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This article reports that globalization is not something that has helped open us up to the world  but made us more vulnerable and easily controlled by others. Many countries are too interdependent on each other to try and figure a way out. The United States needs to learn to cope with chained globalization not try to get out of it.

This article supports the thought that the world has both positive and negative views of globalization. The article also reported on Foxconn, like we did in class, and how they created long supply chains changing the global economy and its systems. The United States having such a big influence can cause other countries to be wary if they could stop the export of goods, for example from Russia like they did from Iran.

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In 1999, the columnist Thomas Friedman pronounced the Cold War geopolitical system dead. The world, he wrote, had "gone from a system built around walls to a system increasingly built around networks." As businesses chased efficiency and profits, maneuvering among great powers was falling away. An era of harmony was at hand, in which states' main worries would be how to manage market forces rather than one another.

Friedman was right that a globalized world had arrived but wrong about what that world would look like. Instead of liberating governments and businesses, globalization entangled them. As digital networks, financial flows, and supply chains stretched across the globe, states-especially the United States-started treating them as webs in which to trap one another. Today, the U.S. National Security Agency lurks at the heart of the Internet, listening in on all kinds of communications. The U.S. Department of the Treasury

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In 1999, the columnist Thomas Friedman pronounced the Cold War geopolitical system dead. The world, he wrote, had "gone from a system built around walls to a system increasingly built around networks." As businesses chased efficiency and profits, maneuvering among great powers was falling away.

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Post#3(March 30,2020): Outbreak and its Effect on Globalization

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Post#3(March 30,2020): Outbreak and its Effect on Globalization

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This article reports about how the coronavirus has caused many countries to look at globalization differently. Many countries are looking at different places to import their goods, finding a place with a lower risk of exposure. This has given some countries the fuel they needed to move away from out of country manufacturing and immigration.

This article reports the impact the virus has had on the global economy and trade. Countries are changing their normal suppliers because they might be a more at risk country. It showed how the countries are really looking at globalization and the effects that it has on the everyday product and way we do things.

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Credit... Alyssa Schukar for The New York Times

News Analysis

As the coronavirus spreads around the world, companies are seeking alternatives to making goods in China, while right-wing political parties fulminate against open borders.

Credit... Alyssa Schukar for The New York Times

LONDON - Well before a deadly virus began spreading across multiple borders, a world defined by deepening interconnection appeared to be reassessing the merits of globalization.

The United States, led by the unabashed nationalist Donald J. Trump, was ordering multinational companies to abandon China and make their goods in American factories. Britain was forsaking the European Union, almost certainly reviving customs checks on both sides of the English Channel, while threatening to disrupt a vital trading relationship.

A surge of refugees fleeing some of the most dangerous places on earth - Syria, Afghanistan, Central America - had produced a backlash against immigration in many developed countries. In Europe, it elevated the stature of extreme right-wing parties that were winning votes with promises to slam the gates shut. President Trump was pursuing the construction of a wall running along the border with Mexico, while seeking to bar Muslims from entering the country.

The coronavirus that has seeped out of China, insinuating itself into at least 81 countries while killing more than 3,200 people, has effectively accelerated and intensified the pushback to global connection.

It has sown chaos in the global supply chain that links factories across borders and oceans, enabling plants that produce finished products to draw parts, components and raw materials from around the world. Many companies are now seeking alternative suppliers in countries that appear less vulnerable to disruption.

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Workers disinfecting a plane as a precaution against the coronavirus. Credit... Luong Thai Linh/EPA, via Shutterstock

The epidemic has supplied Europe's right-wing parties a fresh opportunity to sound the alarm about open borders. It has confined millions of people to their communities and even inside their homes, giving them time to ponder whether globalization was really such a great idea.

"It reinforces all the fears about open borders," said Ian Goldin, a professor of globalization and development at Oxford University and an author of a 2014 book that anticipated a backlash to liberalism via a pandemic, "The Butterfly Defect: How Globalization Creates Systemic Risks, and What to Do About It."

"In North America and Europe, there is a recalibration, a wanting to engage on a more selective basis," he said.

By Mr. Goldin's estimation, the coronavirus is merely the latest force to reveal the deficiencies of globalization as it has been managed in recent decades - an under-regulated, complacent form of interconnection that has left communities vulnerable to a potent array of threats. From the worldwide financial crisis of 2008 to climate change, ordinary people have concluded that the authorities cannot be trusted to keep them secure. That has allowed politicians to attack legitimate problems with simplistic solutions, like trade protectionism and armored borders.

Now the coronavirus scare has aggravated the trend. "I don't think any wall can be high enough to keep out a pandemic, or climate change, or any of the other big threats that face humanity in the future, so I think it's counterproductive," Mr. Goldin said.

Globalization is far from over. The commercial links that produce the goods of the modern age, from computers to automobiles, involve so many people coordinating so many processes that a purely localized form of industry now seems unimaginable on a mass scale. The coronavirus itself does not respect borders, requiring international coordination, a process facilitated by the infrastructure of globalization.

But as surgical masks become desperately desired items, as schools from Japan to Ireland sit closed, as airlines scrap flights, trade shows are canceled and stock markets plunge, annihilating trillions of dollars in wealth, the panic seems likely to alter the contours of globalization.

The most obvious impact is on trade. The epidemic has prompted a re-examination of the world's central reliance on China as ground zero for manufacturing, a trend that was already underway via the trade war.

In Mr. Trump's depiction, any product made in a foreign country and then sold in the United States amounts to an instance of American workers getting fleeced. In that spirit, the Trump administration imposed tariffs on hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of goods from China, promising that this would force companies - from clothing brands to gadget makers - to bring production back to the United States.

Trump administration officials have taken the coronavirus outbreak as the impetus to reinforce their pressure on companies to leave China. "It will help accelerate the return of jobs to North America," Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross said in late January.

Last week, Mr. Trump's senior trade adviser, Peter Navarro, who wrote a book called "Death by China," used the coronavirus as a stark reminder that the United States had allowed too much factory production to leave its shores.

"A lot of it's in China," he told Fox News. "We've got to get that back."

Many in the manufacturing world dismiss such talk as politics masquerading as economic policy. No matter what happens, Americans are unlikely to find themselves sitting in large numbers behind sewing machines stitching up clothing or hovering over assembly lines as they fit electronics into circuit boards. But a marginal shift of work from Chinese factories to those in other low-wage nations is likely to accelerate.

"People have understood from the trade war that they cannot rely too much on China," said Sebastien Breteau, chief executive of Qima, a Hong Kong-based company that inspects factories that make clothing, electronics and other goods for major international brands.

Since the beginning of the year, he said, Qima's inspections have increased by roughly half in both Vietnam and Bangladesh.

The outbreak has brought into sharp relief that the world's factories and retail operations have become so dependent on China that a crisis there can swiftly turn into trouble nearly everywhere. Economists broadly assume that shortages of parts will crop up in coming weeks and months, after inventories are exhausted.

Manufacturers in India and Japan rely on China for 60 percent of their imported electronics components, according to Fitch Ratings. American manufacturers buy roughly half of their imported electronics parts from China.

Hyundai, the world's fifth-largest automaker, halted production at its factories in South Korea last month because of a shortage of parts made in China. Nissan cited parts shortages in ceasing production in Japan. Nintendo faces delays in delivering its popular gaming console, the Switch, to customers in the United States and Europe, because a factory that makes the devices in Vietnam has been unable to secure critical parts from China.

In Italy, local authorities quarantined industrial communities south of Milan as the coronavirus spread there late last month, threatening to amplify troubles for the global supply chain. Italy is a major supplier of auto parts, meaning that disruption in its factories is likely to be felt in Germany and the rest of Europe.

But the moral of this story, say economists, is not that globalization is inherently dangerous: It is that market forces left unsupervised pose perils.

Part of the world's vulnerability to supply chain disruption stems from the excessive embrace of the so-called just-in-time mode of manufacturing: Rather than keep warehouses stocked with needed parts, ensuring that they are on hand come what may, the modern factory uses the web to order parts as the need arises, while relying on global air and shipping networks to deliver them on a timeline synchronized with production.

Just as the financial crisis demonstrated that banks were lending mind-bending sums of money without leaving enough in reserve to cover bad debts, the coronavirus has underscored how global manufacturing has been running too lean, operating in disregard of risks like earthquakes, epidemics and other disasters.

That state of play is the direct result of the supremacy of shareholder interests in the global economy, with whatever yields short-term profits generally pushing aside prudent considerations about longer-term risks.

"It costs to have a stock," said Mr. Goldin, the Oxford expert. "You have the pressure of the market, and quarterly reporting, and analysts are breathing down your neck. You can't say, 'Well, we have lower profits, but more resilience.'"

In the political realm, the coronavirus has handed those who denounce immigration putative evidence for their warnings.

The impact is especially palpable within the 27 countries of the European Union, which has long been governed by a central belief that economies and societies are most dynamic when people and goods are able to move freely across borders. The arrival of millions of migrants in recent years has tested that thinking. Extreme right-wing parties emerged from the political wilderness to achieve mainstream status with promises that they would seal borders.

The Sweden Democrats, a party with roots in the neo-Nazi movement; Alternative for Germany, whose followers have revived the language of Hitler; and France's National Front have all prospered. In Italy, the League - whose leader, Matteo Salvini, has said immigration is an attempt at the "ethnic cleansing" of Italians - has attacked the country's government for failing to bolster the borders in the face of the epidemic.

But if some are inclined to use the coronavirus as an opportunity to write globalization's obituary, others say that misses the point of an outbreak born in a global manufacturing hub, propelled by modern air travel and spread by the irrepressible human impulse to move around.

"This is just an indication that globalization is what it is," said Maria Demertzis, an economist and deputy director at Bruegel, a research institution in Brussels. "People will always want to travel. They will always want to trade. The answer is not to again build walls. You need more cooperation and clear information."

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A Global Outbreak Is Fueling the Backlash to Globalization

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News Analysis As the coronavirus spreads around the world, companies are seeking alternatives to making goods in China, while right-wing political parties fulminate against open borders. Credit... Alyssa Schukar for The New York Times LONDON - Well before a deadly virus began spreading across multiple borders, a world defined by deepening interconnection appeared to be reassessing the merits of globalization.

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Post#1(March 30,2020): Poland and their Migration Situation

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Post#1(March 30,2020): Poland and their Migration Situation

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This article is about how Poland has immigrants from many different countries and Poland’s government doesn’t support them very well. Poland’s government seems to shy away from talking about immigration in the country and the problems that come with it for the citizens and the immigrants.

This article reports the impact of Poland’s increasing immigration from a number of different countries. This caused the country’s culture and the culture of the immigrants to become homogenized into one cultural hybrid. The amount of immigration has had a large impact on the country itself with lack of regulations being followed. While the country looks naive in not wanting to talk about these issues.

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The Poles repeat Germany's mistake: pretending immigrants will go home

F OR A GLIMPSE of how immigration is changing Poland, head to Hala Koszyki, an Instagram-friendly food hall in the middle of Warsaw. Take an Uber and there is a good chance the driver will be from Belarus. Inside, Ukrainian waiters and chefs toil over sushi and tapas. Outside, straddling their scooters, a group of UberEats riders from India and elsewhere in South Asia wait to take orders from any Varsovians who fancy a night in.

This article appeared in the Europe section of the print edition under the headline "How to mess up immigration"

From the February 22nd 2020 edition

Discover stories from this section and more in the list of contents
Explore the edition

It could dig in, pull back or grab more as a bargaining chip

The surprise attack comes as Ukraine is under pressure in the Donbas

It marks a shift away from sporting gigantism

The second battle of Kursk is raging

Politicians are more interested in trivial budget rows than finding sources of growth

Stray dogs are being rounded up

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Poland is cocking up migration in a very European way

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The Poles repeat Germany's mistake: pretending immigrants will go home | Europe

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Post#2 (March 30,2020):Central Americans Fleeing their Country 

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Post#2 (March 30,2020):Central Americans Fleeing their Country 

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This article reports that women and families are trying to escape countries in central america and make their way to the United States. The rising violence and crime taking place in central america seem to be controlled by cartels and gangs. President Trump has passed things that make it difficult to stay in America.

This article reports the startling differences between the Global North and the Global South. The government in the Global North has more power and structure than the Global South does.The governments being less developed and in control causes the citizens to feel unsafe and want to go to America.This is showing how the global north still hasn't affected the south in every way making the world not flat.

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Lubia Sasvin Pérez sitting on her mother's grave with her sisters Marleny, left, and Heidy. Lubia's former boyfriend, Gehovany Ramirez, murdered the sisters' mother. Credit... Meridith Kohut for The New York Times

Violence against women is driving an exodus of migrants from Central America, but the Trump administration is determined to deny them asylum.

Lubia Sasvin Pérez sitting on her mother's grave with her sisters Marleny, left, and Heidy. Lubia's former boyfriend, Gehovany Ramirez, murdered the sisters' mother. Credit... Meridith Kohut for The New York Times

By

JALAPA, Guatemala - They climbed the terraced hillside in single file, their machetes tapping the stones along the darkened footpath.

Gehovany Ramirez, 17, led his brother and another accomplice to his ex-girlfriend's home. He struck the wooden door with his machete, sending splinters into the air.

His girlfriend, Lubia Sasvin Pérez, had left him a month earlier, fleeing his violent temper for her parents' home here in southeast Guatemala. Five months pregnant, her belly hanging from her tiny 16-year-old frame, she feared losing the child to his rage.

Lubia and her mother slipped outside and begged him to leave, she said. They could smell the sour tang of alcohol on his breath. Unmoved, he raised the blade and struck her mother in the head, killing her.

Hearing a stifled scream, her father rushed outside. Lubia recalled watching in horror as the other men set upon him, splitting his face and leaving her parents splayed on the concrete floor.

For prosecutors, judges and even defense lawyers in Guatemala, the case exemplifies the national scourge of domestic violence, motivated by a deep-seated sense of ownership over women and their place in relationships.

But instead of facing the harsher penalties meant to stop such crimes in Guatemala, Gehovany received only four years in prison, a short sentence even by the country's lenient standard for minors. More than three years later, now 21, he will be released next spring, perhaps sooner.

And far from being kept from the family he tore apart, under Guatemalan law Gehovany has the right to visit his son upon release, according to legal officials in Guatemala.

The prospect of his return shook the family so thoroughly that Lubia's father, who survived the attack, sold their home and used the money to pay a smuggler to reach the United States. Now living outside of San Francisco, he is pinning his hopes on winning asylum to safeguard his family. They all are.

But that seems more distant than ever. Two extraordinary legal decisionsby the Trump administration have struck at the core of asylum claims rooted in domestic violence or threats against families like Lubia's - not only casting doubt on their case, but almost certainly on thousands of others as well, immigration lawyers say.

"How can this be justice?" Lubia said before the family fled, sitting under the portico where her mother was killed. "All I did was leave him for beating me and he took my mother from us."

"What kind of system protects him, and not me?" she said, gathering her son in her lap.

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Lubia is hoping for asylum in the United States, but her case faces significant obstacles under the Trump administration. Credit... Meridith Kohut for The New York Times

Their case offers a glimpse into the staggering number of Central Americans fleeing violence and dysfunction - and the dogged fight the Trump administration is waging to keep them out.

Across Latin America, a murder epidemic is underway. Most years, more than 100,000 people are killed, largely young men on the periphery of broken societies, where gangs and cartels sometimes take the place of the state.

The turmoil has forced millions to flee the region and seek refuge in the United States, where they confront a system strained by record demand and a bitter fight over whether to accept them.

But violence against women, and domestic violence in particular, is a powerful and often overlooked factor in the migration crisis. Latin America and the Caribbean are home to 14 of the 25 deadliest nations in the world for women, according to available data collected by the Small Arms Survey, which tracks violence globally.

And Central America, the region where most of those seeking asylum in the United States are fleeing, is at the heart of the crisis.

Here in Guatemala, the homicide rate for women is more than three times the global average. In El Salvador, it is nearly six times. In Honduras, it is one of the highest in the world - almost 12 times the global average.

In the most violent pockets of Central America, the United Nations says, the danger is like living in a war zone.

"Despite the risk associated with migration, it is still lower than the risk of being killed at home," said Angela Me, the chief of research and trend analysis at the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.

The issue is so central to migration that former Attorney General Jeff Sessions, eager to advance the Trump administration's priority of closing the southern border to migrants, issued a decision last year to try to halt victims of domestic violence, among other crimes, from seeking asylum.

To win asylum in the United States, applicants must show specific grounds for their persecution back home, like their race, religion, political affiliation or membership in a particular social group. Lawyers have sometimes pushed successfully for women to qualify as a social group because of the overwhelming violence they face, citing a 2014 case in which a Guatemalan woman fleeing domestic violence was found to be eligible to apply for asylum in the United States.

But Mr. Sessions overruled that precedent, questioning whether women - in particular, women fleeing domestic violence - can be members of a social group. The decision challenged what had become common practice in asylum courts.

Then, last month, the new attorney general, William P. Barr, went further. Breaking with decades of precedent, he issued a decision making it harder for families, like Lubia's, to qualify as social groups also.

Violence against women in the region is so prevalent that 18 countries have passed laws to protect them, creating a class of homicide known as femicide, which adds tougher penalties and greater law enforcement attention to the issue.

And yet, despite that broad effort, the new laws have failed to reduce the killings of girls and women in the region, the United Nations says.

That reflects how deep the gender gap runs. For the new laws to make a difference, experts say, they must go far beyond punishment to change education, political discourse, social norms and basic family dynamics.

Though gangs and cartels in the region play a role in the violence, most women are killed by lovers, family members, husbands or partners - men angered by women acting independently, enraged by jealousy or, like Gehovany, driven by a deeply ingrained sense of control over women's lives.

Lubia's son crawled with purpose, clutching a toy truck he had just relieved of its back wheel.

The family watched in grateful distraction. Years after the murder, they still lived like prisoners, trapped between mourning and fear. A rust-colored stain blotted the floor where Lubia's mother died. The dimpled doorjamb, hacked by the machete, had not been repaired. Lubia's three younger sisters refused even to set foot in the bedroom where they hid during the attack.

Santiago Ramirez, Gehovany's brother, never went to prison, spared because of a mental illness. Neighbors often saw him walking the village streets.

Soon, Gehovany would be, too. The family worried the men would come back, to finish what they started.

"There's not much we can do," said Mr. Sasvin Dominguez, sending Lubia's son on his way with the toy truck. "We don't have the law in our hands."

He had no money to move and owned nothing but the house, which the family clung to but could hardly bear. His two sons lived in the United States and had families of their own to support. He hadn't seen them in years.

"I'm raising my daughters on my own now, four of them," he said.

He woke each morning at 3 a.m., hiking into the mountains to work as a farm hand. The girls, whose high cheekbones and raven-colored hair resembled their mother's, no longer went to school. With the loss of her income from selling knickknacks on the street, they couldn't afford to pay for it.

His youngest daughter especially loved classes: the routine, the books, the chance to escape her circumscribed world. But even she had resigned herself to voluntary confinement. The stares and whispers of classmates - and the teasing of especially cruel ones - had grown unbearable. In town, some residents openly blamed Lubia for what happened. Even her own aunts did.

"There's no justice here," said Lubia, who added that she wanted to shareher story with the public for that very reason. Her father did, too.

"When I was born, my mom or sister brought me food and drink," the judge said. "My sister cleaned up after me and washed my clothes. If I wanted water, she would get up from wherever she was and get it for me."

"We are molded to be served, and when that isn't accomplished, the violence begins," he said.

Across Guatemala, complaints of domestic violence have skyrocketed as more women come forward to report abuse. Every week, it seems, a new, gruesome case emerges in newspapers, of a woman tortured, mutilated or dehumanized. It is an echo of the systematic rape and torture women endured during the nation's 36-year civil war, which left an indelible mark on Guatemalan society.

But today, the countries with the highest rates of femicide in the region, like Guatemala, also suffer the highest homicide rates overall - often leaving the killing of women overlooked or dismissed as private domestic matters, with few national implications.

The result is more disparity. While murders in Guatemala have dropped remarkably over the last decade, there is a notable difference by gender: Homicides of men have fallen by 57 percent, while killings of women have declined more slowly, by about 39 percent, according to government data.

"The policy is to investigate violence that has more political interest," said Jorge Granados, the head of the science and technology department at Guatemala's National Institute of Forensic Sciences. "The public policy is simply not focused on the murder of women."

The femicide law required every region in the nation to install a specialized court focused on violence against women. But more than a decade later, only 13 of 22 are in operation.

"The abuse usually happens in the home, in a private context," said Evelyn Espinoza, the coordinator of the Observatory on Violence at Diálogos, a Guatemalan research group. "And the state doesn't involve itself in the home."

In Lubia's case, she fell in love with Gehovany in the fast, unstoppable way that teenagers do. By the time they moved in together, she was already pregnant.

But Gehovany's drinking, abuse and stultifying expectations quickly became clear. He wanted her home at all times, even when he was out, she said. He told her not to visit her family.

She knew Gehovany would consider her leaving a betrayal, especially being pregnant with his child. She knew society might, too. But she had to go, for the baby's sake, and was relieved to be free of him.

Until the night of Nov. 1, 2015, at around 9 p.m., when he came to reclaim her.

The New York Times tried to reach Gehovany, who fled after the killing and later turned himself in. But because he was a minor at the time of the murder, officials said, they could not arrange an interview or comment on the case.

His oldest brother, Robert Ramirez, argued that Gehovany had acted in self-defense and killed Lubia's mother accidentally.

Still, Mr. Ramirez defended his brother's decision to confront Lubia's family that night, citing a widely held view of a woman's place in Jalapa.

"He was right to go back and try to claim her," he said. "She shouldn't have left him."

He looked toward his own house, etched into a clay hillside, a thread of smoke from a small fire curling through the doorway.

"I'd never allow my wife to leave me," he said.

Mr. Sasvin Dominguez woke suddenly, startled by an idea.

He rushed to town in the dark, insects thrumming, a dense fog filling the mountains. In a single day, it was all arranged. He would sell his home and use the proceeds to flee to the United States.

The $6,500 was enough to buy passage for him and his youngest daughter, then 12. Traveling with a young child was cheaper, and often meant better treatment by American officials. At least, that's what the smuggler said.

He hoped to reach his sons in California. With luck, he could find work, support the girls back home - and get asylum for the entire family.

A week later, in October of last year, he left with his daughter. A guide crossed them into Mexico. Soon, they reached the side of a highway, where a container truck sat idling. Inside, men, women and children were packed tight, with hardly enough space to move.

That day, the smugglers called one of Mr. Sasvin Dominguez's sons, demanding an extra $400 to ferry the two across the river to Texas. If not, they would be tossed out of the safe house, left to the seething violence of Reynosa.

Mr. Sasvin Dominguez's son sent the money. Last-minute extortions have come to be expected. A day later, they boarded a raft and entered the United States.

They wandered the dense brush before they stumbled upon a border patrol truck and turned themselves in.

Mr. Sasvin Dominguez said he and his daughter spent four days in Texas, in a facility with no windows. The fluorescent glare of the overhead lights continued day and night, troubling their sleep. It was cold. The migrants called it the icebox.

When they were released in November, Mr. Sasvin Dominguez was fitted with an ankle bracelet and instructed to check in with the immigration authorities in San Francisco, where he could begin the long process of applying for asylum.

His son bought them bus tickets and met them at the station. It was the first time they had seen each other in seven years.

On a sunny day in June, Mr. Sasvin Dominguez shuffled to a park, his daughter riding in front, hunched over the bars of a pink bicycle meant for a girl half her age. Behind him, his son and grandson tottered along, hand in hand.

They traversed a quintessential American landscape - bungalows perched on tidy green yards, wide sidewalks shaded by soaring live oaks.

He and his daughter live in the family's modest one-bedroom apartment, now bursting at the seams. The trappings of suburban life fill the backyard: toolboxes, wheelbarrows, recycling bins.

But Mr. Sasvin Dominguez remains suspended in the sadness and fear he left behind in Guatemala. His other daughters are still trapped, and there is no money to move them.

Besides, he says, the journey north, even if they could afford it, is far too dangerous for three young women and a toddler to take on their own. His only hope, he says, is asylum.

That could take years, he is told, if it happens at all. A heavy backlog of cases is gumming up the courts. He does not even have a date yet for his first hearing.

In the meantime, he lives in self-imposed austerity, scared to embrace his new life, as if doing so might belittle the danger his daughters still face.

They sometimes visit their mother's grave, a green concrete box surrounded by paddle-shaped cactus.

"We are left here with nothing," Lubia said.

She still bears the stigma of what happened. Neighbors, men and women alike, continue to blame her for her mother's death. It doesn't surprise her anymore. Now 20, she says she understands that women almost always bear the blame for problems at home.

She worries about the world her son will grow up in, what she can teach him and what he will ultimately come to believe. One day, she will tell him about his father, she says, but not now, or anytime soon.

By then, she hopes to be in the United States, free of the poverty, violence and suffocating confines for women in Guatemala.

"Here in Guatemala," she said, "justice only exists in the law. Not in reality."

Meridith Kohutin Jalapa, Guatemala and Paulina Villegas in Mexico City contributed reporting.

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Women Are Fleeing Death at Home. The U.S. Wants to Keep Them Out.

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Violence against women is driving an exodus of migrants from Central America, but the Trump administration is determined to deny them asylum. Lubia Sasvin Pérez sitting on her mother's grave with her sisters Marleny, left, and Heidy. Lubia's former boyfriend, Gehovany Ramirez, murdered the sisters' mother. Credit...