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11 Common Problems Of Adolescence And Their Solutions

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11 Common Problems Of Adolescence And Their Solutions

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14-year-old Kevin was coming home late from school almost every day. He also seemed moody and distracted at home. He grew his hair long, was doing poorly at school and ate little. When his mother found a cigarette in his jacket, she knew there was a problem.

Adolescence is the age of change. It is a vulnerable time when kids can develop unhealthy habits that grow into problems in their adult life. Behavior issues of adolescence, which are quite common, also crop up during this time, making it impossible for parents to reach out to their teenagers.

MomJunction explains the major problems of adolescence and how you can help your children avoid or come out of them.

How To Deal With Common Problems Of Adolescence

Adolescence is not an easy time for kids or parents. The only way to deal with needs and problems at this age is to know about them and be ready to face them. Here is our list of the most common problems, and their solutions that adolescents have to deal with.

1. Physical changes

Physical changes happen due to change in the teenager's hormone levels.

Development of full breasts in girls can be awkward in the beginning. Girls may start to feel conscious about their figure.

Change of voice and appearance of facial hair in boys is perhaps the most prominent change that takes place during adolescence.

Acne is one of the major problems.

Muscle gain sometimes leads to excessive body weight in teens.

The growth of pubic hair in girls and boys.

Body odor becomes evident.

Girls start their periods.

Solution:

The best way you can do to help your teenager get through the stage is to make them aware of these changes.

[ Read: Physical Changes During Puberty ]

2. Emotional changes and problems

Hormones affect your teenager not only physically but also emotionally.

Adolescence is the age between adulthood and childhood. Teenagers are often confused about their role and are torn between their responsibilities as growing adults and their desires as children.

They tend to feel overly emotional (blame it on the hormones). Just about anything and everything can make them happy, excited, mad or angry.

Adolescent girls are vulnerable to crying.

Mood swings are common among teenage boys and girls.

Bodily changes result in self-consciousness.

Children who hit puberty early may even feel weird.

Feelings of inferiority or superiority may arise at this time.

Adolescence is the age when sexual feelings arise in youngsters. Feelings and thoughts about sex can trigger a sense of guilt.

Solution:

Puberty can be an emotional roller-coaster ride. And it is normal. Here is how you can help your kid deal with these emotional problems of adolescence.

Assist them to take care of themselves. Tell your teenagers that it is okay to feel the way they are feeling.

Encourage them to exercise as physical activity helps keep the serotonin (creates good feelings and happiness) levels up.

Let them talk. Listen to them without judging and avoid giving them advice when they are not ready for it.

Share your experiences of puberty or let them talk to an older sibling who has gone through the same. It will emphasize that it is okay to feel the way they do.

Indulging in a creative activity can help them channelize their emotions.

[ Read: Emotional Problems In Adolescence ]

3. Behavioral changes

Overwhelming emotions can lead to impulsive behavior, which can be harmful to your child as well as others. Mostly, it is just teen behavior that will last as long as their adolescence.

Adolescence is the time when kids develop and exercise their independence. This can give rise to questioning the parents' rules (seen as argumentative) and standing up for what they believe is right (seen as stubbornness).

The raging hormones in teenage boys can even push them to get into physical confrontations. They would also want to listen to loud music.

As a part of their new-found independence, adolescents may also want to try new things and take risks, resulting in careless behavior.

Sometimes, peer pressure and the need to 'fit in' can make them behave in a certain way or develop certain habits that are hard to break.

Your teen's dressing, hairstyle, and sense of fashion also change, mostly to something that you may not approve of.

The most troubling behavior is perhaps your teen hanging out with problem kids and adapting to a dangerous lifestyle.

Lying is one of the common teen behavioral issues. Teens may lie to avoid confrontation with parents or out of fear.

Solution:

Behavioral problems in adolescence can make life difficult for parents. But remember that it is a passing phase, and is entirely normal.

Gaining your child's trust is important if you want to help him with behavioral issues. Talk to them and listen to what they have to say. Do not judge or criticize them, as it could worsen their behavior.

Let them know that you love them just as they are. Encourage them to be true to themselves and not take on a personality just to please others.

You will have to intervene if you see them falling into bad company. Remember that adolescents are sensitive and may not take criticism well.

[ Read: Strong Willed Child ]

4. Substance Use and Abuse

Teenagers are vulnerable and can be easily swayed to the wrong side. Substance abuse is one of the biggest problems that parents of adolescents around the world have to deal with.

Peer pressure is one of the significant factors that drive adolescents to take up smoking and drinking or to do drugs.

The tendency to take risk encourages most teens to try smoking or drinking even before they are of legal age.

What may start as a 'thrill', can become a habit if it remains unchecked.

If there is somebody who smokes or drinks at home, they can become your teen's role models.

Poor self-esteem and the need to be 'cool' can push adolescents to smoke or drink.

Easy access to substances like cigarettes, alcohol, drugs, and anabolic steroids may increase the temptation to try illicit substances.

Solution:

Keep an eye on your child's behavior. Look for erratic behavior and change in his or her appetite, sleep patterns, and moods.

Do not spy on them or accuse them of any wrongdoing. Encourage them to talk and be honest. Tell them what your concerns are and discuss the problem with them.

If your child is not willing to talk to you, the doctors can ask confidential questions to know if they are abusing any substances. Avoid going as far as a drug test, as that may come across as confrontational and threaten the kid.

If necessary, get your adolescent the appropriate treatment.

5. Educational challenges

High school is not all about fashion, friends, and parties. Kids also have a lot of educational activities on their plate.

Solution:

6. Health problems

Adolescents are vulnerable emotionally and physically. Without proper nutrition and healthcare, they are susceptible to illnesses. According to a 2015 WHO report, 1.3 million adolescents died in 2015, a majority of who had preventable diseases.

Teenagers have a hectic schedule as they hop from one activity to another with little time to eat or rest properly. Unhealthy eating habits prevent them from getting the nutrition they need.

Consciousness about their body can lead to eating disorders, especially in girls. Adolescent girls who worry about their weight and appearance can develop disorders like anorexia or bulimia.
Stress can also lead to loss of appetite and sleeplessness in young children.

Unhealthy eating habits and a less active lifestyle could also lead to obesity - this is often the case when your child consumes a lot of empty calories through fast food and sodas.

Solution:

Parental guidance can help abate health problems in adolescence to maintain a healthy lifestyle. Lead by example and encourage your children to eat healthy food, exercise right and sleep on time.

Ensure they get nutrition through their meals. Give them a balanced diet.

Be there for them emotionally and physically as this will help them deal with any possible disorders.

[ Read: What Causes Stress In Teens ]

7. Psychological problems

Research has revealed that around 50% of mental health disorders that adults have, begin at the age of 14. In fact, one-third of adolescent deaths are suicides triggered by depression (1). If your child is overly moody and is not eating or sleeping at all, it is imperative you get professional help for them.

Teenagers may have self-esteem or confidence issues. The feelings of inferiority or superiority often arise from their appearance, and acceptance of their body - skin color, beauty, and figure.

Poor performance in academics and low IQ can also demotivate them. They develop the 'I'm not good enough' attitude towards life.

Depression is one of the common psychological problems associated with adolescence.

The stress and pressure of adolescence can create anxiety related issues, while mood swings can lead to conduct disorder or oppositional defiant disorder.

Eating disorders are also psychosomatic as they start with the adolescent having a poor self-image and the need to change the way they look by any means.

Solution:

While moodiness and temper tantrums are normal in teenage girls and boys, they may not always be what they seem. Identifying symptoms of psychological problems in adolescence is not easy and needs the eye of an expert.

Most of the time, talking about the problems and maintaining a healthy lifestyle can prevent the onset of depression.

If your child is overly moody and cynical, it is time to intervene and seek professional help if necessary.

Sometimes, your teenage girl or boy may be unhappy only at home, and doing fine outside. Talk to the child's teachers and friends to know if they are moody and disoriented at school as well. If they are, then it is a cause for concern.

Do not brush away their feelings, as that can make things worse.

8. Social problems - dating and relationships

Attraction to the opposite sex begins during puberty. Adolescence is the time when their sexual or reproductive organs start developing. At such a vulnerable time, it is but natural for kids to feel awkward in social situations.

Teenagers want to have an identity of their own. They tend to look up to role models at home or outside.

Adolescents also start thinking about what is 'right' and 'wrong' and question your take on certain things.

They need time to understand and get comfortable with their sexuality. Girls and boys start experiencing 'weird' feelings towards the other sex and may not know what to do about it.

This is the time they start dating. Your adolescent may not be comfortable talking to you about it and may go with little information or misinformation they have about it.

Competition is another important aspect of a teenager's social life. Your child may compete with her peers in about anything and everything. Their spirit of competition speaks a lot about their perception of self - whether they have a positive self-esteem or a negative one.

Sexual feelings and thoughts of sex may seem wrong to an adolescent, because of which they may feel guilty.

Their social circle expands during this time as they seem occupied interacting with friends on social media sites, through their phone and outside.

Solution:

Here is how you can deal with social problems of adolescence -

[ Read: Social Changes During Puberty ]

9. Sexual health - unplanned pregnancy and STIs

The development of secondary sexual characteristics during adolescence gives rise to new feelings in teenagers and pushes them to experiment with their bodies.

Solution:

10. Addiction to cyberspace

The advent of social media has changed the way we interact with each other. It has affected teenage lifestyles the most.

Your teen may seem to spend hours on phone, texting, talking or simply playing.

Adolescents addicted to the internet tend to have fewer friends and a less active social life. They lead solitary lives and are happy browsing the internet for hours. (2)

Addiction to cyberspace also cuts short their physical activities, resulting in an unhealthy and sedentary lifestyle.

Internet addiction adversely impacts academic performance.

Solution:

Do not assume that your child is addicted to the internet just because he or she spends a lot of time in front of the computer. They could be doing more productive things on the system other than surfing the net.

Do not say 'no' to the Internet. That will only make them adamant. Instead, talk about your concerns and help them work on other things that do not require a computer.

You could use parental controls, but that may not be taken well by your teen - remember that they are not kids anymore. At the same time, they may also not have the judgment to make the right choices. So guide them as a parent, but never decide for them.

Enroll them in activities that encourage them to interact with others. Have family activities that will make them want to spend less time at the computer.

11. Aggression and violence

Aggression is especially a concern with adolescent boys. Young boys start to develop muscles, grow tall and have a coarser, manly voice. In addition to that, they are moody and vulnerable and can let others get under their skin.

Adolescent boys can get into fights at school.

Worse, they could start bullying others, which is a major problem that adolescent boys and girls have to deal with.

Boys may fall into bad company and be drawn to acts of violence, vandalism, and aggression. They could be easily swayed to own or use a firearm or a weapon too.

Impulse acts of violence can lead to serious consequences, including death. According to the WHO report, interpersonal violence causes around 180 adolescent deaths around the world.

Teenage girls are likely to suffer violence or aggression by a partner.

Solution:

Children tend to imitate what they see at home. The following remedies for problems of adolescence will help abate aggression, violence and related issues.

Teach your children to be kind and considerate. Nurturing relationships at home can help them become less aggressive.

Prevent access to firearms and alcohol early to prevent violence.

Teach them life skills and the importance of compassion. Lead them by being their model.

Avoid exposing them to violent stories, games or movies at an age when they cannot differentiate between what is right and wrong.

[ Read: How To Control Aggression In Adolescence ]

When You Know, You Can Help

You may have been a teenager yourself. But once you become a parent to a teen, you seem clueless. Think about it - your adolescent is at an age that you have already been through. Be empathetic and try to understand what your child is going through. That makes dealing with their problems easier.

Do you have any tips on how to deal with adolescence problems? Tell us about them in our comments section.

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problems of adolescence and its solution

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11 Common Problems Of Adolescence And Their Solutions

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14-year-old Kevin was coming home late from school almost every day. He also seemed moody and distracted at home. He grew his hair long, was doing poorly at school and ate little. When his mother found a cigarette in his jacket, she knew there was a problem. Adolescence is the age of change.

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Top 10 Social Issues Teens Struggle With Today

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Top 10 Social Issues Teens Struggle With Today

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Social issues are problems that affect large groups of people and can affect how well a society functions. Teens can face social problems just like adults can. They may even be more susceptible to these challenges because their brains are still developing and their bodies are changing quickly. Social issues and what we might think of as "teenage problems" can affect emotional and physical health.

Advances in technology also mean that today's teens are facing new and different social issues. Electronic media has changed or amplified some teenage troubles: Digital communication has changed the way teens interact with their peers and romantic interests, for example.

Digital life also means that many teens lack essential interpersonal communication skills like knowing how to pick up on social cues. Much of this dysfunction can be linked to the use of technology (but on the flip side, virtual socializing and learning were essential during the COVID-19 pandemic).

Teens' social media and texting habits are changing the way they communicate, date, learn, sleep, exercise, and more. The average teen spends over eight hours each day using electronic devices.

While not all social issues are linked to technology, many have complicated relationships with tech and media use. These are the top 10 social issues teens struggle with every day.

Depression

According to the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), an estimated 4.1 million adolescents in the United States had at least one major depressive episode in 2020. That means 17% of American teenagers may experience depression before reaching adulthood. Data from NIMH also shows that depression is much more prevalent in female teens (25.2%) than male teens (9.2%) and among teens who reported two or more races (29.9%).

Spending too much time on electronic devices may be preventing young people from in-person activities with their peers, such as sports, which can help ward off depression. They also experience new conditions like "fear of missing out" or FOMO, which further leads to feelings of loneliness and isolation.

Depressive disorders are treatable, but it's important to seek professional help. If your teen seems withdrawn, experiences a change in sleep patterns, or starts to perform badly in school, schedule an appointment with your teen's physician or contact a mental health professional. Do not delay getting help for your teen if you notice these symptoms.

About 22% of teens in the U.S. experienced bullying in 2019, according to the National Center for Education Statistics. Research suggests that social media has made bullying much more public and more pervasive. Cyberbullying has replaced bullying as the most common type of harassment that teens experience.

To help guard against these kinds of teenage troubles, talk to your teen about bullying regularly. Discuss what they can do when they witness bullying and talk about options if they become a target themselves. Being proactive is key to helping your child deal with a bully.

It's also important to talk to your child about when and how to get help from an adult. Talking about how someone has humiliated them is never an easy topic. But asking for help is not a sign of weakness; it's a show of courage.

Sexual Activity

In the 2019 Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System (YRBSS) survey, 38% of high school students reported that they had ever had sex; 27.4% said they were currently sexually active. That represents a decline over the past decade (46% had ever had sex in 2009; 34% were currently sexually active).

The teen birth rate has declined over the past decade as well. In 2020, the teen birth rate was 15.4 (births for every 1,000 females ages 15-19), a decline of 8% from 2019 and 75% from the 1991 peak of 61.8. These teen births accounted for less than 5% of total births.

The decline in pregnancy doesn't necessarily mean teens are using contraceptives, however. Just over half of sexually active teens reported using a condom in their last sexual encounter, according to YRBSS data, while about 31% used hormonal birth control and 9% used both.

Parents may not be aware that their children are sexually active. Talk to your teen about sex and the importance of safe sex practices, even if you don't think your child is engaging in sexual activity.

In 2021, about 3% of teens surveyed (in 8th, 10th, and 12th grades) reported using marijuana daily. Marijuana use exceeds cigarette use in teens now, and is at its . In fact, many teens believe marijuana is less harmful now than in years past. This new perception may be due to the changing laws surrounding marijuana.

Teen use of other substances is declining, according to the Monitoring the Future Survey published by the National Institute on Drug Abuse. While this decline has been noted since the survey began in 1975, decreases in 2021 were "steep and atypical."

Still, it's important to have regular conversations with your teen about the dangers of drugs. And don't forget to mention the dangers of prescription drugs, too. Many teens do not recognize the dangers of taking a friend's prescription or popping a few pills that are not prescribed to them.

Teens often underestimate how easy it is to develop an addiction. And they don't understand the risks associated with overdosing. Be sure you are talking about these risks on a consistent basis.

Alcohol Use

As of 2021, alcohol use and binge drinking continued to show a significant decline among teenagers. Still, 26% of high school seniors surveyed still report drinking alcohol within the past month.

Talk to teens about the risks of underage drinking. Educate them about the dangers, including the fact that alcohol can take a serious toll on a teenager's developing brain. Also, do not shy away from expressing your disapproval of underage drinking. Saying you don't approve can make a big difference in whether your teen decides to drink.

About 22% of 12- to 19-year-olds in the U.S. are obese, according to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) data. Hispanic and Black children are more likely to be overweight or obese than White or Asian children.

Overweight children and teens are often targeted by bullies. Obese kids also are at a much greater risk of lifelong health problems, such as diabetes, arthritis, cancer, and heart disease. They also may struggle with body image issues or develop eating disorders as an unhealthy way of changing their appearance.

Talk to your child's pediatrician about the weight and body mass appropriate for your teen's height and age and inquire about the steps you can take to ensure your teen is healthy. Then, if your doctor does recommend a healthier eating plan or exercise, find ways to support and empower your teen.

Academic Problems

About 5% of high school students drop out of high school each year in the United States, according to the National Center for Education Statistics. A high school dropout is likely to earn $200,000 less over his lifetime when compared to a high school graduate, which can have a significant impact on a young person's future.

But it's no longer just "troubled teens" who are dropping out of school. Some teens feel so much pressure to get into a good college that they burning themselves out before they graduate from high school. Stay involved in your teen's education. Provide support and guidance and be ready to assist your teen if they encounter problems.

Peer Pressure

While peer pressure has affected teens for generations, social media brings it to a whole new level. Sexting, for example, is a major cause for concern; many teens do not understand the lifelong consequences that sharing explicit photos can have on their lives.

But sharing inappropriate photos is not the only thing kids are being pressured into doing. Teens face pressure to have sex, use drugs or alcohol, and even bully others. To keep your kids from falling victim to peer pressure, give them skills to make healthy choices, and to resist peer pressure.

Also, talk to teens about what to do if they make a mistake. Sometimes, kids may be afraid to seek help when they make poor choices. It's important that your teen feels safe coming to you when they have a problem. Demonstrate that you can listen without judging or overreacting and instead find healthy ways for them to make amends and move on.

Social Media

Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter can be great ways for teens to connect with one another, but social media can be problematic for several reasons. Social media can expose your teen to cyberbullying, slut-shaming, and so much more. And, while there are some benefits to social media, there are a lot of risks as well.

Social media can have a negative impact on friendships and is changing the way teens date. It can even impact their mental health. And no matter what precautions you take, teens are likely to be exposed to unsavory people, unhealthy images, and sexual content online.

Help your teen learn how to navigate social media in a healthy way. Talk about ways to stay safe online. And most importantly, know what your teen is doing online. Educate yourself about the latest apps, websites, and social media pages teens are using and take steps to keep your teen safe. You may also want to take steps to limit your teen's screen time.

On-Screen Violence

Teenagers are going to witness some violent media at one time or another. And it's not just TV, music, and movies that depict violence. Many of today's violent video games portray gory scenes and disturbing acts of aggression. Over the past couple of decades, studies have linked these violent images to a lack of empathy and even aggressive behavior.

Other studies have shown the number one factor in determining how kids relate to media is how their parents think and act. That means the more violence parents watch, the more likely they are to think it's OK for their kids to view.

Pay attention to your teen's media use. Don't allow teens to watch R-rated movies or to play M-rated video games. It's not healthy for them to consume that material in excess and unsupervised.

Also, talk to your teen about the dangers of being exposed to violent images and monitor your teen's mental state. It's also important to talk about sexual situations and racial stereotypes that your teen might see.

Teens need to learn how to identify what is good and what is bad about the media. It helps them become a healthier consumer when they can think objectively about what they are seeing online, in the movie theater, or in a video game.

How to Talk to Your Teen

Bringing up any difficult subjects with your teen can feel uncomfortable. And your teen isn't likely to respond well to a lengthy lecture or too many direct questions. But having a conversation with your teen about social issues and other teenage troubles is not something you should shy away from.

Even when it seems like they are not listening, you are the most influential person in your teen's life. It is important to lay a strong foundation before the window of opportunity closes.

A good way to strike up a conversation about drugs, sex, vaping, or other uncomfortable situations is to ask a question like, "Do you think this is a big issue at your school?"

Listen to what your teen has to say. Try not to be judgmental, but make your expectations and opinions clear. It is important that your teen understands that you don't condone certain behaviors and that they know the consequences of breaking your rules.

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The Top 10 Social Issues Teens Face in the Digital World

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Teens face a lot of problems, from cyberbullying to sex to academic and peer pressure. Here are some of the biggest social issues teens experience today, and how you can help with teenage troubles.

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I took a good look at my teenager, followed him around, interviewed him and other teenagers, did some research, and this is what I found.
Teen Issues

Recently, I attended a school program with other parents of teenagers. The conversation was mainly complaints about raising teenagers. Each parent was only adding items to the list of complaints, but offering no solutions. I searched the net, but the result wasn't much different... most articles are about how to get your teen to clean their rooms or be more responsible, how to handle rebellious, defiant, out-of-control, aggressive teens... but not much is written from the teenager's perspective.

This got me thinking that what we need today is to look at the problem in a different light. I took a good look at the teenager I raise, followed him around, spoke to him awhile, talked with other teenagers, and this is what I found.

10 Most Common Issues Teenagers Face Today

1. They suffer from negative body image.

2. They long to belong to supportive and accepting communities beyond their family.

3. They experience stress and difficulty prioritizing and managing their time.

4. They feel lots of pressure from peers, parents, and society to conform to conflicting expectations.

5. They are at risk of mental and physical health issues.

6. They lack good mentors, role models, and heroes.

7. They are tempted to begin unhealthy patterns with drugs and alcohol.

8. They are exposed to on-screen violence and unhealthy social media.

9. They face bullying-online and off.

10. They may participate in risky sexual activity and behavior.

Each of these is described fully below, with suggestions for how a parent can help navigate or avoid these problems.

Common Problems That Teenagers Face Today

1. Issues With Body image

During the transition from childhood to adulthood, while their bodies are morphing into new shapes and sizes, teens are struggling to come to terms with their bodies and get comfortable inside their own skins. The cherubic child is gone and they are left looking at a stranger in the mirror: gawky, gangly, hairy, zitty, and unfamiliar.

Eating disorders (including anorexia, bulimia, binge-eating, etc.) typically start just before and during adolescence, and 95% of people with eating disorders are between 12 and 25 years old. (SAMHSA). Eating disorders can affect a teen's health, mood, relationships, and day-to-day functioning.

Eating disorders affect women more than men, but more young men are more prone to something called muscle dysmorphia, where they become unhealthily obsessed with being bigger and more muscular.

Even if the discontentment with their body doesn't cause them to excessively exercise or make themselves sick, the ongoing and pervasive feeling that their bodies are "not right" can have many lasting negative affects on their lives.

2. An Unmet Need for Community and Identity

I see many teenagers struggling to find a place in society, wanting to be recognized by their peers and accepted for what they are. This is one of the most important tasks of their lives at this juncture and they are faced with a lot of anxiety and insecurity as they work around this.

When teens get the message that they don't fit in and don't belong here, it can lead to feelings of isolation, disconnect, and depression. The television shows marketed to this age group normalize bullying, premarital sex, aggressive and violent behavior, and rule-breaking. You are cool only if you own all the brands. What is a teen to do? Is it their fault if they are confused, defiant, or out-of-control?

Take my son as an example. He was brought up to be respectful, helpful, kind, gentle, tolerant, follow moral and biblical principles of honesty, integrity etc., but in the world, he gets the message that these values are passé. Even his friends don't accept him, though they know that when they are in trouble they can turn to him for help.

He is like most teenagers who haven't yet found a group of friends that accepts and loves them the way they are. This feeling of not-belonging is prevalent and affects all aspects of a teen's life.

3. Time-Management Stress

Stress increases at school and the older they get, the number of projects to be done, tests to cope with, and social drama increases, not to mention sports and other extracurricular activities. On the social front, a new and tantalizing horizon opens up-dating, partying, and hanging out with friends. Meanwhile, they are constantly distracted by electronic media. A teenager learning to juggle all of these expectations is under a lot of stress.

The teen is suddenly expected to act like an adult. They are expected to manage their work independently, make and follow through on the right decisions, and manage their finances. Though most parents complains about filthy bedrooms, untidy shelves and cabinets, smelly socks, missing stuff, I wonder... where is the time!? They simply can't do it all, and the pressure makes them more prone to anxiety and depression.

4. Social and P arental Pressure

Oftentimes, parents live through their children and expect their kids to achieve everything they wanted but did not have. Expecting the teenager to get good grades, have great friends, excel in extracurricular activities, and be well-behaved, responsible for themselves and sometimes for their younger siblings is a lot of pressure. Added to this is peer pressure. To be accepted among peers and to become "popular," teens feel pressured to conform in their tastes, behaviors, and appearance.

When all the people surrounding the teenager are attempting to mold him/her into a different shape, the pressure builds. Parents, teachers, family elders, siblings, friends, schoolmates, and social groups all play a part and pull the teenager in different directions.

5. Mental and Physical Health Issues

All of these things affect a teenager's health:

Poor nutrition. The eating habits of teens are poor and unmonitored. They are urged towards eating disorders, either starving themselves or binging on unhealthy, fatty, high-calorie junk food.

Lack of sleep. In an effort to do and be it all, the teen sacrifices sleep. They require about nine hours of sleep but on average, teens get roughly seven hours. This means that every day, they are running at a deficit.

Depression and anxiety. Hormonal changes, added to the chaos and strain of scheduling, prioritizing, achieving, and fulfilling expectations, put a teen under considerable emotional pressure. This is reflected in mood swings, aggression, depression, anxiety, and sometimes even a complete breakdown.

Mental and physical health are connected. If your teen isn't healthy physically, it will have an affect on his psychology, and vice-versa.

6. A Lack of Positive Role Models and Heroes

Often the biggest bullies, richest spoilt brats, and the most self-destructive kids are held up as the most enviable and popular. The media glorifies these people, and bad behavior is applauded in movies, sports, and music. Wherever they go, our children are fed on a diet of lousy role models and are imbibing the depraved values of those "heroes" portrayed in the media.

7. Drugs and Alcohol

33.2% of high school seniors in the US reported drinking alcohol within the past month.

In 2017, by their senior year in high school, 5.9% of teenagers in the US had a daily habit of using marijuana.

In 2017, an annual survey of drug and alcohol use among teens in the US found that almost 40% of all 12th-graders surveyed had used some kind of illicit drug in the past year, and 55.7% had used alcohol.

Both alcohol and marijuana can damage a teenager's developing brain. It's so important to talk to them to find out what is happening in their school and peer group, discover what they're exposed to, and educate your kid about the dangers.

When used responsibly, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and other social platforms can be great ways for teens to connect with the world, but when used irresponsibly, they are problematic. Violent video games promote aggression and violence. Going online exposes teens to bad characters, mean people, unhealthy images, porn, violence, and sexual content. No matter what you do, there's no way to protect them entirely. It's up to parents to know what kids are doing online and teach them how to interact with the internet safely. To learn more, read How Does Social Media Affect Teens?

9. Bullying

Approximately 30% of teens in the US have been affected by bullying-either as a victim or as a perpetrator. 1 in 3 students in the US say they have been bullied at school, but now bullying happens online, too. Many don't know that bullying can be direct or indirect, which includes gossip and rumor-spreading. Many kids don't even know what cyberbullying is or fully understand the potentially damaging effect of their online behaviors.

10. Risky Sexual Activity and Behavior

According to the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), more than half of teenagers in the US have had sex by age 18. Although there has been a decline in teen pregnancy in recent years, that doesn't necessarily mean they are using protection: Out of 20 million new STD diagnoses each year, more than half of those affected are between the ages of 15 and 24.

Despite the facts, surveys consistently show that most parents don't think their children are sexually active. Again, it's so important to talk to your kids about sex, even if you don't think they're having it.

Helping Teens Deal With the Problems They Face

Teens today are forced to live at a very superficial level, on the edge of society, with no acceptance and very little positive affirmation. They are expected to learn how to live from the internet and television, where they find little emphasis on moral value or personal excellence. What a paradox is the life of a teenager is today!

In 2016, the rate of suicide for 15- to 24-year-olds was 13.15%.

What Can Parents Do to Help Their Teenagers?
What we need is a paradigm shift of who our teens are and a clearer view of our role as parents.

We need to look at ways to help teens, amp up our parenting skills, stop complaining, and take responsibility for our teens to right now.

We cannot ignore our parental duties. Even though they're in their teens, they still need us, just as they did when they were little. Cell phones, computers, and other gadgets that they spend time with cannot give them the nurturing they need.

Provide a healthy and complete meal whenever you pack it or put it on the table. Make vegetables and fruits interesting.

Build lines of communication that are so strong that your children always look to you as allies instead of enemies. Communicate positively and avoid commands and I-told-you-sos.

Discuss and establish rules for chores, homework, driving, dating, sex, and drug and alcohol use. Keep talking about all these issues.

Let them know that you don't always have all the answers and you are not always right. Listen to their opinions and offer help whenever needed.

Be graceful enough to thank, appreciate, and love them at every possible occasion.

Punishing teenagers does not really work, but disciplining teenagers does. Make sure your policies are helping instead of hurting.

Be willing to listen to their point of view. Give it a good thought before you trash it. An encouraging and supporting attitude goes a long way.

Fear of failure is one of the greatest reason for stress, so help them manage their anxiety and build self-esteem.

Look out for signs of stress, anxiety, lack of concentration, poor eating habits, poor oral and personal hygiene, disturbances in sleep, and plummeting of interest in social activities, and address them immediately.

If your teen shows any signs of anxiety or depression, get them help immediately.

Most importantly, let them know that you care!

Wishing you all success!

Kids go where there is excitement. They stay where there is love.

- Zig Ziglar

This content is accurate and true to the best of the author's knowledge and is not meant to substitute for formal and individualized advice from a qualified professional.
Questions & Answers

Question: As a teenager, what can I do to live a holy life?

Answer: Read your Bible and follow what it tells you. No one has better counsel than the holy scriptures.

Shauna waddell on July 30, 2020:

I want to move forwards towards my boyfriend justin wright

oprah on June 30, 2020:

thank you so much for this article.i am a teenager myself and still going through the struggles mentioned above and really taking everything a step at a time .

maria on June 21, 2020:

I'm a teanager myself. I feel like I am lost. Because my life isn't simple. And what I thought was this is only my problem. Thanks for this article it helped me realise that many teanagers face many problems like I do. I really appreciate you for writing this article. Thank you so much. It opened my eyes. May God bless you.

Neville Reay on May 31, 2020:

i liked the way you described the problems of teenagers and the remedy.I am a teacher.

Scott Golden on February 19, 2020:

I was surprised to notice that you haven't included in your list of issues, commonly experienced by teenagers, the matter of Sexual Orientation and struggling to come to terms with being Gay / Lesbian or Gender Dysphoria.

It is well known that this is the source of considerable anxiety for teenagers and may lead to many incidents of fear, depression, self-harm and even suicide!

I think it is worthy of inclusion in its own right, and note that you haven't even touched upon it specifically neither alluded to it which I feel is remiss.

Perhaps you might consider it when you are updating your blog.

Gamers rise up on January 21, 2020:

"Violent video games promote aggression and violence."

This is fricking false. The fact that parents even think this only makes me realize how much like boomers they are.

Ashutosh singh Maura on January 16, 2020:

Very impressive and nice key points

helped me a lot

THANKS

gelliefer aga on November 18, 2019:

I have a public speaking lesson and this article really pick my attention...i also experienced most of the information you wrote on my past teen years and it also opened my eyes because i have my kids too...i'm looking forward for other informative articles you will be posting,God bless you

Nikki on October 20, 2019:

I really appreciate and like this article. And I really agree that teenagers also have a tough time. I'm a teenager myself, and I feel like there's too much pressure from parents, friends, peers, school, society, and how nobody understands what me or other teenagers are facing at all.

Sharon on October 17, 2019:

Thanks for the information

it really helped me so much , I even took notes from this

hope to learn more

Madhav on September 27, 2019:

Thankyu very much for this i am very thankful to the person who has provided such a marvelous information and solutions regarding that i loved it seriously

Derrick Rose on September 09, 2019:

Thanks for this

Derrick allen on September 04, 2019:

thank you for the research in all of this. i am writing a book geared towards teens and the problems that they face in today's society. this helped a lot

Duane on August 14, 2019:

thank you! I'm a young Youth Pastor and I really do want to connect with my kids not just dumping information at them.

Ogbodo precious O on August 09, 2019:

This is so helpful

... on July 09, 2019:

thanks! really helpful!

Jane on June 30, 2019:

This might help

Karm on June 12, 2019:

This was a very big help to my thesis tank's

Faye on May 18, 2019:

Wow! This is sooooo helpful!!! I'm not a parent but this will guide me in influencing teenagers around me. Thank you so much!!!!

No name on May 12, 2019:

This help me for my project

Anne Moriarty on April 01, 2019:

Thx! I found this article to be very helpful. I'm a tapping (EFT) coach working with teens, kids and families so I'm always on the lookout for info on what's going on in their lives. This article validates much of what I believed to be true for teens, which is helpful when I'm working with them to relieve stress and release trauma.

I especially appreciate the solutions you offer. Like you, I hear a lot of complaints and not as much focus on problem-solving. I'm committed to being part of the solution, to give them tools which minimize the natural body tendency to hang onto negative energy and thereby create unhealthy patterns and actions.

I signed up so I can follow this group.

Debbie on March 04, 2019:

This helped me a lot. Awesome

great on February 11, 2019:

great information; helped me with my essay!

eya on February 06, 2019:

i like that very much

we need to know more about ourself

i hope parents can understand this

and support their children

Akshay on January 10, 2019:

it helped me very much and is very motivational

Tùng on December 02, 2018:

Good page it will help me alot

Sophie (author) on November 26, 2018:

Thanks for taking the time to read it. Greatly appreciated.

Aganyo on November 26, 2018:

Thanks for the article, i liked going through it

Sophie (author) on November 16, 2018:

Glad you think so

Fzeeshan on November 16, 2018:

all of it is extremely trueeeeee

Sophie (author) on November 06, 2018:

That is life. Being able to prioritize and manage your time is important too.

Cj on October 30, 2018:

I agree I always have bullshit homework that I wish I could die cometimes bc of how much there is and like I need to deal with homework and my girlfriend so it's very hard

alex dibdobs fawcett on September 26, 2018:

no u wrong

haonda on September 10, 2018:

how teen settle money problem

Kajal Agarwal on August 05, 2018:

Awesome...

arjun on June 28, 2018:

It has helped me to know about teen and their problems

arjun on June 28, 2018:

It has helped me to know about teen and their problems

Shianne on June 17, 2018:

well I'm a teen and what I have to say is that this year ive been bullied and yes that causes a lot of stress. yes I do know this I have depression because of school and yes I dont like it but thats life and we need to take care about it

Miz on February 05, 2018:

Really good.... I hope every parent reads n realises this though n try to understand teens.... it's difficult coping up without parents trusting u... like ssly my parents wud still think tht I'm at fault even after reading something like this

Minerva Rodriguez on December 13, 2017:

Just found your articles, do you want to read more. Will put some advice and ideas in practice hoping to be able to help my child heal. Thanks.

kidatschooldoingreserch on December 05, 2017:

not good for a texan.

wEST on October 25, 2017:

Wow great article

Dione on October 24, 2015:

I feel like every single point here is my life. Help me!

rose on August 01, 2015:

many of a teens problem of family so the child not found it

so u can love your child

tanya on June 01, 2014:

Nice

AnnaHudson on April 02, 2014:

Thank you for such an insightful and considerate article! I'm thinking about a series for young adults that include some of these issues. Thanks again! Oh, one last thing, God bless you!

deeshana on February 26, 2014:

serious man its very informative im lovin it .serious atleast one person in this whole universe understands teenagers feelings and hope parents to understand and encourage the same way instead of cribbing .

AHALYA 2014 TAMILNADU on January 15, 2014:

Teens are getting depreesion because of schools activities . a very topic

STRESS & STRAIN FACED BY TEENAGERS i am looking forward for many topics. BYE .......... ,......

simon paul sutton on November 03, 2013:

Great article covering some key points and solutions and spreading awareness in the areas most shy away from. The sooner all see that the teenagers of today create our culture and society for the next generations the better. Many talk of creating a new earth but look at the core creators and what they endure. If we set the foundations right for our youth then the rest takes care of itself in terms of functioning society and communication. Thank you for the post

Avinesh Prahladi from Chandigarh on October 10, 2013:

It is very important that you listen to the teens and while doing this, make sure that you are calm and composed. Understanding what they are trying to express is very important, this will build a confidence in them that at least someone is there for them all the time.

Avinesh Prahladi from Chandigarh on September 22, 2013:

Being a father of a teenager, I found that this hub was quite helpful to me. It was good to know the things that can help in the ideal upbringing of your kid. Well, I will definitely keep the discussed things in mind, so that I could be a better parent.

Ebonny from UK on July 30, 2013:

A thought provoking read. Thank you for sharing. Voted up etc.

mathira from chennai on July 14, 2013:

sofs, excellent hub. This transition period from childhood to adolescence is the toughest period faced by the parent as well as by the child.

buikees v a on July 13, 2013:

greatly helped us.

angel on April 23, 2013:

wow! you've created a very inspirational and motivational topics about teenager's life!a love it.. i hope you'll write some ways on how would teenagers love themselves more and avoid stupid insecurity.. =)

soul burgers on April 08, 2013:

Keep going ...nice start...

poonam on March 14, 2013:

too much perfect pointz :)

Arati Suryawanshi on February 28, 2013:

Wonderful information but sadly no share is provided.

arshia on February 11, 2013:

great and awesome..............

sssseeeee on January 31, 2013:

coolllllllll

gagri on January 19, 2013:

nice

Darren Curtis from Reading, UK on December 29, 2012:

This is a great article and fits really well with the book "I'm a parent get me out of here, before I kill my teenager", which was written to help parents change the way they deal with their child or teenager and help the communication process.

unknown on October 07, 2012:

every teenager and even parent should visit this sight and solve all the problems that are faced by the teenagers..............................................

kylzkie on October 05, 2012:

hai thankz for this article.. it helps me a lot in doing a script in our activity in school regarding tha teenagers problem and a good way in solving this.... thankz a lot...

vimbai on September 26, 2012:

This is so true.Thank you wish to read more...

tamar on September 18, 2012:

thank you:)

shnatiea gibson on September 15, 2012:

well my intex on this is that in many cases some people look to teen as a bad person . and i hope this chapter in my book inrail alot because we are ot bad but in our own eyes just trying to fit in with the crowd it sometimes best to not be a follower but to go your own way

Sophie (author) on September 10, 2012:

KK20girl, Thanks. Appreciate that!

kk202girl on September 06, 2012:

great information really good

Sophie (author) on July 13, 2012:

Thanks Rathi. Have a great day.

rathi on July 12, 2012:

info's quite good and helpful

Sophie (author) on July 04, 2012:

ljeoma, you need to live for the values you believe in , not to make a mark on someone.. you will eventually do that when you live according to the high standards you set for yourself. Best wishes to you.

Ijeoma(Nigeria) on June 30, 2012:

Having to be a good child as the only daughter and first child out of two children has given me a great challenge to leave a good mark for my younger brother to follow, I'm glad I have learn more from your educative information, because being a teenager is a very complex stage in ones life dealing with peer pressure, stress,anger and still having to meet up with the African standards,especially"Nigeria" is my challenge.

Sophie (author) on June 29, 2012:

Thanks LongTimeMother for that reassurance.!

LongTimeMother from Australia on June 28, 2012:

Hey shanky, I can imagine how much you hate those pimples. The good news is, they'll go away. Maybe one of your friends could recommend a good lotion or potion or soap that helps them get rid of their pimples. If you can't afford to buy anything that will help, all you need is patience. Patience is free!

By the way, one more thought. You know how those pimples seem huge and awful and you think everyone notices them? They probably don't notice them at all.

Some of the nicest people I knew when I was a girl had dreadful problems with pimples. They didn't try to cover them with their hair. They just made sure their hair was always clean and looked nice, and spoke to everyone with confidence and good humour. I remember always being pleased to see one girl who had pimples all over her face because she was so nice.

And you'll be pleased to know, I saw her after we finished school and her skin was so-o-o-o smooth and lovely.

It just takes time, shank.

Sophie (author) on June 28, 2012:

Shanky, this is a problem of raging hormones at this period of time. You could switch to a high fiber diet, drink at least ten glasses of water each day and use a good face wash. You need not hide your pimples under your hair.. in fact it could help spread the infection some more.. Best wishes to you..

shanky on June 28, 2012:

i have pimples in my forehead which i covered with my hairs

Sophie (author) on June 20, 2012:

longtimemother, maybe the issues teenagers face haven't changed much, but they have surely intensified. I do agree with what you say. Thanks for dropping by. I appreciate this very much. Have a lovely day.

LongTimeMother from Australia on June 18, 2012:

The issues teenagers face haven't changed much over the generations ... but I believe that social media certainly magnifies them. As parents we have to work harder now to help our teenagers get through such a difficult stage of life.

Sophie (author) on June 06, 2012:

DDE, thanks for stopping by to read and comment. Have a lovely day.

Devika Primić from Dubrovnik, Croatia on June 06, 2012:

Brilliant write up!!

Sophie (author) on June 01, 2012:

Eire, thanks for those tips to Infobucket, I would like to add you can add more to your personality which will make you stand out tall. Have a great day.

Éire on May 31, 2012:

Info bucket... There are surgeries to increase height..plus it doesn't matter about height. Except when you need something off the top shelf or if someone taller asks you what's up!xD otherwise heights no matter.

Sophie (author) on May 07, 2012:

Great! You are blessed! Have a lovely day!

Yeah Buddy! on May 06, 2012:

I never had these problems... thank GOD

Sophie (author) on April 13, 2012:

Epic, Thanks for stopping by to post your comment. I do agree that bullying is a major problem for children of all ages.. Maybe I would write on this subject as soon as I find some time.. Have a great day!

Epic on April 12, 2012:

I just read your article, mainly because i was doing a school essay, but i found lots of useful thing here that i will be able to use in my life(as a teen myself I agree with everything that's here. But I'd just like to add that bullying is a major problem as well) So thanks for writing this wonderful hub!

Sophie (author) on April 10, 2012:

Alisha, Thank you... maybe you should send the link to your parents .. it would help them understand you better! Have a great day!

alisha on April 09, 2012:

awesome........i loved it......as a 15 year old,i too face these probs

Sophie (author) on April 04, 2012:

Teens like all people need to be understood, I agree. Have a great day.

Devika Primić from Dubrovnik, Croatia on April 04, 2012:

Issues with teens are most difficult if you don't understand what they are going through

Sophie (author) on March 30, 2012:

Kushi, I am sorry that you are stressed out by your health. Check out these articles https://hubpages.com/business/Living-life-with-pos...

https://hubpages.com/education/Positive-self-talk-... they could help you. Best wishes to you. Have a lovely day.

Khushi on March 30, 2012:

the most terribble problem i face is the tension of my health which is not good

ups on March 21, 2012:

this is good for teenagers

Sophie (author) on March 09, 2012:

You are welcome and I am glad that you were helped. Have a wonderful day.

B BOY KAZIN ZEE on March 07, 2012:

this article helped me doing my research about teen thank you :)

Sophie (author) on March 02, 2012:

Maybe sometime.. but the point is if someone gets this then they get it all. Have a wonderful day.

katlyn on March 02, 2012:

I really think this was a good article! but i would like if you couold do a few more? like a top 15!

Sophie (author) on February 27, 2012:

Poeticmentor, thank you. Have a wonderful day.

Asahda Shavaja Poet of the New Age from New York City on February 26, 2012:

voting up. thanks

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10 Common Problems and Issues Teenagers Face Today

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Teens today have it hard. Parenting teenagers is not easy, but understanding the issues they struggle with can help everyone involved. You can't help solve a problem until you know what it is. Here, I highlight the most common problems faced by teenagers today.

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CHARACTER COUNTS! - Helping millions of young people develop life skills and character

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CHARACTER COUNTS! is a framework, not a scope and sequence program nor a curriculum. It provides practical strategies and tools to braid CC! strategies with other programs such as PBIS to foster positive climate change to produce exceptional results in the academic, social, emotional and character development domains by infusing six core ethical and performance values and traits into the DNA of your organization.

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WONDER, R.J. Palacio's New York Times bestseller, is the incredibly inspiring story of Auggie Pullman, a boy with facial differences who enters fifth grade at a mainstream school for the first time. This heartwarming story was made into a movie and is in theaters now!

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Principles of Substance Abuse Prevention for Early Childhood

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This guide, intended for parents, practitioners, and policymakers, begins with a list of 7 principles addressing the specific ways in which early interventions can have positive effects on development; these principles reflect findings on the influence of intervening early with vulnerable populations, on the course of child development, and on common elements of early childhood programs.

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Abstract

Keywords: Adolescents , Alienation, Construct validity, Item response theory, Meaninglessness, Powerlessness, Rasch models, Social isolation, Scale validation

Background

Alienation among adolescents has been described as ' ...to lack a sense of belonging, to feel cut off from family, friends, school or work - the four worlds of childhood' by Bronfenbrenner [ 1] and is a serious psychological strain for a young person. Supportive social relations and empowerment are of extraordinary importance for positive youth development [ 2] and the negative psychosocial consequences of social withdrawal and rejection during adolescence have been emphasized in the literature [ 3- 6]. Some studies indicate that the affective consequences are greater among adolescents compared with adults [ 7].

Alienation is an important concept in the study of adolescent behavior and health because the feelings of alienation may reflect a living situation, which harms a healthy development during adolescence. It is therefore important with sound scales for the measurement of alienation among adolescents.

Alienation has been treated as both a psychological and a sociological concept. The sociological concept focuses on the social processes that lead to alienation while the psychological concept focuses on the subjective feelings of alienation. These feelings may be caused by social processes but not necessarily so [ 8]. There is no universal definition of alienation. Because 'alienation' denotes different ideas, and uncertainties about the meaning of the word and concept easily arise, it has been described as an ambiguous concept [ 8]. Most research on alienation as a psychological concept builds upon Seeman's conceptualization [ 9- 11]. Seeman identified and described variants of alienation based on the understandings in which alienation had been used theoretically and empirically. The aim was to clarify the variants of alienation and thereby facilitate the use of the concept [ 8, 10]. The conceptualization comprises six alternative variants of alienation: powerlessness, normlessness, meaninglessness, self-estrangement, cultural estrangement and social isolation [ 8, 10]. All six variants are aspects of the individual's personal expectations and values. According to Seeman alienation should be studied by addressing the specific variants and not as a joint measure [ 12]. As the six alienation variants are alternative variants, there is no demand of combining the six variants to study alienation. Likewise, there is no theoretical structure between the alienation variants. Some variants can, be related to each other [ 8, 10].

Alienation is predictive of deviant behavior such as truancy, bullying, drug use, crime and suicide [ 9, 13- 17]. It is also predictive of psychological and health-related outcomes and behavior such as physical and psychological symptom load, life satisfaction, alcohol use, drunkenness, less exercising and eating unhealthy food [ 17- 21].

While relevant in health-related research, the measurement of alienation is challenging. Alienation has been measured in various ways, but no gold standard exists. Several scales which build on Seeman's conceptualization have been applied in adolescent research [ 20, 22- 26]. Despite their common conceptual background, there is considerable heterogeneity in measurement and how the scales were validated. Previous scales differ in variants of alienation included. They also differ in whether alienation is operationalized as a single scale of general alienation [ 20, 23], as separate scales for each alienation variant [ 24] or by combining subscales into one joint alienation scale [ 22, 25, 26]. Likewise, there are differences in how the scales are validated statistically ranging from information about reliabilities and convergent validity only [ 22] to investigation of construct validity using confirmatory factor analysis [ 26, 27], comparison of the pattern of group difference to the pattern expected from theory [ 24] or by testing for differential item functioning [ 20].

However, there is still a need for development of new scales with high validity for use in adolescent health and social research. It is important to avoid systematic bias in measurement by ensuring criterion-related construct validity. According to modern item response theory (IRT), a scale should meet four validity criteria: unidimensionality, monotonicity, local independence between the items of the scale, and no differential item functioning (DIF) in relation to other variables than those include in the scale [ 28]. Despite the first demand of a scale being unidimensional, alienation has mainly been measured either by multidimensional scales or by combining subscales into a multidimensional scale [ 20, 22, 23, 25, 26]. We have not been able to identify any alienation scales tested according to these more demanding criteria of modern item response theory.

This study contributes to the field by developing new scales in accordance with Seeman's conceptualization focusing on three independent variants of alienation specifically relevant in adolescent health research: the feelings of powerlessness, meaninglessness and social isolation. We examine the construct validity of these three scales using modern item response theory: graphical loglinear Rasch models (GLLRM).

Methods

The data come from the Danish contribution to the international Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) study 2010 [ 29], an international cross-sectional WHO collaborative study. The overall purpose was to increase understanding of young people's health and lifestyle in their social context [ 30].

Sample

The Danish HBSC study 2010 comprised pupils from the fifth (mean age 11.8 years, SD = 0.44), seventh (13.8 years, SD = 0.48) and ninth grade (15.8 years, SD = 0.42) in 75 randomly selected schools. The pupils completed the internationally standardized HBSC questionnaire [ 31, 32] in school. Participation rate was 98.7% of the pupils present and 86.3% of the pupils formally enrolled in the target classes ( n = 4922). The present study included data from seventh and ninth grade pupils ( n  = 3083, 1541 girls and 1542 boys).

There is no formal agency for ethical approval of school surveys in Denmark. Therefore we asked the school leader, the board of pupils, and the board of parents in each of the participating schools for assessment and approval of the study. The pupils received oral and written information about the study and that participation was voluntary and anonymous.

Measurements

Scale development

In recent decades a growing number of scale validity studies have employed modern test theory such as item response theory (IRT) focusing on the issues of item fit, DIF and requirements for measurement. Rasch models (RM) is a family of IRT models for dichotomous and polytomous items [ 38]. The Rasch family of models include the original RM for dichotomous items [ 39], the generalization of this into the polytomous RM [ 40], and the GLLRM [ 28].

In IRT four strict requirements must be met to ensure criterion-related construct validity of a scale to ensure there is no systematic bias in the measurement [ 28, 41]. Firstly, the scale must be unidimensional measuring one latent variable only. Secondly, there must be monotonous relationship between the latent variable score (theta) and the probability of item responses. Thirdly, items must be conditionally independent given the latent variable i.e. local independence. Last, there must be absence of DIF meaning that items and exogenous variables are conditionally independent given the latent score [ 42]; a person's response on an item should depend on his or her level on the latent variable only and not on any other characteristic such as sex or age.

Rasch models are often used as gold standard expressing ideal measurement requirements because scales fitting an RM hold all the characteristics that follow from the above four requirements. Additionally, in scales that fit an RM the set of items are homogeneous meaning that the rank order of the item difficulties is the same for all respondents regardless of the level on the latent variable [ 43]; i.e. the most severe item is the most severe for everybody. Thus, items that fit an RM provide ideal measurement in the specific frame of reference (e.g. population). The measurement can be described as specifically objective, sufficient and therefore reliable [ 28, 33]. Specific objectivity refers to that comparisons of persons level on the latent variable do not depend systematically on which items of the scale we use, and that comparisons of items do not depend on which persons in the sample we use, within the specific frame of reference. Sufficiency means that the total score is sufficient, i.e. no additional information besides the total score can be gained from studying the response profile of the items [ 33]. The RM requires no assumptions about the latent variable being normally distributed as e.g. factor analysis models and furthermore tests the item fit of the individual items of the scale [ 33]. For all these reasons, we used RM to assess the psychometric properties of each of the four scales.

Most scales do present DIF and local dependency (LD). Testing such scales against an RM would result in exclusion of locally dependent items or items causing DIF even though these items appear to be face valid [ 28]. The consequence would be a reduced reliability of the scale. GLLRMs provide a solution to this loss of reliability. By adjusting for significant LD and DIF in the analyses face valid items can be kept in the scale. Thereby unnecessary loss of reliability can be avoided. Kreiner & Christensen [ 28] claim that in scales fitting GLLRMs the measurement is still essentially valid and essentially objective [ 28, 33].

Statistical analyses

We tested the RM assumptions for each of the scales with the following test statistics: 1) conditional likelihood ratio (CLR) tests of response homogeneity to compare item parameter estimates among persons with low and high scores respectively [ 44], 2) CLR tests comparing item parameter estimates in sub-populations defined by exogenous covariates were used for global tests of DIF [ 44], 3) two types of tests for DIF of specific items relative to specific covariates were calculated: First, Mantel-Haenszel tests of conditional independence of the item and the covariate given the total score on all items and second, log linear CLR tests of the hypotheses that the item and the covariate are conditionally independent given the latent variable [ 45]; both procedures provide estimates of conditional odds-ratios describing the strength of the effect of the covariate on the item response, 4) Likewise, we tested the hypotheses of local independence among items given the rest score by Mantel-Haenszel tests and by loglinear CLR tests [ 45]. Finally, to test the overall fit of the item to the model we used 5) item fit statistics comparing the observed and expected correlations between an item and rest scores without the item [ 46].

When DIF and/or LD were found, the next step was to attempt to fit a GLLRM where uniform DIF and uniform LD is permitted. The adequacy of the GLLRM was tested in the same way as the adequacy of the RM.

Reliability is defined in two different ways: 1) as the ratio between the population variance of the true scores and the variance of the observed scores or, 2) as the correlations between tests and retests taken under the assumption that the underlying true scores have not changed and that the tests and retests are conditionally independent, given the true scores. True scores are by definition unobservable and for this reason it is not possible to set up experiments providing data that can be used to estimate reliability. Instead, classical test theory uses Cronbach's Alpha which is known to provide a lower bound of the true reliability. In IRT where models describing the association between the latent variable and the true scores on one hand and item responses on the other hand are known, it is easy to set up Monte Carlo experiments where test-retest reliability can be estimated directly by using 10,000 simulated samples for the estimation. Harmon & Mesbah [ 47] describe such methods. We used these methods not only to estimate a simulated test-retest correlation, but also to estimate the correlation between true and observed scores since this correlation provides a better measure of the performance of the measurement instrument.

Only pupils who answered all items in a scale and all covariates were included in the scale validation analysis of the scale in question. The number of pupils included in the respective scale validation analysis were 2928 (powerlessness), 2879 (meaninglessness) and 2866 (social isolation).

Statistical software

We used Digram software [ 48] for scale validation analyses and SAS 9.1 for the remaining analyses.

Results

The sample comprised equally many boys and girls (girls: n = 1541, boys: n  = 1542). The distribution of the covariates age group in the sample was 53.6% 13-year-olds and 46.4% 15-year-olds; 16.6% of the pupils came from a family with a low SEP (V and VII), 38.3% from a family with a middle SEP (III-IV), and 34.0% from a family with a high SEP (I -II). The majority of the sample was of Danish origin (89.4%); 10.6% were classified as immigrants or descendants; 10.6% of the pupils were classified as physically inactive.

Table shows the percentages of pupils with medium or high degree of alienation for each item in the scales stratified by sex and age group.

Table 2

Generally, the prevalence and degree of alienation varies considerably among items within the scales, e.g. in the meaninglessness scale 60.5% (high: 23.9%; medium: 36.6%) of the 15-year-old boys experience a high or medium degree of alienation in relation to the item 'Things have no meaning' while 36.0% (high: 13.0%; medium: 23.0%) experience alienation in relation to the item 'School is not preparing me for the future'. In relation to the social isolation scale overall 32.8% (high: 11.9%; medium: 20.9%) of the 15-year old girls experience alienation in relation to the item 'Not belonging' while the corresponding prevalence is only 8.6% (high: 3.0%; medium: 5.6%) in relation to the item 'No support when unhappy'.

In relation to sex, the prevalence of alienation within the specific scales differed between boys and girls as follows: Powerlessness: A significantly larger percentage of the girls 'feel helpless' ( p < 0.001) and 'cannot manage things' ( p < 0.001) in a medium degree. Meaninglessness: The prevalence of high and medium degrees of alienation is generally high among both sexes. There is a tendency toward more boys than girls feel that 'Things have no meaning' in a high degree, however, this is only significant at a 5% level of significance ( p = 0.029). Social isolation: A significantly larger percentage of girls experience a medium degree of alienation for the items 'Feeling left out' ( p < 0.001), 'Feeling lonely' ( p < 0.001) and 'Not belonging' ( p = 0.01). There is a tendency toward a higher degree of alienation among girls for most items. For the item 'No support when unhappy' significantly more boys than girls feel alienated in a high degree on a 5% level of significance ( p  = 0.017).

Local dependency and DIF

The test of fit of the RM showed significant LD and DIF in the final models for all three scales. These results are shown in Table .

The analyses of the powerlessness scale revealed positive LD between the items 'Cannot overcome problems' and 'Cannot manage things' meaning that pupils with an indication of alienation in one of the items had higher odds for also having it in the other item. Positive LD suggests that the items are partly redundant. Furthermore, there was DIF of the item 'Feeling helpless' in relation to the three covariates: sex, age group and migration status, respectively.

The analyses of the meaninglessness scale showed positive LD between the items 'Things have no meaning' and 'Not knowing what is going on'. Besides LD there was DIF of the item 'Things have no meaning' in relation to age group.

Finally, the social isolation scale contained positive LD between the items 'Feeling left out' and 'Feeling lonely'. The item 'Not feeling close to family' and the two items 'No support when unhappy' and 'Not belonging', respectively, were also locally dependent. The LD between 'Not feeling close to family' and 'Not belonging' were negative meaning that the degree of indication of alienation decreased in one item when alienation degree increased in the other. There was DIF of four items in relation to the covariate sex. These items were 'Feeling left out', 'No support when unhappy', 'Feeling lonely' and 'Not belonging'. The DIF of the two last items was only significant at a 5% level of significance ( p  = 0.022) meaning that the evidence of DIF was not as strong as for the other items. It was, however, necessary to include this DIF in order to make the model fit. Last, the analyses showed DIF of the item 'Not feeling close to family' in relation to 'age group.

Test for global homogeneity and global DIF

Table shows the test results of the analyses for global homogeneity and global DIF using an RM and a GLLRM, respectively.

The global tests of fit rejected the plain RM (global homogeneity: p < 0.001) for all three scales implying that some of the assumptions of the model were compromised. One explanation is LD between items. Furthermore, there was global DIF at a 1% significance level in relation to a varying number of covariates in each of the scales ( powerlessness: sex, age group and SEP; meaninglessness: age group; social isolation: age group and migration status). The global tests of fit of the GLLRMs accepted the models. The DIF and LD in the models therefore appeared to correct the flaws of the RMs. This means that no LD and DIF remain besides the LD and DIF taken into account by the final models.

Item fit

Table shows the items' overall fit to the model. It shows the observed gamma coefficients for each of the items in the three scales followed by what the expected gamma coefficients would be if they were to fit an RM and GLLRM respectively. The p-value shows whether there is a significant difference between the expected and the actually observed gamma coefficient.

Using an RM all three scales contained items where the observed and expected gamma coefficients differed significantly on a 1% significance level; two items in the powerlessness scale and three items in each of the scales for meaninglessness and social isolation respectively, had significantly differing values indicating a poor fit of these items. When using GLLRM the p-values increased markedly and became clearly insignificant for all items in the three scales indicating a good fit to the GLLRM.

The three scales' test information functions are presented in Additional files 1, 2 and 3: Figure S1, S2 and S3 stratified by the respective DIF groups of the scales (powerlessness: sex, age group and migration status; meaninglessness: age group; social isolation; sex and age group). They illustrate at which level of the latent variable (theta) the test information is maximal and thereby, also where measurement precision is highest [ 49]. The test information functions of the powerlessness scale (Additional file 1: Figure S1) and meaninglessness scale (Additional file 2: Figure S2) were very similar regardless of the respective DIF group. For social isolation the maximal test information was slightly higher for boys and slightly shifted toward the lower end of the scale compared to girls,

The reliabilities of the three scales measured as test-retest were relatively low ranging between 0.35-0.69 (powerlessness: 0.40-0.69, meaninglessness: 0.35-0.36, and social isolation: 0.52-0.61). Nevertheless, as the scales fitted an RM when using GLLRMs they can be regarded as essentially valid, essentially objective and sufficient as shown in Kreiner and Christensen [ 28, 33].

Discussion

In this study, we developed scales for measurement of three of the alienation variants in Seeman's conceptualization [ 10, 11]: powerlessness, meaninglessness and social isolation. These alienation variants are particularly relevant for adolescent health research as the feeling of empowerment and having supportive social relations, are important aspects of a positive youth development [ 2, 3, 6]. The three scales appear to be face and content valid based on the conceptual, qualitative and psychometric work conducted during the development of the scales. All three scales contained some LD and DIF, however, only to a limited degree, which could be taken into account using GLLRMs. Adjusted for DIF and LD the three scales can be described as being essentially construct valid, and essentially objective with reference to Kreiner and Christensen's definitions [ 28, 33] in this sample of 13 and 15-year-olds. As each of the three scales fitted an RM when using GLLRMs they all fulfil the psychometric properties of a good reflective scale.

Like previous alienation studies [ 20, 22- 26], our study suggests that it is possible to develop valid scales for the measurement of alienation among adolescents. The three scales developed in this study share their use of Seeman's conceptualization of alienation with previous scales. Two of these previous studies likewise used HBSC data using Danish and Portuguese data, respectively [ 20, 26]. Previously, we constructed a simple index of overall alienation representing aspects of social isolation, powerlessness and cultural estrangement [ 20]. Inspired by this study Tomé et al. [ 26] developed scales for social isolation, normlessness, powerlessness and meaninglessness, using the Portuguese HBSC survey. Our study is in concordance with these earlier studies in suggesting that alienation is a relevant concept in adolescent research and can be measured based on data from the HBSC survey. Our study furthermore suggests that such alienation scales may meet the most demanding criteria for construct validity: unidimensionality, monotonicity, local independence between items, and no DIF.

Several scholars have focused on issues of reliability and validity in the measurement of alienation. Dean [ 22] contributed with a thorough categorization of items into three scales and addressed internal consistency and convergent validity, however, not in an adolescent setting. Jessor and Jessor [ 23] contributed with a scale measuring adolescent alienation. Several studies have investigated the dimensionality of the concept among adolescents [ 15, 24- 27, 50]; some of them also developed scales measuring adolescent alienation [ 24- 27]. Some studies [ 20, 24, 26, 27] furthermore investigated the construct validity by comparing the pattern of group difference to the pattern expected from theory [ 24], by confirmatory factor analysis [ 26, 27] or by analyses for DIF [ 20]. Modern item response theory does, nevertheless, provide a more coherent approach to the study of construct validity using RM and GLLRM.

Seeman [ 10] emphasized that even though some of his alienation variants can be related, no theoretical structure exists. The multidimensionality of alienation has been confirmed but there are studies indicating that some variants are more loosely related to alienation as a general concept than others [ 50] and that some variants (normlessness and meaninglessness) are more closely related to each other than other variants [ 50, 51]. Therefore, one study [ 50] concluded that using only one general term of alienation 'may hamper our understanding of the specific nature and development of alienation during childhood and adolescence'. This is coherent with Seeman's conceptualization [ 12]. Together with the psychometric demand of unidimensionality this suggests that future alienation scales should continue to treat the measure alienation by distinct scale for the alienation variants.

The present study focuses on three specific variants of alienation: powerlessness, meaninglessness and social isolation. These three variants were chosen because they are specifically relevant for adolescent psychosocial development. The choice was also based on considerations that some of Seeman's variants may be relatively abstract to 13- 15-year-olds and taking into account that the scales should be applicable in a school survey among adolescents. One example is the alienation variant self-estrangement, which indicates that some ideal human condition exists [ 9]. Self-estrangement is seldom addressed in research. According to Williams and Cullingford [ 9], this is most likely because it is less accessible via testing, particularly among children and adolescents.

One way to ensure content validity is to conduct cognitive interviews among respondents early in the process in order to identify the most relevant content of a scale and to ensure that the content is appropriate for the age group. Additionally, such interviews may also help to enhance the phrasing of the items. We did not use cognitive interviews in the early phase of item development in this study and propose to apply this technique in future scale development studies. The development of the items was, based on a thoroughly conducted conceptual work, previous items on alienation or related concepts, discussions with researchers with expertise on adolescent psychosocial health and six focus group interviews comprising 44 13- and 15-year-olds. This process suggests that the content validity is acceptable among 13 to 15-year-olds. Also, the tests for DIF in relation to age group revealed only a limited amount of DIF, which can be adjusted for using GLLRM. Still, the content validity of the scales may be enhanced by using cognitive interviews in future development of the scales. Adolescence is a time of rapid development and the present study's results apply to the specific frame of reference the scales have been tested in (e.g. similar age group only). The three scales' test information functions were very similar for 13-year olds and 15-year olds. Still, it is considered necessary to re-address the validity of the scales before using the scales in substantially older samples. Based on qualitative focus group interviews among 11-year-olds the scales should not be used in a younger sample as these interviews indicated the content or phrasing of the items was either irrelevant or difficult to understand for this age group.

The three scales are relatively short compared to the scales developed in previous studies. This makes the scales easily manageable in surveys but may also have affected the reliability. The reliability of each of the three scales, measured as test-retest, was low ranging between 0.34 and 0.69. A low reliability can be considered a limitation, but is mostly a concern in small samples where the risk of type 2 errors is inflated. This means that the three scales would serve as a poor diagnostic tool for identifying single alienated adolescents. When applied in research the low reliability can be considered of less importance for two reasons. First, because the reliability increases by sample size; second, because the test-true score reliability which provides a better measure of the performance of the measurement instrument, is higher. Expressed by test-true score correlation, the reliabilities of the scales ranged between 0.62-0.83 (powerlessness: 0.64-0.83, meaninglessness: 0.62-0.65, social isolation: 0.73-0.77).

We used trichotomized response categories to create a conceptual symmetry. Thus, it appears natural to investigate how the scales would work with rephrased three-option response scales in a future validity study in order to re-test the criterion-related construct validity. A three-option version would, however, pose the risk that the respondent does not feel there are enough or sufficiently nuanced response options to provide an adequate answer. It may therefore be preferable with five response options and subsequently collapse the categories.

The prevalence of alienation varies considerably by item within all three scales. This is appropriate because the scales are then able to identify both mild and severe levels of alienation. Another merit of the scales is that information bias was sought reduced by several means: First by addressing face validity through pilot testing of the items and second, by a high construct validity confirmed by the GLLRMs analyses. Finally, the anonymity of the pupils encouraged honest answers. Regarding selection bias the response rates were high. Still, it is possible that the most alienated pupils were absent in a higher degree than non- or low-alienated students. Unfortunately, the anonymity made an analysis of the non-respondents impossible. As the conditional distribution of item responses given the total score does not depend on the distribution of the latent variables in RMs, the analysis of scale validity and essential objectivity as defined by Kreiner and Christensen [ 28, 33] would, not be violated if the non-respondents were more alienated than the respondents were.

The psychometric properties, content and face validity of the three scales suggest that the scales developed in this study can be used in large-scale surveys. One next step is to test the three new scales of alienation in research examining the relation between alienation and outcomes on adolescent health, behavior and wellbeing. The current scales should not be used for screening purposes (e.g. identifying single adolescents at risk) due to the relatively low reliabilities. Another important step in future work is to investigate if items could be added to the scales and thereby increase reliability. Our study suggests that such work should be founded in Seeman's conceptualization, include thoroughly conducted qualitative interviews and examination of the construct validity.

Conclusion

The three alienation scales on powerlessness, meaninglessness and social isolation appear to be face and content valid. All three scales fulfill the psychometric properties of a good reflective scale. This suggests that the scales may be appropriate in future studies to examine the relation between alienation and a range of adolescent health outcomes such as health, behavior and wellbeing. Because alienation refers to specific processes in the transactions between the individual and the social environment the scales may have the potential to offer more specific explanation of the processes behind these associations. For screening purposes, the scales still need further development.

Additional files

Acknowledgments

We thank the Principal Investigator for the Danish contribution to the HBSC project, Dr Pernille Due, for her permission to use the data set.

Data is available on request.

Abbreviations

Authors' contributions

SBR conceptualized and designed the study, contributed to the data collection, conducted the analysis, drafted the manuscript and critically revised the manuscript and approved the final version of the manuscript. SK contributed to the design, contributed to the analyses and interpretation, critically revised the manuscript and approved the final version of the manuscript. MTD contributed to the conceptualization and design, contributed to the data collection, contributed to interpretation of the results, critically revised the manuscript and approved the final version of the manuscript. TN contributed to the analysis and interpretation of these, critically revised the manuscript and approved the final version of the manuscript. BEH contributed to the conceptualization and design, contributed to the data collection, contributed to interpretation of the results, critically revised the manuscript and approved the final version of the manuscript.

Notes

Ethics approval and consent to participate

There is no formal agency for ethical approval of school surveys in Denmark. Therefore we asked the school leader, the board of pupils, and the board of parents who serves as the parents' representatives in each of the participating schools for assessment and approval of the study. All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were in accordance with the national ethical guidelines and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards.

The pupils received oral and written information about the study and that participation was voluntary and anonymous.

Consent for publication

Not applicable.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

References

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Measurement of alienation among adolescents: construct validity of three scales on powerlessness, meaninglessness and social isolation

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Psychological alienation is an important concept in the study of adolescents' health and behavior but no gold standard for measuring alienation among adolescents exists. There is a need for new scales with high validity for use in adolescent health ...

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ReCAPP Notes is an electronic mailing list for subscribers interested in receiving email updates regarding the ReCAPP website.

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The Negative Effects of Social Media for Teens in 2017 -- View the 2021 video (see notes)

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Abstract

Individual differences in impulsivity underlie a good deal of the risk taking that is observed during adolescence, and some of the most hazardous forms of this behavior are linked to impulsivity traits that are evident early in development. However, early interventions appear able to reduce the severity and impact of these traits by increasing control over behavior and persistence toward valued goals, such as educational achievement. One form of impulsivity, sensation seeking, rises dramatically during adolescence and increases risks to healthy development. However, a review of the evidence for the hypothesis that limitations in brain development during adolescence restrict the ability to control impulsivity suggests that any such limitations are subtle at best. Instead, it is argued that lack of experience with novel adult behavior poses a much greater risk to adolescents than structural deficits in brain maturation. Continued translational research will help to identify strategies that protect youth as they transition to adulthood.

Based on these patterns of brain development and behavior, researchers from different disciplines have proposed two-processes of brain maturation that predispose the adolescent to risk taking and impulsivity. One process that emerges early in adolescence is driven by frontostriatal reward circuits involving the ventral striatum (e.g., the nucleus accumbens) ( Casey, Getz, & Galvan, 2008; Chambers, Taylor, & Potenza, 2003; Galvan, Hare, Parra, Penn, Voss, Glover, et al., 2006). These circuits mature relatively early ( Fuster, 2002) and encourage the adolescent to venture away from the family and toward increasingly novel and adult-like activities ( Spear, 2007). Not surprisingly, many of these activities are fraught with a certain amount of risk (e.g., driving, sex).

In this paper, I argue that the major sources of adolescent risk taking and impulsive action are of two sorts. One is a pre-existing form of impulsivity that is evident in the early years of life (at least age 3) that persists into adolescence. This source of risk is akin to Moffitt's (1993) "life-course persistent" developmental path and Patterson's ( Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992) "early starter" path. A second source of risk is associated with a rise in sensation seeking that results from activation of the ventral striatum ( Chambers et al., 2003; Spear, 2009). As already noted, this change encourages experimentation with novel (adult-like) behavior. However, rather than representing a structural deficit in frontal control, these risk-taking tendencies are argued to be more the result of normal development and the inevitable lack of experience associated with engaging in these novel behaviors.

In forging this argument, I first review the evidence regarding early manifestations of impulsivity and how experience during childhood, especially various forms of stress, may predispose some youth to engage in risky activity as they proceed through adolescence. This evidence suggests that a major source of risk taking during adolescence may be a result of impaired impulse control that precedes the adolescent period. As a result, adolescent risk taking is not a uniform phenomenon, and individual differences dominate the emergence of such behavior during adolescence.

Early Manifestations of Adolescent Risk Taking

Despite the popular characterization of adolescents as impulsive and lacking cognitive control, the evidence regarding such behavior suggests a more nuanced picture. If we look at recent longitudinal studies of risk behavior trajectories, we see a remarkably consistent pattern. For example, in regard to binge drinking, data from the Seattle Social Development Project ( Hill, White, Chung, Hawkins, & Catalano, 2000) shown in indicate that rather than exhibiting a uniform increase across the adolescent period, the dominant pattern for this behavior is not to engage in it. About 70% of the youth in that cohort reported no binge drinking. On the other hand, there was a small group of youth (3%) who exhibited high rates of binge drinking at age 13 and who persisted in this trajectory until age 18. A third group of youth (4%) began to engage in binge drinking during adolescence and a fourth much larger group (23%) began later at age 18.

A perhaps more worrisome behavior, physical aggression, was studied by Nagin and Tremblay (1999) in their cohort of male youth in high-risk neighborhoods of Montreal. As seen in , even in this high-risk cohort, a large proportion of youth (17%) never engaged in aggressive behavior. However, many youth who did so at an early age (80%) exhibited declining rates of aggression as they aged. These patterns are hardly evidence of weak cognitive control during adolescence. However, as with binge drinking, a small group of youth (4%) exhibited high and persistent rates of aggression early in childhood and continued on this trajectory into adolescence.

These patterns are consistent with both Moffitt's and Patterson's proposals that many forms of risky maladaptive behavior have their origins in the early years prior to adolescence. Indeed, these age trends suggest that adolescents do not uniformly engage in high-risk behaviors and that a major source of adolescent risk taking is present prior to the adolescent period. It is not surprising therefore given the large individual differences in adolescent risk taking that a small proportion of adolescent account for a large share of the serious forms of risk taking that cause concerns about adolescents. For example, Biglan and Cody (2003) found that 18% of youth ages 12 to 20 accounted for about two thirds of drunk driving and 88% of criminal arrests.

The role of Impulsivity in Early Adolescent Risk Taking

Considerable evidence suggests that youth who engage in early risk taking, such as drug use and aggressive behavior, exhibit higher levels of impulsive behavior as early as age 3 ( Caspi & Silva, 1995; Caspi, Henry, McGee, Moffitt, & Silva, 1995; Caspi, Moffitt, Newman, & Silva, 1996; Masse & Tremblay, 1997; Raine, Reynolds, Venables, Mednick, & Farrington, 1998). Indeed, the entire spectrum of externalizing behavior appears to be related to a core set of impulsive traits ( Kreuger et al., 2002) that is evident early in development ( McGue, Iacono, & Kreuger, 2006). This evidence is again supportive of the idea that a good deal of the problematic behavior observed in adolescents is clustered in a small percentage of youth (cf. Biglan and Cody, 2003).

In studying the role of impulsivity, however, it is important to recognize that the tendency is multidimensional and does not manifest as a single trait. Instead, it is evident in at least three potentially independent forms. One such trait, which can be called acting without thinking, is characterized by hyperactivity without evidence of deliberation or attention to the environment. It is assessed by at least two self-report scales: The Barratt Impulsivity Scale's motor impulsivity subscale ( Patton, Stanford, & Barratt, 1995) and the Eysenck I ₇ scale ( Eysenck & Eysenck, 1985). When assessed by observer report, it is characterized by uncontrolled and hyperactive temperament, such as displayed in children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) ( Barkley, 1997).

Acting without thinking is the focus of neurobehavioral theories of early risk for substance use problems ( Tarter et al., 2003; Zucker, 2006). Researchers who use tests of executive function to characterize this temperament focus on measures of response inhibition, such as stop signal tasks ( Williams, Ponesse, Shachar, Logan, & Tannock, 1999). These tasks assess the ability to monitor conflicting cues to action and inhibit prepotent responses when they are no longer adaptive. In young children, a simpler task involves monitoring cues that flank a dominant focus of attention (the flanker task). Children with ADHD do less well on such tasks ( Vaidya, Bunge, Dudukoric, Zalecki, Elliot, Gabrieli, 2005).

A second form of impulsivity is characterized by the tendency to exhibit impatience when given a choice between an immediate small reward versus a larger but delayed reward. It is often assessed using a delay discounting paradigm that can measure differences in preference for delayed rewards ( Ainslie, 1975; Rachlin, 2000). Mischel and colleagues (1988) used a simpler task in which children as young as age 4 were given the task of waiting to receive a tempting treat such as a pair of marshmallows. Those children who could deny themselves one marshmallow in order to receive two at a later time were scored as exhibiting patience. Furthermore, children who scored well on this task continued to exhibit patience on such indicators as higher academic performance during adolescence. Other research indicates that adolescents who lack patience are also more likely to experiment with and use drugs ( B. Reynolds, 2006; Romer, Duckworth, Sznitman, & Park, 2010).

Just as acting without thinking is associated with deficits in executive function, differences in delay discounting are correlated with variation in working memory capacity and IQ ( Shamosh, DeYoung, Green, Reis, Johnson, Conway, et al., 2008). This association suggests that individuals with weaker ability to maintain distant goals in working memory when choosing between immediate and delayed rewards are more prone to discount delayed rewards. The association between weaker executive function and each of these forms of impulsivity is not surprising given that impulsive behavior is often defined as lacking cognitive control over behavior.

Despite the fact that weak executive function underlies both impatience and acting without thinking, evidence from both animal and human models indicates that these forms of impulsivity are independent ( Pattij & Vanderschuren, 2008; B. Reynolds, Penfold, & Patak, 2008). That is, individuals who exhibit one type of impulsivity are no more or less likely to exhibit the other. In addition, there is a third type of impulsivity that is independent of the other two ( Whiteside & Lynam, 2001). The tendency to approach novel and exciting experiences, known as sensation ( Zuckerman, 1994) or novelty ( Cloninger, Sigvardsson, & Bohman, 1988) seeking, is characterized by exploration of novel stimuli and the tendency to experiment with exciting activities despite the risks associated with them. It has been found to be greater in children who exhibit early forms of aggressive and other forms of externalizing behavior ( Raine et al., 1998).

In a study conducted in Philadelphia with a community sample of 387 youth ages 10 to 12, I and several colleagues found that impulsivity as assessed by acting without thinking and sensation seeking was a powerful correlate of early forms of problem and risky behaviors ( Romer, Betancourt, Giannetta, Brodsky, Farah, & Hurt, 2009). As seen in , a causal model with the two measures of impulsivity (they were somewhat correlated in this young sample, r = .30) was able to completely explain the relation between problem behaviors (such as oppositional behavior and symptoms of ADHD) and risk taking (such as drinking alcohol, gambling for money, fighting, and cigarette smoking) with no significant residual relation between the two. This study confirms the importance of two forms of impulsivity for early manifestations of risky behavior and is consistent with theories that place emphasis on childhood trajectories of disinhibition as predictive of early adolescent problem and risky behavior ( Tarter et al., 2003; Zucker, 2006).

The Role of Early Stressors in Predisposing Children to Adolescent Risk Taking

Research on primates and rodents provides some understanding of how early adverse experiences can produce long-term effects on behavior that can emerge in adolescence. The research of Meaney and colleagues with rats indicates that variation in early maternal care can produce epigenetic effects on offspring. In their model, genes that control stress responses in the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis (HPA) are "silenced" leading to greater reactivity to stress ( Meaney, 2001). In the rat, mothers who are less nurturing in their care of newborns are more likely to produce these effects. These effects appear to be mediated in part by reduced levels of serotonin functioning in the hippocampus. There also appear to be adverse effects on spatial ability and memory mediated by hippocampal functioning. This also leads to less than optimal responses to stressful experiences in offspring ( Meaney, 2007).

The perhaps most remarkable consequence of these epigenetic processes is that female offspring of less nurturant mothers are more likely to behave in a similar manner with their offspring. Using cross-fostering designs, it is possible to determine that this results from intergenerational transmission of experience rather than genes. That is, it is the experience of maternal behavior that produces the effect rather than genetic transmission from parent to offspring.

Early experience in primates produces similar effects. Suomi's research with rhesus monkeys that are either reared by their mothers or by much less nurturant peers finds that peer-reared males exhibit greater externalizing behavior in adolescence ( Suomi, 1997). In research with rhesus macaque monkeys, Maestripieri and colleagues have examined neurobehavioral effects of maternal abuse and neglect on offspring ( Maestripieri, 2008). They also find that maternal maltreatment is transmitted by behavior rather than genetics. In addition, they find a particular role for serontonergic mediation that appears to increase impulsivity in offspring. That is, abused offspring exhibit lower levels of serotonin in cerebral spinal fluid, an indicator that has been linked to increased impulsivity ( McCormack, Newman, Higley, Maestripieri, & Sanchez, 2009). One interesting aspect of this research is that the short allele of the serotonin transporter gene enhances the effects of maternal abuse, a finding consistent with research in humans who experience abuse during childhood ( Caspi, Sugden, Moffitt, Taylor, Craig, Harrington, et al., 2003).

Research with humans also suggests that early maltreatment by parents is associated with later conduct problems. In a longitudinal study of high risk children from ages 2 to 8 ( Kotch et al., 2008), parental neglect prior to age 2 was predictive of aggressive behavior at age 8. Later neglect did not predict aggressive behavior at this early age. Other research has identified abnormal reactivity to stress mediated by the HPA axis as a consequence of early abuse ( Tarullo & Gunnar, 2006).

One difficulty in testing the epigenetic explanation for increased HPA axis reactivity in humans is the need to examine brain tissue. In a recent study, McGowan and colleagues (2009) examined hippocampal tissue in deceased persons who committed suicide or died by other means. In addition, those who died by suicide were distinguished as to whether they had experienced abuse or neglect as children or not. According to the epigenetic explanation, persons who suffered child maltreatment should have exhibited greater evidence of gene silencing in regions related to the stress response, including the hippocampus. Their study indeed identified such effects, thus providing the first evidence of similar epigenetic effects in humans.

Meaney's research suggests that maternal behavior toward offspring is a function of the stress experienced by the mother. Mothers who experience heightened stress treat their newborns with less nurturance, a process that is attributed to a defensive reaction to the environment. Although this may confer some advantage to offspring in the form of increased impulsivity, it can be a detrimental characteristic in humans especially when it results in conduct disorder and other externalizing conditions that increase risk for injury and incarceration. Needless to say, heightened stress experienced by mothers is more likely to occur in low socio-economic environments in which uncertainties surrounding food and other supports can be particularly challenging ( Evans & Kim, 2007).

Changes in Impulsivity during Adolescence

Studies of risk behavior trajectories during childhood and adolescence indicate that in addition to an early onset trajectory that persists throughout adolescence, there are often one or more trajectories that develop during adolescence and late adulthood. Moffitt referred to these as adolescent-limited trajectories because they tend to decline as youth enter adulthood. One of the largest sources of these trajectories is a rise in sensation seeking that appears to characterize a majority of youth during the adolescent period. The rise in sensation seeking is linked to an increase in the release of dopamine to the ventral striatum ( Chambers et al., 2003). Spear (2007) has identified this as a biological universal in mammals that appears to encourage the adolescent animal to leave the family and to venture forth with peers to explore new territory and select mates.

We have observed this rise in sensation seeking in national samples of youth ages 14 to 22 ( Romer & Hennessy, 2007)(see ). The overall level of sensation seeking is greater in males than in females, and males exhibit a prolonged period of change in this trait. Whereas female youth peak around age 16, male youth do not reach their peak until about age 19. This rise in sensation seeking is one manifestation of dopaminergic activation of the nucleus accumbens, a process that peaks during adolescence. This rise in sensation seeking is remarkably congruent with other age gradients in risk taking, such as arrests for criminal behavior and drug use (see ) as assessed by the Monitoring the Future Study ( Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2006). Furthermore, individual differences in this trait have been linked to a host of risky behavior tendencies in both adolescents and adults ( Roberti, 2004; Zuckerman, 1994).

One important question related to the rise in sensation seeking during adolescence is whether it is associated with a lack of executive control over behavior as the other forms of impulsivity manifest. Evidence is sparse on this question, but given the small but significant positive correlation between sensation seeking and IQ ( Zuckerman, 1994), it would seem that persons who exhibit stronger sensation seeking drives are no less able to exert executive control over their behavior. Indeed, in the Philadelphia trajectory study, we are finding that differences in sensation seeking are positively correlated with working memory performance ( Romer, Betancourt, Brodsky, Giannetta, Yang, & Hurt, 2009). Thus, it seems that one of the more powerful sources of risk taking in adolescence is not associated with deficits in executive function.

A recent study by Raine and colleagues ( Raine, Moffitt, Caspi, Loeber, Stouthamer-Loeber, & Lynam, 2005) examined neurocognitive function in a community sample of persistently anti-social youth as well as more adolescent-limited and non-offending youth. They found spatial and long-term memory deficits in anti-social youth that are consistent with deficient hyppocampal function brought on by childhood abuse. However, youth who merely exhibited a small rise in anti-social behavior during adolescence were no different from non-offending youth on most measures of cognitive function.

The Role of Sensation Seeking in Adolescent Risk Taking

The inverse relation between risk and reward is a deviation from rational choice models of decision-making in which risks and rewards are evaluated independently. Indeed, risks and rewards are generally not correlated in the world of uncertain consequences ( Slovic et al., 2002). However, it appears to be a characteristic of our decision making to impose an inverse relation between these two dimensions of choice. This decision calculus makes us subject to certain biases of judgment controlled by dominant affective reactions to behavioral options. Those activities we enjoy tend to be seen as less risky than those that are actually safer but less affectively pleasant. Hence, we prefer to drive cars rather than take trains even though, all else constant, trains are far safer than cars. Nevertheless, the heuristic renders decision making simpler than a careful consideration of both risks and rewards would require.

Another important characteristic of adolescent risk taking is the influence of peers. As seen in , sensation seekers not only attach favorable affect to novel and exciting experiences, they also seek out peers who have the same interests. This selection process creates a social environment that not only encourages risk taking, but that also enhances the favorable affect that is attached to novel experiences. Because youth who differ in sensation seeking essentially congregate with similar peers, the effects of their own sensation seeking levels are reinforced by exposure to others through a process of affect transfer. Given that youth of a similar age simultaneously experience the same rise in sensation seeking, this peer effect magnifies the affective attraction to novel and exciting behavior such as drug use. As a result, the effects of affect on behavior are enhanced by peer influences.

As seen in , the path weights linking the factors in the model suggest that both sensation seeking and peer influence converge on affect evaluation and produce more change in behavior through this path than through peer influence alone. In total, affect evaluation and peer influences account for over half of the variation in the use tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana. This influence in not limited to effects on drugs. In a study of failure to use seat belts when adolescents travel in cars, Dunlop and Romer (2009) found that about half of the variation in this behavior was related to affect evaluation and peer influence. In that case however, the influence of peers was somewhat stronger than affect alone.

Our findings regarding the effects of sensation seeking on adolescent risk taking suggest that it is possible to explain a great deal of the rise in risky behavior during adolescence to the increase in this form of impulsivity. Furthermore, the decision processes that are influenced by sensation seeking are the same as those that are used by adults. Indeed, the affect heuristic requires little deliberation and would appear to be available for use by the beginning of adolescence if not earlier. Finally, sensation seeking does not appear to reflect a deficit in executive functioning as is the case with other forms of impulsivity. Thus, there is little evidence to suggest that the risk taking associated with sensation seeking reflects a deficit in PFC brain maturation.

Is There Evidence Regarding Brain Structure and Adolescent Risk Taking?

There is virtually no direct evidence to support a relation between natural maturation in brain structure during adolescence and impulsive behavior. This is partly due to the fact that it is difficult to observe changes in brain structure that could be implicated in impulsive behavior. As noted by Galvan et al., 2006:

Neuroimaging studies cannot definitively characterize the mechanism of such developmental change (e.g., synaptic pruning, myelination). However, these volume and structural changes may reflect refinement and fine-tuning of reciprocal projections from these brain regions (PFC and striatum) during maturation. Thus, this interpretation is only speculative. (6885)

Lu and Sowell (2009) reviewed what is known about the relation between changes in brain structure during development and performance on cognitive and motor skills. Their summary does not provide much evidence for the hypothesis that cortical thinning reflective of synaptic pruning leads to improved cognitive performance. For example, holding IQ constant, Sowell and colleagues (2004) found that cortical thinning from ages 5 to 11 was associated with greater improvement in vocabulary, an effect that would seem to be driven by learning rather than brain maturation. In a study examining changes in cortical thickness from ages 7 to 19 as a function of different levels of IQ, Shaw and colleagues (2006) found that individuals with superior IQ began the thinning process later than those with normal IQ. If cortical thinning facilitates the development of cognitive skills, then one would expect it to occur earlier for those with higher IQ. Finally, in regions related to language skills (the peri-Sylvan left hemisphere), cortical thickening rather than thinning has been associated with increased language skill development ( Lu, Leonard, & Thompson, 2007). Hence, cortical thinning does not even characterize skill development across all regions of the cortex.

With regard to changes in white matter, Berns, Moore, & Capra (2009) examined the relation between myelination in the PFC and risk taking in youth ages 12 to 18. Holding constant age, they found that risk taking tendencies were positively correlated with white matter development. Consistent with this finding, DeBellis and colleagues (2008) found that myelination of the corpus callosum was more advanced in youth with alcohol disorders than in control youth without such conditions. Thus, evidence in support of delay in PFC myelination as a risk factor for problem behavior in youth is not only absent but also contrary to what would be expected.

In summarizing this research, Lu and Sowell (2009) noted that:

Correlations between morphological and skill maturation, although instructive, reveal only associations and cannot elucidate causality. Neuroscience must still rely on animal studies using controlled experimental designs to learn whether morphological maturation enables the acquisition of skills or if skill acquisition drives morphological change. (19)

Some researchers have attempted to observe differences in brain function while engaging in risky decision-making that could help to identify age-related differences in brain development. These studies have used functional magnetic imaging (fMRI) of individuals varying in age from childhood to adulthood while engaging in a variety of tasks. However, the results regarding differential activation of the PFC have not yielded a clear picture of how PFC activation relates to risky decision-making.

Consistent with theories that attribute increased risk taking during adolescence to sensation seeking ( Chambers et al., 2003), Galvan et al. (2006) found that adolescents (ages 13 to 17) exhibited greater peak activation of the nucleus accumbens than either younger (ages 7 to 11) or older individuals (ages 23 to 29) when anticipating a reward. However, adolescents did not differ from adults on the same measure in regard to activation of orbital frontal cortex (OFC), a ventral area of the PFC. Children exhibited a stronger response than either adolescents or adults. These results were somewhat difficult to interpret, however, given the use of a reward cue that could easily differ in excitement value and interest as a function of age (a picture of a cute pirate in different poses).

In a comprehensive study of brain activation, Eshel, Nelson, Blair, Pine, & Ernst (2007) examined various brain regions in pre- to late adolescents (ages from 9 to 17) and young to older adults (ages 20 to 40) while making choices between options that varied in risk. The critical comparisons were between choices that had high probabilities of reward for small monetary outcomes versus those that had low probabilities of reward for larger outcomes. In an interesting design decision, the researchers did not keep the expected values of the two types of options constant. Choosing the risky alternative was always disadvantageous compared to the less risky alternative. They found that older individuals activated lateral OFC more strongly than younger ones when they selected the risky disadvantageous option. This finding was taken as evidence of greater PFC activation in older individuals. An alternative interpretation is that older individuals exhibit greater PFC activation than younger ones when making ill-advised decisions. Clearly, this study does little to confirm superior frontal control in adults.

In a recent review of these and several other studies using fMRI to detect differences in brain activation across age groups, Ernst and Hardin (2009) noted that:

The goal of delineating the trajectory of ontogenetic development increases the complexity of this research and requires theoretical models to constrain hypotheses and guide the development of experimental paradigms for a step-wise systematic approach. (69-70)

The concern about constraining hypotheses is particularly critical when comparing different age groups that not only differ in brain development but also in experience. Given the concerns raised by Lu and Sowell (2009), it would seem difficult to disentangle the effects of experience on brain structure from those of morphologic maturation that do not depend on learning.

Another approach suggested by Bunge and Crone (2009) is to differentially expose adolescents to cognitive training exercises. If appropriate training could produce better decision making in adolescents, it would argue against the maturation hypothesis, which would predict that training would be inadequate in the absence of adequate brain maturation. Because research on the effects of experience will undoubtedly add to our understanding of the role of morphological maturation versus experience, it is to such research that we now turn.

Evidence for Effects of Experience on Impulsivity

In view of the very strong predictions based on limitations in brain maturation during adolescence, it is of interest to determine whether experience can overcome such limitations. In particular, given the important role that impulsivity plays in adolescent risk taking, is there any evidence that experience can alter any form of impulsivity? Here the evidence is quite clear: There are numerous examples of interventions that can change brain function to the effect that impulsivity and associated risk taking is reduced. In reviewing these interventions, it is helpful to distinguish between those that are delivered in childhood versus those that have been successful later during adolescence. Childhood interventions should help to prevent the early forms of impulsivity that continue into adolescence if left untreated. Adolescent interventions should be able to counteract the rise in sensation seeking and potentially other forms of impulsivity that emerge during the second decade of life.

Early Interventions

There are two forms of early intervention that have been tested with success. One involves intervening with parents who are at risk for maltreating their children and thereby preventing adverse outcomes of such treatment on offspring. The other is to intervene later with families and children either together or just with the children in school settings.

One of the most successful early intervention with parents is the nurse visitation program designed by David Olds and colleagues (1998). This program involves visiting the expectant parent prior to birth and providing training to cope with stressors that might otherwise lead to a less than optimal natal experience for the child. As expected by research summarized above, parents experiencing stress are likely to pass this experience onto their children in the form of less nurturing care. This treatment is then likely to produce non-optimal brain development in children, leading to poor adaption in school and later in adolescence. However, parental support during visitation with high-risk parents enables them to cope better with stressors and to reduce the tendency to pass on stress reactions to children. Evaluations of the program indicate that children perform better in school and experience fewer psychiatric symptoms, including lower rates of conduct disorder. In addition, parents exhibit healthier behavior as their children age into adolescence ( Izzo, Eckenrode, Smith, Henderson, Cole, Kitzman, et al., 2005). This program has been targeted for federal support given its success in preventing adverse outcomes for children and for reducing later costs in schooling, incarceration, and welfare supports.

In addition to intervening with parents early in a child's life, there is growing evidence that certain forms of early training can have lasting effects on behavior, especially on academic outcomes and various forms of externalizing behavior. For example, reviews of intensive preschool programs ( A. Reynolds & Temple, 2008), such as the High/Scope Perry Preschool project and the Chicago Child-Parent Preschool Program indicate that such interventions improve academic performance, keep children in school, and reduce adolescent problem behaviors that risk incarceration. These programs appear to influence cognitive and behavioral skills, such as greater persistence and self-regulation that are inversely related to impulsivity.

In a recent study by Diamond and colleagues ( Diamond, Barnett, Thomas, & Munro, 2007), researchers were able to train skills in preschoolers that affect executive functions highly related to academic performance and to impulse disorders, such as ADHD and conduct problems. These skills have been found to be associated with various PFC functions that underlie behavior control, such as the ability to operate on thoughts in working memory and to reduce interference from distracters.

Other research with children in the elementary years indicates that impulse control strategies can be trained that improve executive function and reduce impulsivity (Barry, & Welsh, 2007; Riggs, Greenberg, Kusche, & Pentz, 2006). One program that has long-term follow-up data is the good behavior game ( Petras, Kellam, Brown, Muthen, Ialongo, & Poduska, 2008). Kellam and colleagues tested this program in low-income first and second grade classes in which teachers were trained to administer incentives for good behavior to entire classrooms. Rewards were delivered on a consistent basis to reduce disruptive behavior, increase cooperation, and enhance attention to schoolwork. Follow-up data at ages 19 to 21 revealed remarkably long-lasting effects on those who exhibited the highest rates of aggressive and uncontrolled behavior prior to intervention. In particular, rates of anti-social personality disorder remained lower in the highest risk youth at the follow-up.

It should also not be forgotten that medication has been found to be very helpful in reducing impulsive symptoms in children with ADHD. Klingberg (2009) suggests that moderate doses of stimulants can improve executive functioning in general and working memory in particular in children suffering from ADHD and thereby improve their academic performance. There is even evidence that use of these medications can reduce the likelihood of later drug use during adolescence ( Wilens, Faraone, Biederman, & Gunawardene, 2003). Klingberg and colleagues (2005) have also developed a protocol for children with ADHD that can improve working memory and reduce symptoms of ADHD using computer-based training. Posner and colleagues ( Rueda, Rothbart, McCandliss, Saccamanno, & Posner, 2005) have proposed and tested similar strategies for children with attention problems.

In summary, research on early interventions indicates that intensive training focused on executive functioning and self-regulation skills can reduce impulsive tendencies that might otherwise impede performance in school and lead to maladaptive outcomes in adolescence. These strategies would be unlikely to be successful if brain maturation processes during adolescence prevented successful adaptation to rises in sensation seeking or other risk taking impulses.

Later Interventions

Space limitations preclude a detailed examination of interventions in the adolescent years. However, there is considerable evidence that adolescents can learn to avoid maladaptive behaviors, especially if they are given information that is linked to affective reactions to those behaviors. For example, extensive tracking of drug use since 1974 in the Monitoring the Future Study indicates that one of the best predictors of individual and aggregate drug use is the perception that drugs are dangerous to one's health ( Bachman, Johnston, & O'Malley, 1998). Media campaigns do not always succeed in transmitting this information effectively however. For example, some media interventions sponsored by the government have inadvertently transmitted the message that many youth are using drugs, a message that can increase the perception that peers find drugs exciting ( Fishbein, Hall-Jamieson, Zimmer, von Haeften, & Nabi, 2002; Hornik, Jacobsohn, Orwin, Piesse, & Kalton, 2008). As noted above, such perceptions can enhance favorable affective reactions to the prospect of drug use.

A good example of a strategy that can help to prevent adverse outcomes when engaging in novel behavior is the graduated driver program that has been adopted by many states in the U. S. This strategy is based on the idea that driving is a complex behavior that takes experience to master. As seen in , adolescent drivers experience a significant reduction in crashes after driving about 1000 miles (six months on average) ( McCartt, Shabanova, & Leaf, 2003). If such early learning experience could be accomplished under lower-risk supervised conditions, it might reduce the chances for hazardous outcomes until greater mastery over the behavior has been achieved. The strategy of graduated licensing has been adopted by a many states. In this procedure, adolescents are not given full licenses until they have passed a trial period during which they cannot drive at night and must drive with an adult. Evidence of the effectiveness of this strategy indicates that it reduces crash rates and serious injuries and does so in a manner responsive to the number of restrictions in place in a state ( Morrissey, Grabowski, Dee, & Campbell, 2006).

In a recent study of the effects of sensation seeking during the adolescent and early adult years (14 to 22), my colleagues and I found that experience with risk taking leads to a reduction in impatience as assessed with a delay discounting task ( Romer et al., 2010). High sensation seeking youth who use drugs more than other youth exhibit a decline in impatience as they age. This reduction also carries over to less drug use. Other youth tend not to exhibit changes in discounting during adolescence. This finding suggests that experience gained from excessive risk taking enables high sensation seekers to develop greater patience, a factor that reduces risk taking. Research with conduct-disordered youth also suggests that impatience declines more for such youth than for others ( Turner & Piquero, 2002). Hence, despite their greater risk taking, high-sensation seeking youth can learn from the consequences of their behavior and ultimately become less impatient than their less risky peers. The challenge for future translational research is to identify interventions that can provide the experience that adolescents need to transition to adulthood while also protecting them from the adverse consequences that can endanger their long-term health and development.

As noted by Spear (2009),

Experiences occurring during adolescence may serve to customize the maturing brain in a way commensurate with those experiences. Depending on the nature of those experiences, their timing, and hence their consequences, this customizing of the brain can be viewed as an opportunity, as well as a vulnerability. (308).

Future research should help to disentangle the interacting effects of experience and brain maturation. As noted earlier, studies that examine structural brain maturation and function in combination with training programs that improve cognitive and behavioral control skills (e.g., working memory) should be able to identify the role of experience at different levels of structural maturation. This research should help in developing training exercises that can provide adolescents with the experience they seek while simultaneously reducing the risks they encounter if left to their own devices.

References

Biglan A, Cody C. Preventing multiple problem behaviors in adolescence. In: Romer D, editor. Reducing adolescent risk: Toward an integrated approach. Sage Publications; Thousand Oaks, CA: 2003. pp. 125-131.

Bunge SA, Crone EA. Neural correlates of the development of cognitive control. In: Rumsey JM, Ernst M, editors. Neuroimaging in developmental clinical neuroscience. Cambridge University Press; New York: 2009. pp. 22-37.

Dunlop S, Romer D. An integrative model of youth seatbelt non-use: The roles of sensation seeking, affective evaluations, and media use. Annenberg Public Policy Center, University of Pennsylvania; Philadelphia, PA: 2009.

Ernst M, Hardin MG. Goal-directed behavior: Evolution and ontogeny. In: Rumsey JM, Ernst M, editors. Neuroimaging in developmental clinical neuroscience. Cambridge University Press; New York: 2009. pp. 53-72.

Johnston LD, O'Malley PM, Bachman J, Schulenberg JE. Monitoring the future: National survey results on drug use, 1975-2005, vol. II, college students and adults 19-45. National Institutes of Health; Bethesda, MD: 2006.

Klingberg T. The overflowing brain: Information overload and the limits of working memory. Oxford University Press; New York: 2009.

Lu LH, Sowell ER. Morphological development of the brain: What has imaging told us? In: Rumsey JM, Ernst M, editors. Neuroimaging in developmental clinical neuroscience. Cambridge University Press; New York: 2009. pp. 5-21.

Maestripieri D. Neuroendocrine mechanisms underlying the intergenerational transmission of maternal behavior and infant abuse in rhesus macaques. In: Pfaff D, Kordon C, Chanson P, Christen Y, editors. Hormones and Social Behavior. Springer-Verlag; Berlin: 2008. pp. 121-130.

Meaney MJ. Maternal programming of defensive response through sustained effects on gene expression. In: Romer D, Walker EF, editors. Adolescent psychopathology and the developing brain: Integrating brain and prevention science. Oxford University Press; New York: 2007. pp. 148-172.

Middlebrooks JS, Audage NC. The effects of childhood stress on health across the lifespan. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control; Atlanta, GA: 2008.

Olds D, Henderson CRJ, Cole R, Eckenrode J, Kitzman H, Luckey D, et al. Long-term effects of nurse home visitation on children's criminal and antisocial behavior: 15-year follow-up of a randomized controlled trial. The Journal of the American Medical Association. 1998;(1238):1244.

Patterson GR, Reid J,B, Dishion TJ. Antisocial boys. Castalia; Eugene, OR: 1992.

Rachlin H. The science of self-control. Harvard University Press; Cambridge, MA: 2000.

Slovic P, Finucane M, Peters E, MacGregor DG. The affect heuristic. In: Gilovich T, Griffin D, Kahneman D, editors. Intuitive judgment: Heuristics and biases () Cambridge University Press; New York: 2002.

Spear L. In: The developing brain and adolescent-typical behavior patterns: An evolutionary approach. Adolescent psychopathology and the developing brain: Integrating brain and prevention science. Romer D, Walker EF, editors. Oxford University Press; New York: 2007. pp. 9-30.

Spear L,P. The behavioral neuroscience of adolescence. W. W. Norton & Co.; New York: 2009.

Zucker RA. Alcohol use and the alcohol use disorders: A developmentalbiopsychosocial systems formulation covering the life course. In: Cicchetti D, Cohen DJ, editors. Developmental psychopathology: Volume three: Risk, disorder, and adaptation. 2nd ed. John Wiley; Hoboken, NJ: 2006. pp. 620-656.

Zuckerman M. Behavioral expressions and biosocial bases of sensation seeking. Cambridge University Press; New York: 1994.

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Adolescent Risk Taking, Impulsivity, and Brain Development: Implications for Prevention

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Individual differences in impulsivity underlie a good deal of the risk taking that is observed during adolescence, and some of the most hazardous forms of this behavior are linked to impulsivity traits that are evident early in development. However, early ...

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Key Takeaways

Lawrence Kohlberg formulated a theory asserting that individuals progress through six distinct stages of moral reasoning from infancy to adulthood.

He grouped these stages into three broad categories of moral reasoning, pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional. Each level is associated with increasingly complex stages of moral development.

Kohlberg suggested that people move through these stages in a fixed order and that moral understanding is linked to cognitive development.

Heinz Dilemma

Lawrence Kohlberg (1958) agreed with Piaget's (1932) theory of moral development in principle but wanted to develop his ideas further.

He used Piaget's storytelling technique to tell people stories involving moral dilemmas. In each case, he presented a choice to be considered, for example, between the rights of some authority and the needs of some deserving individual unfairly treated.

After presenting people with various moral dilemmas, Kohlberg categorized their responses into different stages of moral reasoning.

Using children's responses to a series of moral dilemmas, Kohlberg established that the reasoning behind the decision was a greater indication of moral development than the actual answer.

One of the best-known of Kohlberg's (1958) stories concerns a man called Heinz who lived somewhere in Europe.

Heinz's wife was dying from a particular type of cancer. Doctors said a new drug might save her. The drug had been discovered by a local chemist, and the Heinz tried desperately to buy some, but the chemist was charging ten times the money it cost to make the drug, and this was much more than the Heinz could afford.

Heinz could only raise half the money, even after help from family and friends. He explained to the chemist that his wife was dying and asked if he could have the drug cheaper or pay the rest of the money later.

The chemist refused, saying that he had discovered the drug and was going to make money from it. The husband was desperate to save his wife, so later that night he broke into the chemist's and stole the drug.

Should Heinz have broken into the laboratory to steal the drug for his wife? Why or why not?

Kohlberg asked a series of questions such as:

1. Should Heinz have stolen the drug?

2. Would it change anything if Heinz did not love his wife?

3. What if the person dying was a stranger, would it make any difference?

4. Should the police arrest the chemist for murder if the woman dies?

By studying the answers from children of different ages to these questions, Kohlberg hoped to discover how moral reasoning changed as people grew older.

The sample comprised 72 Chicago boys aged 10-16 years, 58 of whom were followed up at three-yearly intervals for 20 years (Kohlberg, 1984).

Each boy was given a 2-hour interview based on the ten dilemmas. Kohlberg was interested not in whether the boys judged the action right or wrong but in the reasons for the decision. He found that these reasons tended to change as the children got older.

Kohlberg identified three levels of moral reasoning: preconventional, conventional, and postconventional. Each level has two sub-stages.

People can only pass through these levels in the order listed. Each new stage replaces the reasoning typical of the earlier stage. Not everyone achieves all the stages.

Preconventional
1. Avoiding Punishment

Moral reasoning is based on direct consequences.

Heinz should not steal the drug because stealing is illegal, and he could be punished.

2. Self-Interest

Actions are seen in terms of rewards rather than moral value.

Heinz should not steal the drug because stealing is illegal, and he could be punished.

Conventional
3. Good boy attitude

Good behavior is about living up to social expectations and roles.

Heinz should steal the drug because, as a good husband, he is expected to do whatever he can to save his wife.

4. Law & Order Morality

Moral reasoning considers societal laws.

Heinz should not steal the drug because he must uphold the law and maintain societal order.

Postconventional
5. Social Contract

Rules are seen as social agreements that can be changed when necessary.

Heinz should steal the drug because preserving human life is a more fundamental value than property rights.

6. Universal Principles

Moral reasoning is based on universal ethical principles and justice.

Heinz should consider non-violent civil disobedience or negotiation with the pharmacist. The decision reflects a conflict between property rights and the sanctity of human life.

Level 1 - Preconventional Morality

Preconventional morality is the first level of moral development, lasting until approximately age 8. During this level, children accept the authority (and moral code) of others.

Preconventional morality is when people follow rules because they don't want to get in trouble or they want to get a reward. This level of morality is mostly based on what authority figures like parents or teachers tell you to do rather than what you think is right or wrong.

Authority is outside the individual, and children often make moral decisions based on the physical consequences of actions.

For example, if an action leads to punishment, it must be bad; if it leads to a reward, it must be good.

So, people at this level don't have their own personal sense of right and wrong yet. They think that something is good if they get rewarded for it and bad if they get punished for it.

For example, if you get candy for behaving, you think you were good, but if you get a scolding for misbehaving, you think you were bad.

At the preconventional level, children don't have a personal code of morality. Instead, moral decisions are shaped by the standards of adults and the consequences of following or breaking their rules.

Stage 1. Obedience and Punishment Orientation. The child/individual is good to avoid being punished. If a person is punished, they must have done wrong.

Stage 2. Individualism and Exchange. At this stage, children recognize that there is not just one right view handed down by the authorities. Different individuals have different viewpoints.

Level 2 - Conventional Morality

Conventional morality is the adolescent phase of moral development focused on societal norms and external expectations to discern right from wrong, often grounded in tradition, cultural practices, or established codes of conduct.

We internalize the moral standards of valued adult role models at the conventional level (most adolescents and adults).

Authority is internalized but not questioned, and reasoning is based on the group's norms to which the person belongs.

A social system that stresses the responsibilities of relationships and social order is seen as desirable and must influence our view of right and wrong.

So, people who follow conventional morality believe that it's important to follow society's rules and expectations to maintain order and prevent problems.

For example, refusing to cheat on a test is a part of conventional morality because cheating can harm the academic system and create societal problems.

Stage 3. Good Interpersonal Relationships. The child/individual is good to be seen as being a good person by others. Therefore, answers relate to the approval of others.

Stage 4. Law and Order Morality. The child/individual becomes aware of the wider rules of society, so judgments concern obeying the rules to uphold the law and avoid guilt.

Level 3 - Postconventional Morality

Postconventional morality is the third level of moral development and is characterized by an individual's understanding of universal ethical principles.

Postconventional morality is when people decide based on what they think is right rather than just following the rules of society. This means that people at this level of morality have their own ethical principles and values and don't just do what society tells them to do.

At this level, people think about what is fair, what is just, and what values are important.

What is considered morally acceptable in any given situation is determined by what is the response most in keeping with these principles.

They also think about how their choices might affect others and try to make good decisions for everyone, not just themselves.

Values are abstract and ill-defined but might include: the preservation of life at all costs and the importance of human dignity. Individual judgment is based on self-chosen principles, and moral reasoning is based on individual rights and justice.

According to Kohlberg, this level of moral reasoning is as far as most people get.

Only 10-15% are capable of abstract thinking necessary for stage 5 or 6 (post-conventional morality). That is to say, most people take their moral views from those around them, and only a minority think through ethical principles for themselves.

Stage 5. Social Contract and Individual Rights. The child/individual becomes aware that while rules/laws might exist for the good of the greatest number, there are times when they will work against the interest of particular individuals.

The issues are not always clear-cut. For example, in Heinz's dilemma, the protection of life is more important than breaking the law against stealing.

Stage 6. Universal Principles. People at this stage have developed their own set of moral guidelines, which may or may not fit the law. The principles apply to everyone. E.g., human rights, justice, and equality.

The person will be prepared to act to defend these principles even if it means going against the rest of society in the process and having to pay the consequences of disapproval and or imprisonment.

Kohlberg doubted few people had reached this stage.

Problems with Kohlberg's Methods

1. The dilemmas are artificial (i.e., they lack ecological validity)

Most dilemmas are unfamiliar to most people (Rosen, 1980). For example, it is all very well in the Heinz dilemma, asking subjects whether Heinz should steal the drug to save his wife.

However, Kohlberg's subjects were aged between 10 and 16. They have never been married, and never been placed in a situation remotely like the one in the story.

How should they know whether Heinz should steal the drug?

2. The sample is biased

Kohlberg's (1969) theory suggested males more frequently progress beyond stage four in moral development, implying females lacked moral reasoning skills.

His research assistant, Carol Gilligan, disputed this, who argued that women's moral reasoning differed, not deficient.

She criticized Kohlberg's theory for focusing solely on upper-class white males, arguing women value interpersonal connections. For instance, women often oppose theft in the Heinz dilemma due to potential repercussions, such as separation from his wife if Heinz is imprisoned.

Gilligan (1982) conducted new studies interviewing both men and women, finding women more often emphasized care, relationships and context rather than abstract rules. Gilligan argued that Kohlberg's theory overlooked this relational "different voice" in morality.

According to Gilligan (1977), because Kohlberg's theory was based on an all-male sample, the stages reflect a male definition of morality (it's androcentric).

Men's morality is based on abstract principles of law and justice, while women's is based on principles of compassion and care.

Further, the gender bias issue raised by Gilligan is a reminder of the significant gender debate still present in psychology, which, when ignored, can greatly impact the results obtained through psychological research.

3. The dilemmas are hypothetical (i.e., they are not real)

Kohlberg's approach to studying moral reasoning relied heavily on his semi-structured moral judgment interview. Participants were presented with hypothetical moral dilemmas, and their justifications were analyzed to determine their stage of moral reasoning.

Some critiques of Kohlberg's method are that it lacks ecological validity, removes reasoning from real-life contexts, and defines morality narrowly in terms of justice reasoning.

Psychologists concur with Kohlberg's moral development theory, yet emphasize the difference between moral reasoning and behavior.

What we claim we'd do in a hypothetical situation often differs from our actions when faced with the actual circumstance. In essence, our actions might not align with our proclaimed values.

In a real situation, what course of action a person takes will have real consequences - and sometimes very unpleasant ones for themselves. Would subjects reason in the same way if they were placed in a real situation? We don't know.

The fact that Kohlberg's theory is heavily dependent on an individual's response to an artificial dilemma questions the validity of the results obtained through this research.

People may respond very differently to real-life situations that they find themselves in than they do to an artificial dilemma presented to them in the comfort of a research environment.

4. Poor research design

How Kohlberg carried out his research when constructing this theory may not have been the best way to test whether all children follow the same sequence of stage progression.

His research was cross-sectional, meaning that he interviewed children of different ages to see their moral development level.

A better way to see if all children follow the same order through the stages would be to conduct longitudinal research on the same children.

However, longitudinal research on Kohlberg's theory has since been carried out by Colby et al. (1983), who tested 58 male participants of Kohlberg's original study.

She tested them six times in 27 years and supported Kohlberg's original conclusion, which is that we all pass through the stages of moral development in the same order.

Contemporary research employs more diverse methods beyond Kohlberg's interview approach, such as narrative analysis, to study moral experience. These newer methods aim to understand moral reasoning and development within authentic contexts and experiences.

Tappan and colleagues (1996) promote a narrative approach that examines how individuals construct stories and identities around moral experiences. This draws from the sociocultural tradition of examining identity in context. Tappan argues narrative provides a more contextualized understanding of moral development.

Colby and Damon's (1992) empirical research uses in-depth life story interviews to study moral exemplars - people dedicated to moral causes. Instead of hypothetical dilemmas, they ask participants to describe real moral challenges and commitments. Their goal is to respect exemplars as co-investigators of moral meaning-making.

Walker and Pitts' (1995) studies use open-ended interviews asking people to discuss real-life moral dilemmas and reflect on the moral domain in their own words. This elicits more naturalistic conceptions of morality compared to Kohlberg's abstract decontextualized approach.

Problems with Kohlberg's Theory

1. Are there distinct stages of moral development?

Kohlberg claims there are, but the evidence does not always support this conclusion.

For example, a person who justified a decision based on principled reasoning in one situation (postconventional morality stage 5 or 6) would frequently fall back on conventional reasoning (stage 3 or 4) with another story.

In practice, it seems that reasoning about right and wrong depends more on the situation than on general rules. Moreover, individuals do not always progress through the stages, and Rest (1979) found that one in fourteen slipped backward.

The evidence for distinct stages of moral development looks very weak. Some would argue that behind the theory is a culturally biased belief in the superiority of American values over those of other cultures and societies.

Gilligan (1982) did not dismiss developmental psychology or morality. She acknowledged that children undergo moral development in stages and even praised Kohlberg's stage logic as "brilliant" (Jorgensen, 2006, p. 186). However, she preferred Erikson's model over the more rigid Piagetian stages.

While Gilligan supported Kohlberg's stage theory as rational, she expressed discomfort with its structural descriptions that lacked context.

She also raised concerns about the theory's universality, pointing out that it primarily reflected Western culture (Jorgensen, 2006, pp. 187-188).

Neo-Kohlbergian Schema Model

Rest and colleagues (199) have developed a theoretical model building on but moving beyond Kohlberg's stage-based approach to moral development. Their model outlines four components of moral behavior: moral sensitivity, moral judgment, moral motivation, and moral character.

For the moral judgment component, Rest et al. propose that individuals use moral schemas rather than progress through discrete stages of moral reasoning.

Schemas are generalized knowledge structures that help us interpret information and situations. An individual can have multiple schemas available to make sense of moral issues, rather than being constrained to a single developmental stage.

Some examples of moral schemas proposed by Rest and colleagues include:

Personal Interest Schema - focused on individual interests and preferences

Maintaining Norms Schema - emphasizes following rules and norms

Postconventional Schema - considers moral ideals and principles

Rather than viewing development as movement to higher reasoning stages, the neo-Kohlbergian approach sees moral growth as acquiring additional, more complex moral schemas. Lower schemas are not replaced, but higher order moral schemas become available to complement existing ones.

The schema concept attempts to address critiques of the stage model, such as its rigidity and lack of context sensitivity. Using schemas allows for greater flexibility and integration of social factors into moral reasoning.

2. Does moral judgment match moral behavior?

Kohlberg never claimed that there would be a one-to-one correspondence between thinking and acting (what we say and what we do), but he does suggest that the two are linked.

However, Bee (1994) suggests that we also need to take into account of:

a) habits that people have developed over time.

b) whether people see situations as demanding their participation.

c) the costs and benefits of behaving in a particular way.

d) competing motive such as peer pressure, self-interest and so on.

Overall, Bee points out that moral behavior is only partly a question of moral reasoning. It also has to do with social factors.

3. Is justice the most fundamental moral principle?

This is Kohlberg's view. However, Gilligan (1977) suggests that the principle of caring for others is equally important. Furthermore, Kohlberg claims that the moral reasoning of males has often been in advance of that of females.

Girls are often found to be at stage 3 in Kohlberg's system (good boy-nice girl orientation), whereas boys are more often found to be at stage 4 (Law and Order orientation). Gilligan (p. 484) replies:

"The very traits that have traditionally defined the goodness of women, their care for and sensitivity to the needs of others, are those that mark them out as deficient in moral development".

In other words, Gilligan claims that there is a sex bias in Kohlberg's theory. He neglects the feminine voice of compassion, love, and non-violence, which is associated with the socialization of girls.

Gilligan concluded that Kohlberg's theory did not account for the fact that women approach moral problems from an 'ethics of care', rather than an 'ethics of justice' perspective, which challenges some of the fundamental assumptions of Kohlberg's theory.

In contrast to Kohlberg's impersonal "ethics of justice", Gilligan proposed an alternative "ethics of care" grounded in compassion and responsiveness to needs within relationships (Gilligan, 1982).

Her care perspective highlights emotion, empathy and understanding over detached logic. Gilligan saw care and justice ethics as complementary moral orientations.

Walker et al. (1995) found everyday moral conflicts often revolve around relationships rather than justice; individuals describe relying more on intuition than moral reasoning in dilemmas. This raises questions about the centrality of reasoning in moral functioning.

4. Do people make rational moral decisions?

Kohlbeg's theory emphasizes rationality and logical decision-making at the expense of emotional and contextual factors in moral decision-making.

One significant criticism is that Kohlberg's emphasis on reason can create an image of the moral person as cold and detached from real-life situations.

Carol Gilligan critiqued Kohlberg's theory as overly rationalistic and not accounting for care-based morality commonly found in women. She argued for a "different voice" grounded in relationships and responsiveness to particular individuals.

The criticism suggests that by portraying moral reasoning as primarily cognitive and detached from emotional and situational factors, Kohlberg's theory oversimplifies real-life moral decision-making, which often involves emotions, social dynamics, cultural nuances, and practical constraints.

Critics contend that his model does not adequately capture the multifaceted nature of morality in the complexities of everyday life.

References

Bee, H. L. (1994). Lifespan development. HarperCollins College Publishers.

Blum, L. A. (1988). Gilligan and Kohlberg: Implications for moral theory. Ethics, 98(3), 472-491.

Colby, A., Kohlberg, L., Gibbs, J., & Lieberman, M. (1983). A longitudinal study of moral judgment. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 48 (1-2, Serial No. 200). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Day, J. M., & Tappan, M. B. (1996). The narrative approach to moral development: From the epistemic subject to dialogical selves. Human Development, 39(2), 67-82.

Gilligan, C. (1977). In a different voice: Women's conceptions of self and of morality. Harvard Educational Review, 47(4), 481-517.

Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice. Harvard University Press.

Gilligan, C. (1995). Hearing the difference: Theorizing connection. Hypatia, 10(2), 120-127.

Jorgensen, G. (2006). Kohlberg and Gilligan: duet or duel?. Journal of Moral Education, 35(2), 179-196.

Kohlberg, L. (1958). The Development of Modes of Thinking and Choices in Years 10 to 16. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Chicago.

Kohlberg, L. (1984). The Psychology of Moral Development: The Nature and Validity of Moral Stages (Essays on Moral Development, Volume 2). Harper & Row

Piaget, J. (1932). The moral judgment of the child. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.

Rest, J. R. (1979). Development in judging moral issues. University of Minnesota Press.

Rosen, B. (1980). Moral dilemmas and their treatment. In, Moral development, moral education, and Kohlberg. B. Munsey (Ed). (1980), pp. 232-263. Birmingham, Alabama: Religious Education Press.

Walker, L. J., Pitts, R. C., Hennig, K. H., & Matsuba, M. K. (1995). Reasoning about morality and real-life moral problems.

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Lawrence Kohlberg formulated a theory asserting that individuals progress through six distinct stages of moral reasoning from infancy to adulthood. According to Kohlberg, these stages are grouped into three separate levels known as preconventional, conventional, and post-conventional morality.

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Theories and Approaches to Adolescent Development 

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Theories and Approaches to Adolescent Development 

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ReCAPP: Theories & Approaches: Adolescent Development: Aspects

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