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Why were cigarettes invented? | Smoking - Quora

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Why were cigarettes invented? | Smoking - Quora

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Tobacco has a long history in the Americas. The Mayan Indians of Mexico carved drawings in stone showing tobacco use. These drawings date back to somewhere between 600 to 900 A.D. Tobacco was grown by American Indians before the Europeans came from England, Spain, France, and Italy to North America. Native Americans smoked tobacco through a pipe for special religious and medical purposes. They did not smoke every day.

Tobacco was the first crop grown for money in North America. In 1612 the settlers of the first American colony in Jamestown, Virginia grew tobacco as a cash crop. It was their main source of money. Other cash crops were corn, cotton, wheat, sugar, and soya beans. Tobacco helped pay for the American Revolution against England. Also, the first President of the U.S. grew tobacco.

By the 1800's, many people had begun using small amounts of tobacco. Some chewed it. Others smoked it occasionally in a pipe, or they hand-rolled a cigarette or cigar. On the average, people smoked about 40 cigarettes a year. The first commercial cigarettes were made in 1865 by Washington Duke on his 300-acre farm in Raleigh, North Carolina. His hand-rolled cigarettes were sold to soldiers at the end of the Civil War.

It was not until James Bonsack invented the cigarette-making machine in 1881 that cigarette smoking became widespread. Bonsack's cigarette machine could make 120,000 cigarettes a day. He went into business with Washington Duke's son, James "Buck" Duke. They built a factory and made 10 million cigarettes their first year and about one billion cigarettes five years later. The first brand of cigarettes were packaged in a box with baseball cards and were called Duke of Durham. Buck Duke and his father started the first tobacco company in the U.S. They named it the American Tobacco Company.

Credit: An 1892 Duke of Durham box of machine-rolled cigarettes Tobacco Biology & Politics

The American Tobacco Company was the largest and most powerful tobacco company until the early 1900's. Several companies were making cigarettes by the early 1900's. In 1902 Philip Morris company came out with its Marlboro brand.

They were selling their cigarettes mainly to men. Everything changed during World War I (1914-18) and World War II (1939-45). Soldiers overseas were given free cigarettes every day. At home production increased and cigarettes were being marketed to women too. More than any other war, World War II brought more independence for women. Many of them went to work and started smoking for the first time while their husbands were away.

By 1944 cigarette production was up to 300 billion a year. Service men received about 75% of all cigarettes produced. The wars were good for the tobacco industry. Since WW II, there have been six giant cigarette companies in the U.S. They are Philip Morris, R.J. Reynolds, American Brands, Lorillard, Brown & Williamson, and Liggett & Myers (now called the Brooke Group). They make millions of dollars selling cigarettes in the U.S. and all over the world.

In 1964 the Surgeon General of the U.S. (the chief doctor for the country) wrote a report about the dangers of cigarette smoking. He said that the nicotine and tar in cigarettes cause lung cancer. In 1965 the Congress of the U.S. passed the Cigarette Labelling and Advertising Act. It said that every cigarette pack must have a warning label on its side stating "Cigarettes may be hazardous to your health."

By the 1980's, the tobacco companies had come out with new brands of cigarettes with lower amounts of tar and nicotine and improved filters to keep their customers buying and to help reduce their fears. The early 1980's were called the "tar wars" because tobacco companies competed aggressively to make over 100 low tar and "ultra" low tar cigarettes. Each company made and sold many different brands of cigarettes.

In 1984 Congress passed another law called the Comprehensive Smoking Education Act. It said that the cigarette companies every three months had to change the warning labels on cigarette packs. It created four different labels for the companies to rotate.

Public Law 98-474, "Comprehensive Smoking Education Act, 1984"

Credit: Smoking Tobacco & Health, Centers for Disease Control

Since the 1980's, federal, state, local governments, and private companies have begun taking actions to restrict cigarette smoking in public places. The warning labels were the first step. Tobacco companies cannot advertise cigarettes on television or radio. It is against a law that was passed by Congress in 1971. Many cities across the U.S. do not allow smoking in public buildings and restaurants. Since 1990, airlines have not allowed smoking on airplane flights in the U.S. that are six hours or less. State taxes on cigarettes have increased.

As it becomes more difficult for tobacco companies to sell their products in the U.S., they are looking outside. U.S. tobacco companies are now growing tobacco in Africa, South America (Brazil and Paraguay), India, Pakistan, the Phillipines, Greece, Thailand, and the Dominican Republic. Fifty percent (50%) of the sales of U.S. tobacco companies go to Asian countries, such as Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, the Phillipines, and Taiwan.

Economics deals with the making and selling of products and services to consumers. Products are things like chewing tobacco, cigarettes, televisions, houses, and cars. Services include medical care, education, and insurance. Consumers are the people like ourselves who buy or receive the products and services.

The U.S. has a capitalist economic system. Under this system, one or more people get together and form a company to make and sell something. They do this to make money. The money that they make after paying off their bills or expenses is called profit. In other words, a profit is the money they have for themselves after paying rent, salaries, utility bills (electricity, gas, telephone) and buying machines/computers and any other equipment they need to make their product and run their business.

When companies sell more than they spend, they make a profit. Selling their products to other countries is called exporting. The product that is sold is called an export. Buying from other countries is called importing, and what U.S. companies buy is called an import. For example, if Ford Motor Company buys steel from Japan to make a car, it is importing a product. Steel is the import. When Ford sells its cars to Brazil, it is exporting. Cars are the exports.

When companies or governments export more than they import, they have a trade surplus. A trade surplus is another way of saying a profit. On the other hand, when they import more than they export, they have a trade deficit. A deficit means a debt or money owed to someone else.

Throughout history, tobacco companies have had a trade surplus. That is one big reason why they have been important to the economy of the U.S. In 1992 the tobacco industry reported a $5.65 billion dollar trade surplus. In the first half of 1992, tobacco exports were $2 billion more than imports. The taxes that the tobacco companies pay provide a lot of money for the U.S. government. In 1992, Philip Morris alone paid $4.5 billion in taxes. This makes it the largest tax payer in the U.S.

Credit: Copyright © 1994 by The New York Times Company. Reprinted by permission. "How Do They Live With Themselves?" Roger Rosenblatt, The New York Times Magazine, 3/20/94

Tobacco companies export their products (cigarettes, cigars, chewing tobacco) to at least 146 countries around the world. They sell to Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emigrates, Turkey, South Korea, Singapore, China, Russia, and many more countries. In 1992 Philip Morris sold 11 billion cigarettes to Russia alone.

One of the reasons tobacco growing is so profitable is because its costs are so low. There are only about 800,000 people working in the tobacco industry. There are 136,000 tobacco farms in more than 16 states.

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Answer (1 of 4): Tobacco has a long history in the Americas. The Mayan Indians of Mexico carved drawings in stone showing tobacco use. These drawings date back to somewhere between 600 to 900 A.D. Tobacco was grown by American Indians before the Europeans came from England, Spain, France, and Ita...

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Teen smoking cessation | Tobacco Control

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Teen smoking cessation | Tobacco Control

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This source also sites many other sources along the article. (there are multiple sources)
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This source is authorised/informed because she is involved in health research and smoking has to do with things that effect your health.
This source is named because when I searched her up, she showed up.

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Interest in adolescent smoking cessation has increased dramatically over the past several years, as researchers and practitioners have acknowledged the high rates of adolescents who smoke regularly and the low probability that adolescents who are regular smokers will stop on their own.

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Changes in the prevalence and correlates of menthol cigarette use in the USA, 2004–2014 | Tobacco Control

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Changes in the prevalence and correlates of menthol cigarette use in the USA, 2004–2014 | Tobacco Control

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It is an independant source that has a bias.
There are multiple sources, in the start of the article, you can see all the authors and how they are related to this issue. Also, they use statistics from other websites.
Therefore, they are verified.
And authorized/informed because they all are in a bunch of studies related to tabacco.
The sources are named because when I searched one of the authors up, he showed up.

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Introduction National data from 2004 to 2010 showed that despite decreases in non-menthol cigarette use prevalence, menthol cigarette use prevalence remained constant in adolescents and adults and increased in young adults. The purpose of the current study was to extend these analyses through 2014.

Methods We estimated the prevalence of menthol cigarette smoking in the USA during 2004-2014 using annual cross-sectional data on persons aged ≥12 years from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health. Self-reported menthol status for selected brands that were either exclusively menthol or non-menthol were adjusted based on retail sales data. Data were weighted to provide national estimates.

Results Although overall smoking prevalence has decreased, the proportion of past 30-day cigarette smokers using menthol cigarettes was higher (39%) in 2012-2014 compared to 2008-2010 (35%). Youth smokers remain the most likely group to use menthol cigarettes compared to all other age groups. Menthol cigarette prevalence has increased in white, Asian and Hispanic smokers since 2010. Menthol cigarette prevalence exceeded non-menthol cigarette prevalence in youth and young adult smokers in 2014. Among smokers, menthol cigarette use was positively correlated with co-use of cigars. Menthol cigarette and smokeless tobacco co-use also increased from 2004 to 2014.

Conclusions The youngest smokers are most likely to use menthol cigarettes. Among smokers, increases in overall menthol cigarette use and menthol cigarette use in whites, Asians and Hispanics since 2010 are of concern. There is tremendous urgency to limit the impact of menthol cigarettes on public health, particularly the health of youth and young adults.

National Survey on Drug Use and Health

The National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) is a nationally representative survey that assesses tobacco, alcohol and drug use behaviours in the US civilian, non-institutionalised population. Respondents are aged 12 years and older. NSDUH respondents were selected using a multistage probability sample. Respondents include persons living in households in addition to residents of non-institutional group quarters, such as college students living in dormitories, civilians residing on military bases and persons living in group homes, shelters and rooming houses. The sample excludes members of the active-duty military and individuals in institutional group quarters. Racial/ethnic minorities and persons aged 12-25 years were oversampled.

Cross-sectional surveys were administered annually from 2004 to 2014. Most interviews were conducted in the respondents' homes by trained interviewers. To increase measurement accuracy, drug use questions-including tobacco questions-were administered by audio computer-assisted self-interviews (A-CASI). The overall response rate from 2004 to 2014 ranged from 58.3% to 70.0%.

Measures

Current cigarette smoking in the NSDUH was assessed by asking respondents who had ever smoked whether they had smoked part or all of a cigarette in the previous 30 days. Those who responded affirmatively were subsequently asked to report the brand of cigarettes they smoked most often. They were able to select and verify their usual brand from 2 lists with a total of 57 (60 in 2004) brand names that were presented on-screen. Once respondents selected and verified one of the brands on the screen, they were subsequently asked, "Were the <CIGFILL> cigarettes you smoked during the past 30 days menthol?" (note: '<CIGFILL>' was replaced by the computer programme with the name of the brand the respondent had previously reported and verified as having smoked most often). In 2014, ∼94% of smokers selected a brand from the lists offered. The remaining 6% were asked, "Were the cigarettes you smoked during the past 30 days menthol?"

Owing to concerns about misclassification, especially among adolescents, we examined Nielsen market scanner data to classify major brands for which at least 99% of sales were menthol or non-menthol. Incorporating a method of Hersey et al, 18 if a respondent reported usually smoking Kool and also reported on the menthol question that the usual brand was non-menthol, the respondent's response to the menthol variable question was recoded as menthol. A similar adjustment was made for exclusively non-menthol brands.

Analyses used imputed values for age, gender, race and income available in the data sets. To aid comparison with our previous analyses, 1 age was categorised as 12-15, 16-17, 18-21, 22-25, 26-34 and 35 years and older. For estimating trends in menthol prevalence over time, age categories were collapsed into three groups: 12-17, 18-25 and 26 years and older. Race/ethnicity was grouped into Hispanic, non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, non-Hispanic Asian, non-Hispanic more than one race and non-Hispanic other. Total family income was separated into three groups: <US$10 000-US$29 999, US$30 000-$74 999 and US$75 000 or more. Number of days smoked per month among past 30-day smokers was categorised as 1-5, 6-29  and 30 days. Past 30-day cigar use was ascertained by the question: "During the past 30 days, that is, since [DATEFILL], on how many days did you smoke part or all of a cigar?" Past 30-day use of snuff was measured by the item: "During the past 30 days, that is, since [DATEFILL], on how many days did you use snuff?" Similar item wording was used to measure past 30-day use of chewing tobacco: "During the past 30 days, that is, since [DATEFILL], on how many days did you use chewing tobacco?" We combined use of snuff and/or chewing tobacco into one variable measuring past 30-day use of smokeless tobacco. Data were missing for fewer than 2% on tobacco use items across all NSDUH waves.

Statistical analyses

Three types of analyses were carried out. For assessing changes in use of menthol cigarettes between 2008-2010 and 2012-2014, we duplicated table 1 in Giovino et al. 1 For this phase of the analysis, NSDUH cross-sectional surveys administered annually from 2008 to 2010 were combined for analysis, as were annual surveys conducted from 2012 to 2014. Brand choices for 2008-2010 respondents were adjusted for 100% menthol based on 2012-2014 sales data. This provided comparisons between time periods in the prevalence of use of menthol cigarettes. Multivariable logistic models were used to estimate odds ratios (ORs) of menthol cigarette use among past 30-day cigarette smokers, adjusted for age, gender, race/ethnicity, income and number of days smoked; listwise deletion was used to handle respondents with item-level missing data.

Next, we estimated time trends in the use prevalence of menthol and non-menthol cigarettes. Annual prevalence estimates for the use of each type of cigarette were calculated for 2004 to 2014. Regression lines were fitted to the prevalence estimates using piecewise linear regression 19 in which the dependent variable was the annual prevalence estimates. Differences in the variances of the annual prevalence estimates were accounted for using weighted regression. Separate lines were fitted for menthol and non-menthol prevalence by age (12-17, 18-25 and 26 years and older). An inflexion point was included that allowed the slopes of the lines to change at year 2010 based on visual examination of the raw data, the last year of our previous analyses and the first full year in which other flavoured cigarettes were no longer on the market. Statistical tests were carried out to assess differences in the slopes of menthol and non-menthol regression lines and, within each type of cigarette, differences in slopes between two time periods: 2004-2010 and 2010-2014.

The third analysis investigated the use of cigars and smokeless tobacco among past 30-day cigarette smokers. Prevalence estimates for past 30-day cigar and smokeless tobacco use were compared for past 30-day menthol and non-menthol cigarette smokers by gender and age. Multivariable logistic models were used to estimate ORs for cigar and smokeless tobacco use between menthol and non-menthol cigarette smokers, adjusted for gender and age. For this analysis, NSDUH annual surveys were combined into three time periods: 2004-2007, 2008-2011 and 2012-2014. Changes over time in the odds of smoking cigars or using smokeless tobacco for menthol cigarette smokers compared with non-menthol cigarette smokers were also assessed. The top brands of cigars and smokeless used by menthol and non-menthol cigarette smokers were identified.

SAS V.9.4 was used for all analyses. The SAS survey procedures took into account NSDUH's complex survey design. Survey weights were used to adjust for different probabilities of selection and for non-response, producing estimates representative of the US population.

Change in prevalence of use of menthol cigarettes between 2008-2010 and 2012-2014

Table 1 compares the prevalence of use of menthol cigarettes among past 30-day smokers between two time periods: 2008-2010 and 2012-2014. Overall, the percentage of menthol cigarette smokers increased 4.1 percentage points between 2008-2010 and 2012-2014. Menthol prevalence increased for all age groups. The largest increase (9.3 percentage points) occurred among smokers aged 26-34 years. Youth smokers aged 12-17 years were more likely to use menthol cigarettes than smokers in any other age group in both time periods. This was true for male and female smokers.

By race, black smokers continued to smoke menthol cigarettes at higher rates than smokers of any other race. However, from 2008-2010 to 2012-2014, the prevalence of menthol cigarette use in black smokers declined 1.4 percentage points. This decline in menthol use occurred among black smokers of all ages, ranging from 0.6 percentage points among those ages 50 years and older to 2.9 percentage points among those who were 12-17 years old. In comparison to black smokers, white, Hispanic, Asian and non-Hispanic other races increased use of menthol cigarettes. The largest increase was found among Hispanic smokers. Overall, between 2008-2010 and 2012-2014 the percentage of Hispanic smokers using menthol cigarettes rose 9.8 percentage points. The next largest increase was found for Asian smokers for which the menthol prevalence increased 7.7 percentage points. White smokers also increased the use of menthol cigarettes by 3.4 percentage points between 2008-2010 and 2012-2014. The largest increase was found among white smokers aged 26-34 years where the menthol percentage increased 9.8 percentage points.

Multivariable analyses

Online supplementary table S1 presents the adjusted odds of menthol cigarette use among past 30-day smokers. Consistent with our earlier analyses, the odds of menthol cigarette use are at least three times higher among the youngest smokers (ages 12-15 and 16-17) compared to smokers aged 35 and above. Female and black smokers remained significantly more likely to smoke menthol cigarettes than male and white smokers, respectively. Higher use of menthol cigarette use in women held for blacks and whites when examined separately, with the female/male difference in menthol prevalence being more pronounced for whites (OR=1.8; p<0.01) than for blacks (OR=1.4; p<0.05; see online supplementary table S2). There were no differences in the odds of menthol cigarette use among smokers by income, but menthol cigarette smokers were significantly less likely to smoke infrequently (1-5 days per month) than non-menthol cigarette smokers (OR=0.90; p<0.05).

Trends in the prevalence of use of menthol compared with non-menthol cigarette use 2004-2014

Figure 1A-C and tables 2 and 3 show estimated time trends in the prevalence of using menthol and non-menthol cigarettes in the full sample from 2004 to 2014 using piecewise linear regression. Two straight lines with intersection at year 2010 were fitted to each time series for menthol and non-menthol cigarette prevalence. Separate lines were estimated for each age group. Note that the denominator here is all individuals in the relevant age groups, not just cigarette smokers. The fit of the piecewise linear regression models was adequate for menthol and non-menthol trends in all three age groups. Non-menthol prevalence decreased over time for all three age groups and both time periods. The non-menthol prevalence slope decreased most quickly among 18-25 year-olds in the 2004-2010 time period. Menthol prevalence increased among 18-25 year-olds in the first time period (0.5 percentage points per year; p<0.01) and among persons aged 26 years and older in the second time period (0.1 percentage points per year; p<0.05).

In 2004, 4.9% of youth smoked menthol cigarettes and this prevalence declined to 2.5% in 2014 ( figure 1A). The rate of decline was significantly greater after 2010 (p<0.01; table 2). Similarly, non-menthol smoking declined among youth, from 6.3% in 2004 to 2.2% in 2014. The slopes of the non-menthol lines were not significantly different between 2004-2010 and 2010-2014. The slopes of the non-menthol and menthol lines were significantly different during 2004-2010 ( table 3; p<0.01). After 2010, the menthol and non-menthol prevalence lines declined at about the same rates (p=0.08). By 2014, smoking rates among youth were low and about the same for menthol and non-menthol cigarette smoking.

Among young adults aged 18-25 years, non-menthol smoking prevalence declined over the study period, from 26.9% in 2004 to 14.0% in 2014 ( figure 1B). From 2004 to 2010, the rate of decline was about 1.5 percentage points per year. After 2010, the decline lessened to about 1 percentage point per year. The rates of decline were statistically significant for both time periods (p<0.01), and the change in slopes at 2010 was statistically significant ( table 2; p<0.05). Menthol smoking prevalence among persons aged 18-25 years increased at a rate of about 0.5 percentage points per year during 2004-2010. After 2010, menthol prevalence declined at about 0.2 percentage points per year. The change in slopes across the two time points was statistically significant (p<0.01). The slopes of the non-menthol and menthol lines were significantly different during 2004-2010 ( Table 3; p<0.01), and they were significantly different after 2010 (p<0.01). Although menthol prevalence at the beginning of the time series was lower than non-menthol prevalence, by 2014, menthol prevalence was higher.

Among adults aged 26 and older, menthol prevalence was constant during 2004-2010 and increased slowly (slope=0.1 percentage points per year; p<0.05) after 2010 ( figure 1C). Non-menthol prevalence decreased over the entire study period though the non-menthol slopes were not significantly different between time periods ( table 2). The slopes of the non-menthol and menthol lines were significantly different during 2004-2010 and after 2010 ( table 3; both p<0.01).

Past 30-day use of cigars and smokeless tobacco among smokers of menthol cigarettes

Past 30-day use of cigars varied by menthol cigarette use status ( table 4). Cigars included big cigars, cigarillos and little cigars, flavoured and non-flavoured. In order to assess changes over time, the total time series was separated into three periods: 2004-2007, 2008-2011 and 2012-2014. Over all three time periods, the prevalence of cigar use among menthol cigarette users remained approximately the same. However, menthol cigarette smokers were more likely to use cigars than non-menthol cigarette smokers. In 2012-2014, ∼12.9% of menthol cigarette smokers used cigars compared with 10.6% of non-menthol cigarette smokers. This difference was statistically significant for all three time periods. Higher cigar prevalence was seen for male and female menthol cigarette smokers compared to non-menthol cigarette smokers. Online supplementary table S3 shows the cigar brand smoked most often by past 30-day cigar users, by cigarette menthol smoking. Black & Mild cigars were the most highly used among co-users of cigars and cigarettes, with higher prevalence of use among menthol cigarette smokers than non-menthol cigarette smokers across all time periods. In 2012-2014, 43.6% of menthol cigarette smokers who also used cigars preferred Black & Mild compared to 30.4% of non-menthol cigarette smokers.

Over all three time periods, use of smokeless tobacco increased from 3.3% to 5.0% in past 30-day menthol cigarette smokers and from 6.0% to 6.5% in past 30-day non-menthol cigarettes smokers ( table 4). While the odds of using smokeless tobacco remained lower among menthol compared to non-menthol cigarette smokers over time, the prevalence of smokeless use among menthol cigarette smokers approached that seen in non-menthol cigarette smokers in the 2012-2014 period (OR=0.8) compared to the earlier time points (OR=0.5 in 2004-2007 and OR=0.6 in 2008-2011). The higher smokeless tobacco prevalence among non-menthol cigarette smokers was observed for most age groups. Men who smoked non-menthol cigarettes used smokeless tobacco at higher rates than male menthol cigarette smokers. Approximately 6.2% of male menthol cigarette smokers used smokeless tobacco between 2004 and 2007. This prevalence increased to 9.4% in 2012-2014 and was statistically significant (p<0.01). Among male non-menthol cigarette smokers, there was no statistically significant increase in smokeless use between 2004-2007 and 2012-2014. Unlike cigars, there was not a consistent pattern of brand preference for smokeless products (see online supplementary table S4). In 2004-2007, Skoal was the top smokeless brand identified by cigarette smokers and menthol cigarette smokers reported a higher prevalence of Skoal use than non-menthol cigarette smokers. In the latter two time periods, Grizzly became the top brand, with relatively equal proportions of menthol and non-menthol cigarette smokers using this brand.

What this paper adds

The data presented in this study highlight that among smokers, menthol cigarette prevalence has increased overall since 2010, that age remains inversely associated with menthol cigarette use and that there is co-use of menthol cigarettes with other tobacco products likely to be flavoured (ie, cigars and smokeless tobacco). In 2014, past 30-day menthol cigarette use exceeded non-menthol cigarette use in youth and young adults.

View Abstract

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Changes in the prevalence and correlates of menthol cigarette use in the USA, 2004-2014

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Introduction National data from 2004 to 2010 showed that despite decreases in non-menthol cigarette use prevalence, menthol cigarette use prevalence remained constant in adolescents and adults and increased in young adults. The purpose of the current study was to extend these analyses through 2014.

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How Can I Use Sketchnoting To Make Learning More Interesting For Me?

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How Can I Use Sketchnoting To Make Learning More Interesting For Me?

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Ms. Ramani's example