustained. For Sandra's and José Miguel's remaining years in U.S. schools, instruction has taken place in English only.

In fact, the vast majority of immigrants to the United States receive instruction only in English, the misconception being that doing so will help students learn English better and more quickly. But the English language programming offered to these students in high school is often mismatched to their needs. English classes are either too easy-like a "baby class"-or too difficult, as in English language arts classes that demand high levels of English literacy.

Foreign language classes are a missed opportunity to support long-term English language learners' literacy development. Schools rarely offer foreign language classes targeted to long-term English language learners. Instead, Spanish classes, for example, are usually intended for either native English speakers who do not speak Spanish or for native Spanish speakers who arrive in the United States with high levels of Spanish literacy skills. Spanish classes would have been particularly helpful for José Miguel and Sandra if teachers had used them strategically to develop the students' native language literacy skills and address their gaps in schooling.

What Can We Do?

To ensure that English language learners have the opportunity to build a strong foundation in their native languages and to support their acquisition of English, educators and administrators need to promote bilingualism and biliteracy development in grades K-12. Secondary schools must develop specialized programs for long-term English language learners, tailor English as a second language classes to students' needs, and focus on literacy development across content areas and languages.

Our pilot program for long-term English language learners seeks to support the development of students' literacy skills in English and Spanish through a three-pronged approach:

Spanish language and literacy courses, to help students develop a strong foundation in academic Spanish.

English as a second language courses, in which long-term English learners are taught separately from new arrivals so that instruction can focus on literacy in English rather than on the development of oral language proficiency.

Content-area courses-such as math, science, and social studies-that focus simultaneously on content and literacy learning.

Teachers plan collaboratively throughout the year to develop units with embedded language and literacy skills, which they then teach across all subjects. For example, teachers at one school chose to incorporate into their instruction a focus on comparisons and the academic language structures that comparing entails-descriptors such as larger than, greater mass than, more robust than, and so on. In social studies, students analyze two different time periods, comparing and contrasting them as they familiarize themselves with the terms. In science, students compare asexual and sexual heredity. In all language courses, students may work on nonfiction autobiographies to develop more sophisticated use of language and deeper understandings about the genre. Regardless of the subject matter, all teachers must see themselves as language and literacy teachers and be prepared to teach language through content.

On a wider scale, it is essential that U.S. schools develop more coherent language policies to reduce the movement in and out of bilingual education, English as a second language, and mainstream programs. Schools also need more accurate data about the English learner population so that they can do a better job of both placing and serving these students. For instance, schools need to know not only when the students arrived in the United States, but also whether the students have been here consistently. Because no system like this is currently in place, schools must take it upon themselves to learn about their incoming students by asking them about their previous schooling and the length of time they have attended U.S. schools.

Long-term English language learners are a significant and growing secondary population, so it is of pressing concern that schools take notice of them and meet their needs.

References

Baker, C. (2006). Foundations of bilingual education and bilingualism (4th ed.). Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.

Callahan, R. (2006). The intersection of accountability and language: Can reading intervention replace English language development? Bilingual Research Journal, 30(1), 1-21.

Crawford, J. (2004). Educating English learners: Language diversity in the classroom (5th ed.). Los Angeles: Bilingual Educational Services.

Cummins, J. (2000). Language, power, and pedagogy: Bilingual children in the crossfire. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.

Ford, K. (2005). Fostering literacy development in English language learners. Arlington, VA: Colorín Colorado.

Freeman, Y., & Freeman, D., with Mercuri, S. (2002). Closing the achievement gap: How to reach limited-formal-schooling and long-term English learners. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann.

Goldenberg, C. (2008). Teaching English language learners: What the research does-and does not-say. American Educator, 32(2), 8-44. Available: www.aft.org/pubs-reports/american_educator/issues/summer08/goldenberg.pdf

Krashen, S., & McField, G. (2005). What works? Reviewing the latest evidence on bilingual education. Language Learner, 1(2), 7-10, 34.

Menken, K. (2008). English learners left behind: Standardized testing as language policy Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.

Menken, K., Kleyn, T. & Chae, N. (2007). Meeting the needs of long-term English language learners in high school (A report for the Office of English Language Learners of the New York City Department of Education). New York: Research Institute for the Study of Language in an Urban Society.

New York City Department of Education, Office of English Language Learners. (2008). New York City's English language learners: Demographics. New York: Author.

Nieto, S. (2002). Language, culture, and teaching: Critical perspectives for a new century. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Ruiz-de-Velasco, J., & Fix, M. (2000). Overlooked and underserved: Immigrant students in U.S. secondary schools. Washington, DC: Urban Institute.

Thomas, W., & Collier, V. (1997). School effectiveness for language minority students. Washington, DC: National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education.

Endnotes

The Office of English Language Learners of the New York City Department of Education funded our research project. For more information about our research, including information about our pilot program, visit http://web.gc.cuny.edu/Linguistics/rislus/projects/LTELL/.

All student names are pseudonyms.

Critical lens is a task on the statewide English language arts exam required for high school students in New York. The task is linguistically complex and intended to measure college readiness (Menken, 2008).

Authors' note: The following doctoral students at the City University of New York Graduate Center provided valuable help with this article: Nabin Chae, Nelson Flores, Alexander Funk, Laura Ascenzi-Moreno, and Jeremy Rafal.

Kate Menken is Assistant Professor of Linguistics at Queens College and Research Fellow at the Research Institute for the Study of Language in Urban Society, CUNY Graduate Center; kmenken@gc.cuny.edu. Tatyana Kleyn is Assistant Professor of Bilingual Education and TESOL at the City College of New York, CUNY; tkleyn@ccny.cuny.edu.

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The Difficult Road for Long-Term English Learners

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April 2009 | Volume 66 | Number 7 Supporting English Language Learners Kate Menken and Tatyana Kleyn With a team from the Research Institute for the Study of Language in an Urban Society, we are currently in our third year of research on long-term English language learners in New York City high schools.

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April 2009 | Volume 66 | Number 7
Supporting English Language Learners Pages 32-37

Judith Rance-Roney

This confusion only complicates the challenges of schools striving to educate large and increasing populations of language-minority students. And one of the most complex challenges is how to meet the needs of adolescent English language learners.

A Challenging Population

Whether adolescent English language learners are citizens, residents, or undocumented individuals, Plyler v. Doe ensures their right to an education if they meet the age limits determined in state education codes. However, in many high schools across the United States, 16- to 20-year-old immigrants who seek to attend school are discouraged from enrolling and referred to adult literacy programs offering far fewer hours of schooling.

The lack of enthusiasm for serving these students is unfortunate, but understandable. Public schools may feel they have little to gain and much to lose by enrolling older adolescents who have little or no English. No Child Left Behind demands that after one year of enrollment, ELLs must take statewide assessments, and the results must be integrated into the school's accountability measures. Enrolling large numbers of adolescent ELLs can put the school at risk of failing to make adequate yearly progress.

In these times of increasingly meager resources in which schools are paring down to essential programs and making contingency plans to deal with statewide budget cuts and federal program funding reductions, adolescent ELLs are often viewed as an unwelcome presence in schools, a drain on the limited resources available. Increasing the challenge is the reality that many immigrant adolescents enter secondary schools with a triple whammy-little or no English, interrupted or limited formal schooling, and limited literacy in any language.

Who Are Adolescent ELLs?

There is no more diverse learning cohort than that grouped under the term adolescent English language learner. Although many of these students are newcomers (immigrants who arrived within the past five years), others have always called the United States home. We know, for example, that 57 percent of adolescent learners classified as limited English proficient were born within U.S. borders and thus are second- or third-generation residents (Batalova, Fix, & Murray, 2007). These students have often achieved oral proficiency but lag behind in their ability to use English for literacy and content learning for reasons that may be only partly related to second-language status-for example, mobility and switching between language programs (Short & Fitzsimmons, 2007).

The particular life circumstances of any adolescent ELL will predict the individual needs that his or her school must address. Immigration status, quality of education background, native language, cultural distance from U.S. culture, expectation of remaining in the United States or reentering the country of origin, and economic resources are just a few of the variables (Lucas, 1997).

Indeed, the adolescent population of English learners is marked by its heterogeneity. The fact that the students share the label of limited English proficient (LEP) is vastly overshadowed by the variety of challenges and personal resources that they bring to schools.

Some immigrant students arrive in the United States with fully developed academic literacy in their native language and a strong record of academic achievement in their home countries. Filip, for example, entered U.S. schools in 9th grade after having attended a high-level academic school in the Czech Republic. Within two years, he had gained a command of academic English and was performing above grade level.

Contrast Filip with Ben, who emigrated from the Sudan at age 16 after experiencing the trauma of civil unrest and a severe interruption in formal schooling, which resulted in a limited foundation in literacy in any language. Rosaria, unlike either Filip or Ben, is a U.S.-born English language learner. Although her home language is Spanish, at 17, her social language outside the home is English. However, her writing exhibits many of the linguistic differences of an immigrant English learner, and she reads at the 5th grade level.

The common label adolescent English language learner, applied to all three of these students, may tempt us to assume that their academic needs are essentially the same. In reality, there is a patchwork quilt of English language learner profiles-a quilt rich with diverse life experiences, but loosely woven with common learning needs.

Promising Principles and Practices

It's time to move beyond the labels that confound and restrict the ways schools serve adolescent English language learners and to move these students out of the periphery of school reform efforts.

Adolescent ELLs benefit most from reforms that improve learning for all students, such as curriculum improvement, professional development, and school reorganization (Ruiz-de-Velasco & Fix, 2000). Such reforms must also take into account the particular context of each school-its demographic profile, existing program models, community culture, and so on. With this caveat in mind, a number of principles and practices support improved achievement for adolescent ELLs as well as for their native-English-speaking peers.

Schoolwide, Team-Based Support
Key question: Do educators in your school assume shared responsibility for the achievement of English language learners?
In many schools, the ELL specialist or ESL (English as a second language) teacher goes it alone. The ELL classroom is viewed as the one-stop shop for all the needs of English language learners-testing, translating, counseling, editing college applications, and even health care. Mainstream school personnel may abdicate responsibility for the needs of ELLs because they believe that the specialist understands these students better.

We need to give ELLs access to the full resources of the school. One way to accomplish this is by creating cross-disciplinary schoolwide teams that may include the ELL specialist, content-area teachers who teach English language learners, counselors who specialize in the needs of ELLs, key school administrators, and other staff. Such teams should have a common planning period and should meet regularly to align curriculum; plan integrated, cross-content projects; address student concerns; and monitor student progress. School support staff (the librarian, social worker, technology leader, and so on) should attend some meetings to ensure that ELLs have access to an array of learning resources and services.

A Dual Curriculum
Key question: Does your school provide a curriculum that promotes the language development of English language learners as well as their general academic needs?
Marzano (2003) identifies one of the key factors in fostering school achievement as "a guaranteed and viable curriculum" (p. 22). For English language learners, a viable curriculum must include a detailed developmental sequence for learning the English language in social and academic contexts; this is in contrast to a language arts curriculum for native speakers, which primarily seeks to add academic discourse to the native language that a student brings to school. However, in many states, the standards that guide the school or district curriculum for ELLs may simply copy the English language arts standards designed for native English speakers, with little careful attention to second-language development. A viable curriculum also must address the additional time it will take for these students to concurrently master academic literacy and content.

To create a language-development curriculum, a school district should consult a team of educators, including classroom ELL teachers, university linguistics specialists, ELL coaches, and English language arts and content-area teachers. Such a curriculum should address the full range of English language competencies (grammatical and structural, sociolinguistic, pragmatic, discursive, and semantic) while focusing on language for social integration and on language for academic achievement.

The language curriculum should include not only instruction in the specialized language of each academic subject area (for example, in math, hypotenuse, angle, and so on.), but also academic cohesion words and phrases (such as thus, therefore, as a result of) and specialized academic process words (such as explicate, enumerate, define). Finally, these students should have "safe-space" opportunities not just to read and write this language, but to practice the spoken language of academic conversations so they can participate confidently in teacher-to-student interactions and in collaborative learning groups.

Global Community Classrooms
Key question: Does your district integrate English language learners who are recent immigrants with the general school population, segregate them in self-contained classrooms or schools, or find a middle ground?
Recent immigrants may face even more challenges than other English language learners as they attempt to adjust to a new country and culture. One approach to easing that adjustment is the newcomer school, which may be a school within a school (Olsen, 1997) or, like New York City's award-winning International High School, a stand-alone school enrolling only recent immigrants. These schools provide immigrant students with intensive English-language instruction, content-area support in their native languages, and culturally responsive student and social services.

However, school districts may not have sufficient numbers of immigrants or enough community support to maintain this model. And some researchers express concern about extended linguistic segregation because of the lack of interaction with U.S.-born peers, potentially lower standards for academic achievement and opportunity, and lack of access to social networks that will serve these learners in the future (Gándara, Rumberger, Maxwell-Jolly, & Callahan, 2003).

A promising classroom structure sometimes called the ELL cluster model has emerged in some schools to integrate some of the benefits of newcomer programs while avoiding linguistic segregation from native-English-speaking peers (Rance-Roney, 2008). A special cohort of content-area teachers is trained in methods for teaching the English language and in theories of second-language acquisition. Within these globally focused classrooms, one-quarter to one-third of the students are English language learners and the remaining students are native English speakers. This classroom model uses elements of the sheltered instruction approach for ELLs, a class structure wherein content mastery and academic language skill are developed concurrently. Although the class is conducted in English, classroom aides who speak the ELLs' native languages may assist. The teacher creates an environment that legitimizes the students' appropriate use of the native language to support the learning of academic content.

Native English speakers in cluster classrooms benefit from the diverse perspectives their multilingual students bring to class discussion. In addition, the use of such instructional techniques as increased use of visuals, deeper development of background information, and more activities that increase student-to-student interaction supports learning for every student. A crucial component of the cluster model is building intentional communities to foster interaction and respect among cultures. Further research is needed on the ELL cluster model, but at the very least, in these classrooms their teachers and classmates view ELLs as resources, not as liabilities.

Extended Time to Learn
Key question: Has your school explored ways to use all available time in English language learners' school day for effective instruction-including the idea of implementing flexible student pathways?
In Double the Work, Short and Fitzsimmons (2007) recommend adopting flexible student pathways that may entail an extended school year or day schedule, night and weekend classes, or simply a plan that enables late-entry adolescent ELLs to stay in high school for more than the expected four years. The authors describe several alternative high school programs, including the J. E. B. Stuart High School in Fairfax County, Virginia. This school's individualized education plans for late-entry ELLs may include summer sessions, after-school tutoring, block scheduling, and literacy intervention classes. A partnership with the local community college also enables students to begin their college programs while they finish an extended high school schedule.

Even schools that are unable to implement alternative pathways need to maximize adolescent ELLs' learning opportunities. For example, teachers of state-mandated ESL or ESOL courses should integrate subject-area content with language development and academic learning strategies. And although well-meaning school personnel might attempt to make the school day easier for these students by scheduling study halls and life-enrichment electives, such courses should be kept to a minimum. Adolescent ELLs have much to learn and little time to learn it.

Unfortunately, schools frequently assign even ELLs with high academic ability to remedial courses that will slow their progress toward graduation. Rumberger and Gándara (2004) describe

instances where secondary English learners, even those with college preparatory coursework in their countries of origin, were assigned to nonacademic and remedial courses, and shortened days in their high schools. (p. 2,046)

Schools should coach guidance counselors, assistant principals, and other staff who do student scheduling to ignore the label of limited English proficient, and instead to examine each individual's academic history and potential.

Individual Progress Records
Key question: Does your school maintain (and make easily available to teachers and other key personnel) records of individual English language learners' linguistic and academic history and ongoing progress?
What amazes me when I speak with many content-area teachers is that they often remain unaware until November or December of the existence of English language learners among the 120-150 students they meet each day. Why hasn't the ELL teacher shared information about these students? As Lucas, Villegas, and Freedson-Gonzalez (2008) write,

Mainstream teachers need to learn about the language and academic backgrounds of the ELLs in their classes, because without this knowledge, teachers cannot anticipate the aspects of learning that are likely to be too difficult for their ELLs to handle without instructional supports. (p. 366)

As part of the intake process, the school should always take an academic history that provides a year-by-year accounting of school experience. In a comprehensive interview (with a translator), the school should collect details of language background, family support, and personal goals and maintain these in an individual folder for each ELL.

To plan the optimum class schedule and to assess how easily the student is likely to master both English and content material, schools must consider this academic history. Filip, for example, should have a class schedule that reflects his strong academic background, which may be hidden by his current English limitations. Ben, on the other hand, will need a web of support services and a plan for extended years of school enrollment to give him the best chance of graduation. Rosaria, who is native-like in spoken English, may require intensive academic intervention support services concurrent with her academic program, with individual attention from a specialist cross-trained in ELL methods and literacy. Too often, schools label these students by their lack of English and not by their actual individual learning needs.

A second component of the student folder is an English language learning record. As students enter school, they bring varying levels of general English proficiency, but-even more challenging-they bring a variety of specific language skills. One high school student may sound like a native speaker but exhibit significant errors in written work; another student may write with relative accuracy and ease but have difficulty with oral expression. Such variations must guide the students' individual learning plan.

Teachers of ELLs should conduct ongoing classroom-based assessment (monthly or bimonthly) of each learner's progress toward English mastery and record the results in a learning record that follows the student from teacher to teacher and school to school. Some of the techniques of literacy assessment-such as running records, anecdotal evidence, competency checklists, and alternative assessment-are being adapted successfully for this population.

ELLs are more transient on average than native speakers. As families settle in the area, they may try out different housing options or move to build closer family connections. School district offices should monitor the flow of students within and across district borders and identify other schools and districts that may share the same ELL population. Working together to build both a coherent shared curriculum and parallel learning records will mean more cohesive services for adolescent ELLs.

Moving Beyond the Labels

I still dream of a kumbaya moment when ELL teachers from the east and the west and everywhere in between will gather together to agree on the terms that define our field, our learners, and our programs. If we look beyond the labels, however, there is surprising agreement in what constitutes best practice for adolescent English language learners. It is up to school leaders to implement the school reforms that work and to think outside the traditional boxes that have restricted the achievement of these students.

References

Batalova, J., Fix, M., & Murray, J. (2007). Measures of change: The demography and literacy of adolescent English learners. New York: Migration Policy Institute, Carnegie Corporation.

Gándara, P., Rumberger, R., Maxwell-Jolly, J., & Callahan, R. (2003). English learners in California schools: Unequal resources, unequal outcomes. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 11(36) [Online journal]. Available: http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v11n36

Lucas, T. (1997). Influences on the educational experiences of immigrant students in U.S. schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED406825). Available: www.ncela.gwu.edu/pathways/immigration/influences.htm

Lucas, T., Villegas, A. M., & Freedson-Gonzalez, M. (2008). Linguistically responsive teacher education: Preparing classroom teachers to teach English language learners. Journal of Teacher Education, 59, 361-373.

Marzano, R. J. (2003). What works in schools: Translating research into action. Alexandria, VA: ASCD.

Olsen, L. (1997). Made in America: Immigrant students in our public schools. New York: New Press.

Rance-Roney, J. A. (2008). Creating intentional communities to support English language learners in the classroom. English Journal, 97(5), 17-22.

Ruiz-de-Velasco, J., & Fix, M. (2000). Overlooked and underserved: Immigrant students in U.S. secondary schools. Washington, DC: Urban Institute.

Rumberger, R. W., & Gándara, P. (2004). Seeking equity in the education of California's English learners. Teachers College Record, 106(10), 2,032-2,056.

Short, D. J., & Fitzsimmons, S. (2007). Double the work: Challenges and solutions to acquiring language and academic literacy for adolescent English language learners-A report to the Carnegie Corporation of New York. Washington, DC: Alliance for Excellent Education.

Judith Rance-Roney is Assistant Professor of Education at the State University of New York at New Paltz and Co-Chair of the English Language Learner Network Leadership Team of the National Writing Project; jranceroney@gmail.com.

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April 2009 | Volume 66 | Number 7 Supporting English Language Learners Pages 32-37 Judith Rance-Roney This confusion only complicates the challenges of schools striving to educate large and increasing populations of language-minority students. And one of the most complex challenges is how to meet the needs of adolescent English language learners.

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The power of pronouncing students names correctly

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The My Name, My Identity Campaign promotes awareness of valuing students' cultures and languages by learning about their stories, unique names and proper pronunciations.

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A collection of online resources for ELLs

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A bilingual site for educators and families of English language learners

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Create your own jeopardy template online, without PowerPoint. Or browse the pre-made templates created by other people!

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Elementary Web Sites for English Language Learners

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Attention all elementary ESL and classroom teachers! Do you want to discover great web sites for the English language learners in your class? Here is a painless way to give students English language practice in the classroom or at home.

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Using Technology with English Language Learners in the Classroom

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Using Technology with English Language Learners in the Classroom

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iPad Apps that Promote Literacy in Spanish

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iPad Apps that Promote Literacy in Spanish

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Educational Websites that Teach Literacy in Spanish

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Educational Websites that Teach Literacy in Spanish

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iPad Apps that Promote Literacy in English

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iPad Apps that Promote Literacy in English

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Educational Websites that Teach Literacy in English

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Educational Websites that Teach Literacy in English

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Great apps for publishing student works including comic books.