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BBC article - knowing about what it means to be female in Nigeria will help you to understand the male and female dynamics in the novel

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BBC article - knowing about what it means to be female in Nigeria will help you to understand the male and female dynamics in the novel

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What does it mean to be female in Nigeria? Women in Nigeria are using a hashtag on Twitter to share their experiences of everyday gender discrimination.

It started with a small book club meeting in the capital of Abuja on Sunday. Its members were discussing Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's "We Should All Be Feminists", based on the writer's popular talk. "We started describing our own experiences and challenges and thought we should bring the discussion to a larger group," says the book club's Florence Warmate. The area sales manager began to tweet her thoughts with the hashtag #BeingFemaleinNigeria, and soon the timeline flooded with other women sharing the unique situations they face because of their gender.

The hashtag, which has been mentioned more than 80,000 times on Twitter, has been used by both women and men to debate gender identity and describe how women face sexism in their workplace, public places and even in their homes.

"#BeingfemaleinNigeria is being told countless times that I will never find a husband because I am 'too ambitious' and outspoken," said one tweet.

Several tweets explained how they had to deal with gender stereotypes at work or being judged even based on the kind of vehicle they drove. "I learnt that if you graciously cook food & take to work for male colleagues, you must clear their dirty plates too," said one woman. "If you own an SUV, it's your sugar daddy/ married lover that bought it for you," tweeted another user.

"You can't go to club on your own to have a solo drink, you're a prostitute," read a tweet about the problems faced while going out. "Having to bear the trauma of your rape alone because your rapist is a highly respected family member," said another.

Another post referenced #BringBackOurGirls, the global online campaign which called for the release of the Nigerian schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram fighters: "You get kidnapped and killed because you are being educated."

Warmate says she does not expect society to change overnight. "But this can enlighten people and change perceptions about women. When women work hard, respect that." Nigeria is currently ranked 118th out of 142 countries in the Gender Gap Index 2014 of the World Economic Forum. In a new survey the 'Global Women Entrepreneur Leadership Scorecard', Nigeria scored the highest when it came to women who thought they have the skills to become entrepreneurs, but scored the least among 31 countries for 'business environment'.

While several men have also actively encouraged the stories coming out of #BeingFemaleinNigeria, some responded with another hashtag: #BeingMaleinNigeria. "You must pay for lunch/dinner/movies/etc because masculinity = money," tweeted one man, while another said, "You are responsible, hardworking, morally upright. But stereotype of Nigerian men by women will overshadow your efforts."

Warmate clarifies her trend is not meant to put men down. "This is about gender equality. It's about how if a man did the same thing we did, no-one would ask him anything," she tells Trending. "It's not male bashing. It's not feminism." When asked why she thinks the trend is not linked to feminism, she explained that feminism is a broad subject with different definitions for different people, and it can be associated with a 'negative agenda'.

The conversation that started in Nigeria has resonated with women across the world and has sprouted posts about what it means to be women in other African countries like Ghana, and also Bangladesh. "Hashtags #BeingFemaleInGhana #beingfemaleinZimbabwe #BeingFemaleInNigeria just show that it's tough being a woman. Simple. But we're strong!," summarised one user.

Bree Newsome scaled a flagpole on the grounds of the South Carolina state capitol and took down the Confederate flag. By the time she climbed down, she was a hero to many online. READ MORE

You can follow BBC Trending on Twitter @BBCtrending, and find us on Facebook. All our stories are at bbc.com/trending.

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What does it mean to be female in Nigeria? Women in Nigeria are using a hashtag on Twitter to share their experiences of everyday gender discrimination. It started with a small book club meeting in the capital of Abuja on Sunday. Its members were discussing Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's "We Should All Be Feminists", based on the writer's popular talk.

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Watch and listen to Adichie's talk about being a 'happy African feminist' 

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Watch and listen to Adichie's talk about being a 'happy African feminist' 

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We should all be feminists | Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie | TEDxEuston

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A chronology of key events in the history of Nigeria from its earliest civilisations to the present day.

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Things Fall Apart (The African Trilogy, #1)

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THINGS FALL APART tells two overlapping, intertwining stories, both of which center around Okonkwo, a "strong man" of an Ibo village in N...

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UN Women - statistics about gender equality in Nigeria

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UN Women - statistics about gender equality in Nigeria

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Africa

Globally, some progress on women's rights has been achieved. However, work still needs to be done in Nigeria to achieve gender equality. 75% of legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality under the SDG indicator, with a focus on violence against women, are in place. 43.4% of women aged 20-24 years old who were married or in a union before age 18. The adolescent birth rate is 106 per 1,000 women aged 15-19 as of 2017, down from 120 per 1,000 in 2015. As of February 2021, only 3.6% of seats in parliament were held by women. In 2018, 13.2% of women aged 15-49 years reported that they had been subject to physical and/or sexual violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous 12 months. Moreover, women of reproductive age (15-49 years) often face barriers with respect to their sexual and reproductive health and rights: despite progress, in 2018, 35.6% of women had their need for family planning satisfied with modern methods.

As of december 2020, only 46.7% of indicators needed to monitor the SDGs from a gender perspective were available, with gaps in key areas, in particular: unpaid care and domestic work, key labour market indicators, such as the gender pay gap and information and communications technology skills. In addition, many areas - such as gender and poverty, physical and sexual harassment, women's access to assets (including land), and gender and the environment - lack comparable methodologies for reguar monitoring. Closing these gender data gaps is essential for achieving gender-related SDG commitments in Nigeria.

Gender data gaps and country performance

For this score, we use the 72 gender-specific SDG indicators in the Women Count Data Hub's SDG Dashboard for the 193 UN Member States. For each indicator, we calculate the 33rd and 66th percentiles of the distribution and, based on those two values, countries are classified as belonging to high performance, medium performance and low performance categories. For more details, see the methodological note and the article "We now have more gender-related SDG data than ever, but is it enough?"

Low performance

Medium performance

High performance

Missing data

Average region score - Africa

Economic

Inclusive development, shared prosperity and decent work

Social

Social protection, poverty and freedom from violence, stigma & stereotypes

1.3.1 Proportion of mothers with newborns receiving maternity cash benefit.

3.1.1 Maternal mortality ratio (Per 100,000 live births).

3.7.2 Adolescent birth rate (per 1,000 women aged 15-19 years).

5.2.1 Proportion of ever-partnered women and girls subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous 12 months. Age 15-49.

5.3.1 Proportion of women aged 20-24 years who were married or in a union before age 18 (%)

Before age 15.

Before age 18.

Political

Political participation, accountability and gender-responsive institutions

5.1.1 Legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality (percentage of achievement, 0 - 100)

Area 1: overarching legal frameworks and public life

Area 2: violence against women

Area 3: employment and economic benefits

Area 4: marriage and family

5.5.1

Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (% of total number of seats)

Proportion of elected seats held by women in deliberative bodies of local government

5.5.2

Proportion of women in managerial positions

Proportion of women in senior and middle management positions

5.c.1 Proportion of countries with systems to track and make public allocations for gender equality and women's empowerment.

Environmental

Environmental conservation, protection and rehabilitation

3.9.1 Age-standardized mortality rate attributed to household air pollution (deaths per 100,000 population).

6.1.1 Proportion of population using safely managed drinking water services, by urban/rural.

7.1.2 Proportion of population with primary reliance on clean fuels and technology.

Gender-specific indicators

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Globally, some progress on women's rights has been achieved. However, work still needs to be done in Nigeria to achieve gender equality. 75% of legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality under the SDG indicator, with a focus on violence against women, are in place.

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Half of a Yellow Sun - Chimanda Ngozi Adichie

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Half of a Yellow Sun - Chimanda Ngozi Adichie

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Last year, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie gave the inaugural Gabriel García Márquez lecture and spoke about truth and storytelling. "To start a story, a true story, thinking of balance is already to place an obstacle in the path of that story," she said. "Because what one must focus on is not balance, but truth."

Those who have lamented the failures of the BBC over the past few yearswill understand this point only too well, but I'd still recommend listening to this lecture. It's moving and impressive to hear Adichie make her points so forcefully and eloquently - and a worthwhile reminder of the curious fact that the people who offer us the best insights into reality are often novelists, rather than reporters.

Adichie herself is a case in point. Among other things, Half of a Yellow Sun is one of the great truth-telling novels. Both in Nigeria and around the world, it was many people's introduction to the Biafran conflict. It has helped hundreds of thousands of people understand a situation that has been largely forgotten, while telling a story that feels truthful - but is also clearly a work of fiction.

It's here that the definition of truth becomes complicated. We accept that fiction tells us the truth, even if that's a contradiction in terms. We all understand what Hemingway meant when he explained how he produced fiction: "All you have to do is write one true sentence. Write the truest sentence that you know." It doesn't matter that Papa sat there and made things up. There's a different kind of truth to be found in how he describes the downhill rush of skiing, the taste of Spanish red wine, or how it feels to know you've lost the love of your life.

Yet, this idea does also have obvious complications. We have to do some internal calculations to work out exactly where that truth lies. Hemingway's short stories are different to his journalism, for instance. His novel about an old man catching a mythically huge fish has a different relationship to historical events than his novel about the Italian front in the first world war. If you want to know the moral truth about the pompous cruelty of fascists in Italy in the early years of Mussolini's reign, I'd recommend reading his short story about travelling through the country, Che Ti Dice La Patria - just don't go there for the cold facts and stats.

We feel such gradations of truth instinctively when we read, so much so that it seems almost redundant to try to sift through these differences in this way. But every so often, a book tests our instincts and makes us investigate our feelings about truth and reality more deeply. Half of a Yellow Sun is one of those books.

On a factual level, this novel has deep roots in the events of 1967 to 1970. Adichie drew on first-hand eyewitness accounts from her parents and close family, friends and compatriots who were involved in the Biafran conflict. She researched books on the war for years (even though they could be "boring") and says that almost every single incident in the novel is based on something real. That adds an extra frisson of horror to descriptions of incidents like the one where a woman shows Olanna a bag containing her little girl's head and says: "Do you know it took me so long to plait this hair? She had such thick hair ..." Or the horrific descriptions of hunger and desperation at refugee centres, the rapes and the murders.

At the same time, facts are not Adichie's main concern. She doesn't get much involved in debates about the numbers killed by the famine the war brought, the political manoeuvres of the various powers who helped arm fighters on both sides. She doesn't state the kind of truths that would go into an encyclopedia article on Biafra. She shows instead the things that her characters see and feel. It's deliberately one-sided and narrow in its focus. There's no false pretence at balance.

So it is that we learn as much about the flavour of pepper soup, or the way dust motes swim in the sunlight, as we do about facts and figures. We learn more about what it means to find yourself fighting for your life. To be so brutalised by conflict that you can be involved in a gang rape. To be hungry enough to eat rats. To not know where your sister is, but know enough that she almost certainly isn't coming back. Adichie's concern is not so much with the physical and countable impact of the conflict as the emotional.

At the conclusion of the Márquez lecture, Adichie asks whether we should reconsider the distinction between journalism and fiction, and "rethink the labels we attach to writing. Whether we should think more simply of good writing and bad writing. Storytelling that engages and storytelling that does not." On this reckoning, she has succeeded. The truth the book tells is about the horror and the pity of war. About the human beings who had to suffer it. Wikipedia can tell me that "almost two million Biafran civilians died from starvation" during the war, but it's Half of a Yellow Sun that shows me what that really means.

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Half of a Yellow Sun is a masterpiece in balancing truth and fiction

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Last year, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie gave the inaugural Gabriel García Márquez lecture and spoke about truth and storytelling. "To start a story, a true story, thinking of balance is already to place an obstacle in the path of that story," she said. "Because what one must focus on is not balance, but truth."

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If you loved reading 'Purple Hibiscus', you might like 'Nervous Conditions' written by Tsitsi Dangeremgba

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If you loved reading 'Purple Hibiscus', you might like 'Nervous Conditions' written by Tsitsi Dangeremgba

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Read the review.

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Nervous Conditions is a non-fiction book that deals with the themes of poverty, the challenges faced by women trying to achieve their aims in life and the struggles they have to undertake to be able to succeed. The main protagonist of the novel is Tambu, who is given a chance to go for higher education after the death of her older brother Nhamo.

Nhamo was the only male in the entire family and therefore he was always given the most attention as Jeremiah (their dad) expected that he would bring them out of the squalor they were living in. However, due to exposure to western culture he shuns his own culture and starts to distance himself from the family. Soon after his death, this opportunity is given to Tambu to go and achieve her dreams, however her mother Ma Shingayi is afraid of the change that may happen to Tambu due to a similar influence by western culture.

Tambu goes along with Babamukuru (her wealthy and learned uncle) for higher studies in England. Babamukuru was always given respect and was looked upon with awe as he could achieve success through persistance and hard work. As Tambu goes on to live with Babamukuru, many other secrets and true colours of Babamukuru is revealed. In her journey to better her condition through education she finds out shocking truths in the Babamukuru's household. It is not what seemed like from a distance and the lives of Maiguru and Nyasha were not what it should have been like.

This book introduces us to many numerous struggles that women experience. This journey of Tambu helps us view society from a different perspective and the fact that everything is achievable is what is portrayed throught this marvellous work by Tsitsi Dangarembga. It surely is a must-read book... You are missing a lot in your life if you haven't read it yet. Make sure to READ IT.

* Buy this book at the Guardian Bookshop

Want to tell the world about a book you've read? Join the site and send us your review!

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Nervous Conditions by Tsitsi Dangarembga - review

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Nervous Conditions is a non-fiction book that deals with the themes of poverty, the challenges faced by women trying to achieve their aims in life and the struggles they have to undertake to be able to succeed. The main protagonist of the novel is Tambu, who is given a chance to go for higher education after the death of her older brother Nhamo.

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The Thing Around Your Neck - a collection of short stories by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

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The Thing Around Your Neck - a collection of short stories by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

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We Should All Be Feminists - Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

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We Should All Be Feminists - Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

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We Should All Be Feminists has 85,568 ratings and 10,022 reviews. Emily May said: Not long ago, I wrote an article about being young and female in Lago...

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Colonial brainwashing - "colo mentality"

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Colonial brainwashing - "colo mentality"

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few weeks ago, I sat in the paediatric ward of a private hospital in Lagos waiting on my then 10-week-old son's vaccinations. In the waiting room, all toys and loud crashing from US cartoons, I took in the sight of a Nigerian woman, her body tinged with the tell-tale redness of poisoned, bleached skin. Two beautiful babies sat, in car seats, at her feet.

I exclaimed, "You had twins!" I recognised her from a few weeks before, each of us in the final throes of pregnancy. "I actually had triplets," she grinned. On cue, her Nigerian husband emerged from the doctor's office carrying their third child. Awestruck, my son in my arms, I congratulated her on her strength.

She looked closer at my son and beamed, "He is beautiful." "Thank you," I agreed naively, not realising where our conversation was headed. "Look at how 'light' he is," she continued. My heart sank. "His father must be white," she persisted. I confirmed my husband was a white man from the United Kingdom. "My son will get darker and be just as lovely," uncomfortable, I tried to control the conversation. "Even if he gets darker, he will still be 'light' and beautiful," she effused. The greatest trick colonialism plays is to convince us it has really left.

I pray that my children will never be taken in by false praise and will stand, unyielding, in the glory of their Black Africanness

My son began to cry. I was thankful. I comforted him in the language I speak to my children, leaving English to everyone else. "Pẹ̀lẹ́ mà bínù, o ti fẹ ya ká má lọ́ 'lé," I consoled him, and myself, in Yorùbá. She spoke again, "Don't talk to this fine boy in Yorùbá, please." Her words completed my dejection. "You must have a girl," she went on. "Can you imagine a girl with this skin, and long hair too?" My spirit had sunk too low to tell her that I, also, had long hair, that grows thickly up, not down, "smack you back" coily, triple black.

I looked at her triplets, neatly lined up - dark, precious in their fragility, utterly beautiful. I wondered, would their mother ever let them know, feel it?

I was unable to shake my sadness. How did we get like this, believing that we are not the mark of beauty itself - that our skin, our hair, our languages are "ugly"?

We joke about "colo mentality" in Nigeria as a problem that affects only "the ignorant masses", when, in reality, it is an affliction that excludes no one - equally responsible for the most obvious displays of self-alienation, as it is for the not-so-declaratory, corrosive transformations it makes to our ideas.

Is the solution to build powerful Black nations by imitating a history of European capitalist domination and aspiring to false notions of "rationality" as espoused by European philosophy and science? Is this not, also, the result of a "colonial mentality"? Shall we counteract the violence of European colonisation by showing that we, too, can be just as exploitative, as greedy, "rational"?

I do not ask these questions to be rhetorical. I am, also, searching for answers. One of the many devastating consequences of colonialism, in its imposition of one mode of thought and way of life, attempting to destroy all others, is that it shallows our imaginations, too closely confining them to present, near-recent, experience.

It does not help that Europeans continue, in their recordings of a history of ideas, to persist in the belief of their unique mightiness. As Zophia Edwards, a sociology professor at Providence College in the United States, notes, western scholarship is replete with false notions that the most useful ideas come from the global north, only copied by the global south. Conveniently forgetting that such ideas as a universal human rights were first developed by Latin American countries.

Through wilful acts of forgetting and myth-making, and despite the evidence of our labour in the establishment of their metaphorical houses, it remains prominent in the minds of many Europeans that the current socioeconomic development of African countries is simply the result of our supposed lack of intellectual originality.

We are, in Nigeria, beginning to unmask the villains of our present predicament. They are not just the colonials - every one of them - but those, also, among our historical elite who aided and abetted colonialism. Some, like the slave trader Madam Tinubu, we have unsoundly memorialised, though by their wickedness we should have known they were not heroes. And our heroes?

I have thought of praiseworthy champions who, operating under the oppressive height of empire, must surely also have been victims of colonial brainwashing. I have thought of Samuel Ajayi Crowther, widely celebrated as Nigeria's first Anglican bishop. Of JJ Ransome-Kuti who, despite writing the Ẹgbà national anthem, also helped further Christianity's entrance into Yorùbá culture by the Christian hymns he set to Yorùbá music. The consequences to Yorùbá religion and culture have been incalculable.

Steve Biko, South African leader of the Black Consciousness Movement, circa 1977. Photograph: Alamy

I have thought of my schooldays, of Ijeoma and Doreen, lighter-skinned girls allowed to wear their straight hair out, while the rest of us were caned if our hair was not "neat", by which was meant tidied away into cornrows. Whatever terror unbound African hair had struck in the hearts of colonial men and women, by the time of my youth, it had surely been transferred to local school administrations.

I have thought of Mr Moronfolu, and all the other authority figures, for whom flogging is a part of our "traditions" and not a dehumanising spectacle that became more widespread with colonialism, used to "tame" the "frightening and savage native" into cooperative submission.

It is not enough to reveal the lies and tear down the statues, though this we must. We have, also, to build things in their places. The political thought of the anti-apartheid activist and thinker Steve Biko contains an instructive conception of freedom that requires, first, the elevation of Black Consciousness, of Black cultures and communities, out of the false baseness they have been pushed into. Second, the thorough understanding that white people are just, well, people. That the space that they have collectively attempted to occupy in the last few hundred years is not simply one of superiority, but an attempt at being more than human. And to have done so by maintaining others in sub-human state. For everyone to be brought back to being simply, fully, but not more than, a human being, white people will need to give up instrumental power, and more - a mental, religious, understanding of themselves as God-like.

If Black Consciousness, the emancipation of the Black mind, and the recovery of the true freedom of all human beings starts with correcting the obvious violences of colonisation, it is not completed until we have questioned every communal understanding we take for granted. Our real heroes cannot be left unscathed. It is daunting. We will be tired. But free.

So, I pray that my children will grow up in a world where the values we teach them are mirrored outside - that, in every fundamental aspect, all people are equal. When they inevitably find that the world is different, may their hearts not be broken. I pray they will never be taken in by false praise and will stand, unyielding, in the glory of their Black Africanness. That, regardless of how they are treated by either of their cultural heritages, they will hold fast to a universal belief in goodness, fortitude and love.

To my unborn daughter, I pray that you will have my hair - thickly coiled beyond the solitary abilities of any wide-toothed comb, beautiful as black night. But, if you do not, may you be content in knowing that your hair is no "worse", no "better".

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In Nigeria, colonial thinking affects everyone. It is time we found new heroes | Eniola Anuoluwapo Soyemi

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few weeks ago, I sat in the paediatric ward of a private hospital in Lagos waiting on my then 10-week-old son's vaccinations. In the waiting room, all toys and loud crashing from US cartoons, I took in the sight of a Nigerian woman, her body tinged with the tell-tale redness of poisoned, bleached skin.

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wing Provides an overview of Nigeria, including key events and facts about this oil-rich country with multiple ethnic and religious divides.

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BBC - a tour of Nigeria's independence through six images from six decades

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BBC - a tour of Nigeria's independence through six images from six decades

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As Nigeria prepares to celebrate its independence anniversary, the BBC's Nduka Orjinmo selects six images, one from each decade, that represent watershed moments in the country's 60 years of self-rule.

After decades of British colonial rule, Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa took on the reins of power and led independent Nigeria's new coalition government. The celebrations lasted for weeks in some parts of the country and for those present at the Race Course (now Tafawa Balewa Square) in Obalende, Lagos, on 1 October 1960, it was an unforgettable experience.

"Just before the stroke of midnight, they switched off the lights and lowered the British Union Jack," Ben Iruemiobe, then a bright-eyed 16-year-old student who witnessed the raising of the Nigerian flag, told the BBC.

"Then at midnight, the lights were switched back on and the green-white-green stood majestically for all to see. This was followed by a volley of fireworks, then the military band played and we rejoiced,"

Seven years after independence, a civil war erupted as Nigeria's eastern region tried to form the breakaway Biafra state.

The three-year conflict, which ended with Biafran surrender, resulted in the death of more than two million people, most of them women and children who died of starvation in eastern Nigeria.

For many easterners, the 1970s was a period to recover both emotionally and financially, especially for those who had lost their houses - termed abandoned properties - and all their savings.

US-based novelist Okey Ndibe, a child during the war, describes it as the defining event in Nigeria's difficult history.

"The [government's] main goal was achieved, but at grave human and moral cost.

"The ghost of Biafra continues to haunt Nigeria. Festering violence in the north-east zone, renewed agitations for Biafra, and demands by residents of the oil-rich Niger Delta for resource control, are consequences of Nigeria's failure to use justice as the arbiter of public policies," he told the BBC.

1980s - 'Ghana Must Go!'

In 1983 the government of Shehu Shagari ordered more than a million West African migrants, most of them Ghanaians, to leave Nigeria at short notice as the country faced an economic downturn.

The red, white and blue chequered plastic bag that the desperate departing Ghanaians used to carry their possessions became known as "Ghana Must Go". But now they are more often seen as a symbol of sleaze in Nigeria, preferred by corrupt politicians to ferry huge amounts of cash.

After 16 years of brutal military rule, interrupted by 82 days of a civilian government in 1993, democracy returned to Nigeria in 1999. Gen Abdulsalam Abubakar transferred power to Olusegun Obasanjo, who had won nationwide elections.

The 1990s was a packed decade in Nigeria's political history - including the annulment of an election by the military in 1993, the global condemnation of the 1995 hanging of nine environmental activists, among them Ken Saro-Wiwa by military ruler Gen Sani Abacha, and Abacha's own death in 1998.

The handover to democratic rule was seen by many as a culmination of these three events. The 21 years since have seen the longest uninterrupted republic in Nigeria's history.

On 16 November 2001, when a group of women competed for the judges' attention at the Miss World beauty pageant in South Africa only a handful of Nigerians were aware of the event.

But by the end of the day, millions in Africa's most populous country had become familiar with the name of 18-year-old Agbani Darego - the first black African to be crowned Miss World.

"Prior to Agbani winning it wasn't easy to get Nigerians and Africans to participate in pageants because they didn't see themselves winning.

"But from having 20 to 50 participants we had hundreds of thousands who wanted to participate. Now the world wants African music, they want African dance. We are black, we are beautiful and we are in demand," Ben Murray-Bruce, a former organiser of the Most Beautiful Girl in Nigeria contest, told the BBC.

In April 2014, Islamist militant group Boko Haram kidnapped 276 girls from their school in Chibok in Nigeria's north-east, where there is still an insurgency.

Boko Haram had kidnapped many girls and women before but the abduction of the schoolgirls sparked a global campaign with the hashtag #BringBackOurGirls.

Bukky Shonibare, one of the leaders of the Bring Back Our Girls Group in Nigeria that protested relentlessly for government intervention to help free the girls, says the abduction greatly affected education in northern Nigeria.

"Children - boys and girls - became scared of going to school, and parents had to make a choice of either keeping their children alive or sending them to school.

"Efforts at achieving gender equality were greatly affected. Gains recorded [previously], especially around girl-child education, were immensely affected," she said.

After six years, more than 100 of the girls are still missing.

More on this story

Around the BBC

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Nigeria's independence: Six images from six decades

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As Nigeria prepares to celebrate its independence anniversary, the BBC's Nduka Orjinmo selects six images, one from each decade, that represent watershed moments in the country's 60 years of self-rule. After decades of British colonial rule, Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa took on the reins of power and led independent Nigeria's new coalition government.

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Remembering Nigeria’s Biafra war that many prefer to forget

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Fifty years from the end of Nigeria’s civil war three people on the losing side reflect on its impact.

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BBC -50 years after the first military coup

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BBC -50 years after the first military coup

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Although most of Nigeria's current population of about 170 million was not born when the country's first coup was staged 50 years ago, its legacy lingers on, writes Nigerian historian and author Max Siollun.

On 15 January 1966, a group of young, idealistic, UK-trained army majors overthrew Nigeria's democratic government in a violent military coup.

The coup leaders described it as a brief and temporary revolution to end corruption and ethnic rivalry. Instead, it made them worse.

The coup exposed the vulnerability of the Nigerian state, and how simple it was to use soldiers to attack the government, rather than protect it.

A succession of increasingly repressive military governments ruled Nigeria for 29 of the next 33 years, until the restoration of democracy in 1999. Here are four ways in which Nigeria - Africa's most populous state and leading oil producer - is still affected by the events of 1966:

Protesters in south-east Nigeria have recently demanded the region's secession from Nigeria and the formation of a new country called Biafra. The Biafra movement's origins can be traced back to the January 1966 coup.

The officers who staged the coup were mostly Christian southerners from the Igbo ethnic group, and they assassinated several northerners, including the four highest-ranking northern army officers, Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, and Northern Region Premier Ahmadu Bello (both Muslims from the north).

Army commander Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, suppressed the coup, but seized power himself. Northerners interpreted the coup as an Igbo-led conspiracy to subjugate the north and impose Igbo domination.

Six months later, northern soldiers staged another even bloodier counter-coup against their Igbo colleagues.

Northern mobs killed around 30,000 Igbos, and Igbos fled south, and in the following year sought to form a new breakaway country called Biafra. Northerners living in Igbo areas were also killed in revenge attacks.

Although the army suppressed the attempt at secession after a brutal civil war, bitterness remains 50 years later.

Unaddressed grievances from 1966 lie at the heart of the Biafra movement's resurgence. Many Igbos feel that Nigeria regards them as a fifth column and is still punishing them for their previous attempt at secession.

One of the coup leaders Major Nzeogwu said: "We wanted to get rid of rotten and corrupt ministers... We wanted to gun down the bigwigs in our way."

His coup unwittingly entrenched the presence of "rotten and corrupt ministers". His best friend was a young western army officer named Major Olusegun Obasanjo.

Ten years later, he found himself at the head of a different military government. It promulgated a new constitution that gave the government ownership of all mineral resources.

This provision encouraged corruption and the do-or-die nature of Nigeria's elections, as winners now had control over the country's vast mineral wealth.

It is also the source of much bitterness in Nigeria's oil-producing areas, and a cause of the latent Niger Delta insurgency which rocked Nigeria for several years and severely disrupted its oil industry.

The January 1966 coup propelled a group of young military officers onto the national stage. Now wealthy septuagenarian grandfathers, they still wield enormous influence in Nigerian politics.

Gen Obasanjo is one of these retired military kingmakers. His withdrawal of support for then-President Goodluck Jonathan was one factor in his presidential election defeat last year, and the victory of current President Muhammadu Buhari.

As a young officer, Mr Buhari was among the young northern officers who in July 1966 staged the counter-coup against the Igbo majors.

The influence of retired military officers is so pervasive that Mr Jonathan is the only president in Nigeria's history who had no personal or family involvement in the 1966 crisis and the ensuing civil war.

The army's politicised past means that Nigerians live with the (real or imagined) fear that a coup is a possible outcome of any political crisis.

Last year, Nigeria's then-national security adviser admitted that previous governments' wariness of the coup-prone army made them reluctant to upgrade its weaponry.

Years of strategic military under-investment recently came back to haunt Nigeria when soldiers facing Islamist militant group Boko Haram complained that they were under-equipped to fight the insurgents.

This coup issue also partly explains why Nigerian authorities react with such severity to any disobedience by soldiers.

Yet, ironically, Nigeria partially owes its continued existence to the near obsessive desire to avoid a repeat of the 1966 bloodshed.

The young military firebrands have mellowed and talk their way out of crisis rather than blasting their way into it.

The elaborate power-sharing arrangements in Nigeria's constitution, and the unwritten rule requiring rotation of political power between the north and south are legacies of the mistrust engendered in 1966.

Nigeria has matured. So have its former coup leaders.

* Max Siollun is a Nigerian historian, writer, and author of the books Oil, Politics and Violence: Nigeria's Military Coup Culture 1966-1976 and Soldiers of Fortune: a History of Nigeria (1983-1993).

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How first coup still haunts Nigeria 50 years on

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Although most of Nigeria's current population of about 170 million was not born when the country's first coup was staged 50 years ago, its legacy lingers on, writes Nigerian historian and author Max Siollun. On 15 January 1966, a group of young, idealistic, UK-trained army majors overthrew Nigeria's democratic government in a violent military coup.

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Find out about the bildungsroman genre and its typical conventions

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Find out about the bildungsroman genre and its typical conventions

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Bildungsroman Definition

What is Bildungsroman? Here's a quick and simple definition:

Bildungsroman is a genre of novel that shows a young protagonist's journey from childhood to adulthood (or immaturity to maturity), with a focus on the trials and misfortunes that affect the character's growth.

Some additional key details about Bildungsromans:

The word Bildungsroman is a combination of the German word bildung, meaning formation, and roman, meaning novel. The word Bildungsroman is typically capitalized because of its German origin (in German, all nouns are capitalized).

The term "coming-of-age novel" is sometimes used interchangeably with Bildungsroman. This is not necessarily incorrect-in most cases the terms can be used interchangeably-but Bildungsroman carries the connotation of a specific and well-defined literary tradition, whereas "coming-of-age novel" is more of a catch-all term.

A Bildungsroman typically begins with a protagonist who feels alienated and alone, but ends on a positive note with the character finding a sense of belonging or self-realization, though many authors have played with this formula.

How to Pronounce Bildungsroman

Here's how to pronounce bildungsroman: bill-dungs-rome-ahn

History of Bildungsromans

While people have always told stories about coming of age, the specific genre of the Bildungsroman originated in Germany in the early 19th century. In its early form, the Bildungsroman was regarded as a novel that had educational as well as philosophical value for young adults, because it portrayed characters who not only strove to better themselves, but who were able to outgrow or leave behind childish behaviors in the pursuit of a higher aim.

The example given most often is Johann Goethe's Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship, in which the main character (Wilhelm) seeks to escape the mediocrity of his middle-class upbringing and lead the life of an artist instead. The book contains many of the plot elements that later became hallmarks of the genre: Wilhelm endures heartbreak, has his artistic aspirations crushed, gets sent away from home by his parents to learn a thing or two, squanders his fortune unwisely, and faces financial ruin.

By the end of the novel, however, Wilhelm shows signs of having matured as a result of his experiences. Not only has he begun to find some success for himself as an actor, but the book ends with him taking a strong moral stance: he sets off on a journey to find and reprimand another character, whose selfish behavior had ruinous consequences for one of Wilhelm's friends. This focus on personal growth and self-realization-particularly through making and learning from mistakes-remains the key feature of the Bildungsroman. The genre grew in popularity dramatically during the 20th century and spread to different cultures around the world.

Typical Structure of Bildungsromans

The typical Bildungsroman has a three-part structure:

1. The set-up, which introduces the protagonist, most often during his or her childhood.

2. Experiences that shape the protagonist's character, often culminating in some sort of spiritual crisis or loss of faith.

3. The protagonist reaches maturity, which usually involves them finding a sense of peace with themselves, or of belonging in the world.

Though this structure is not always used by writers of Bildungsromans exactly as described here, it is extraordinarily common for Bildungsromans.

Shared Features of Bildungsromans

While there are many books in the world that are about a character's maturation process, not all of them would be considered Bildungsromans. Aside from the three-part structure described above, which may not always be used, there are a slew of common characters, themes, and plot devices that authors historically have used when writing novels in the Bildungsroman genre.

To help you identify whether or not a novel belongs in the literary genre of bildungsroman, see if you can identify any of the following features in the book. While no Bildungsroman has all of these features, a true Bildungsroman is likely to have at least one of them.

Common Supporting Characters in Bildungsroman

The Wicked Authority Figure

The Enchanting Same-Sex Friend

The Unrequited Love

The Kindly Teacher

Common Themes in Bildungsromans

God and the Sublime

Class Struggle

Sexual Frustration

The Supernatural

Common Plot Devices in Bildungsromans

Being "sent off" to boarding school, jail, hard labor, or a distant relative's house

Alienation from one's immediate family

Financial crises and/or "rags-to-riches"

Physical punishment and/or harsh living conditions

Fleeing, running away, and travel to an exotic land

Spiritual crises and encounters

Common Protagonists in Bildungsromans

Variations of Bildungsroman

Within the genre of Bildungsroman, there are several more specific terms (all of which come from the German language) that have been used to sub-categorize books in the Bildungsroman genre. While these terms aren't used commonly anymore, they do underscore the importance of the themes of growth and formation at the center of every Bildungsroman.

Entwicklungsroman: A novel of development; differs from bildungsroman in that it does not necessarily involve the process of growing up.

Erziehungsroman: A novel of education; emphasis on schooling and knowledge, whether academic or otherwise.

Kunstlerroman: A novel about the development of an artist.

Zeitroman: A novel that considers the evolution of the protagonist's socio-cultural atmosphere and era along with his own personal development.

Bildungsroman Examples

The following examples showcase the maturation process of three common types of Bildungsroman protagonists: the orphan, the misfit / runaway, and the artist. We've broken up the summary for each book into the three different parts of the genre's structure (Early life, Formative Experiences, and Conclusion) as well as highlighted examples of protagonists, themes, characters, and plot devices that are typical of the genre.

Jane Eyre by Charlotte Brönte

Brönte's novel uses the classic three-part structure, and begins with Jane as a young girl.

Early Life: Orphan Jane lives with her cruel Aunt at the luxurious Gateshead Hall, where she is bullied by her cousins, ridiculed for being poor, and locked in rooms as punishment. Jane goes off to boarding school to escape her cruel relatives, but life is rough at the austere Lowood School, too: the temperature is frigid, the food inedible, and Jane watches her only friend get beaten in class by a wicked teacher. Jane learns about religion from her inspiring friend Helen Burns and has a spiritual awakening. These new Christian values, like turning the other cheek, will serve as her guidepost throughout the novel and as her strength during trials.

Formative Experiences: As a young woman, Jane accepts a job as a tutor and goes to live at the splendid Thornfield Hall. As time passes, she grows concerned about the third floor, where she keeps hearing maniacal laughter and frightening sounds. Jane continues to hone her talent for drawing and falls in love with Mr. Rochester, the gruff and mysterious master of the estate, but due to her lowly social position she believes she has no chance. When Mr. Rochester asks Jane to marry him, their engagement is halted by a visitor who reveals that Mr. Rochester is already married. His wife is Mrs. Rochester, a madwoman kept locked in the attic. Jane leaves in despair.

Conclusion: Later, having discovered long-lost relatives and receiving a marriage proposal from someone else, Jane has a premonition and returns to Thornfield Hall to find it nearly destroyed by a fire that has gravely injured Mr. Rochester. Jane finally finds her place as the wife of the disfigured and humbled Mr. Rochester, whose wife died in the fire. Jane Eyre is a rags-to-riches Bildungsroman with a moral message. She practiced Christianity-inspired self control, leaving Mr. Rochester-the man she loved-until circumstances changed, and they might be lawfully wed. Watching Jane go from penniless orphan to mistress of an estate, the reader sees that Jane only prevailed over hardship by relinquishing the idea that she could control her environment.

The Catcher in the Rye by J.D. Salinger

Though The Catcher in the Rye begins in the protagonist's adolescence (rather than his childhood), the novel is still a Bildungsroman, as its protagonist Holden Caulfield details his journey to maturity.

Set-Up: Holden is a teenaged misfit who keeps failing out of his East-coast prep school and is already weary of life as an adult. He frequently dubs things and people around him "phony" to express his disenchantment. He has no luck with girls, and his observation of his handsome roommate Stradlater's relationship with girls (particularly Jane Gallagher, whom Holden admires from afar) reveal his own sexual frustrations. He ponders moving to a monastery or some other far away place. Knowing he'll be expelled, he decides to run away to New York City.

Formative Experiences: Holden does run to New York, and he gets a room at the Edmont hotel. He flirts with older women at the hotel bar, but their fascination with wealth depresses him. He pays for a prostitute but doesn't have the stomach to sleep with her, so sends her away instead. Right as he's about to pray, he gets beaten and robbed by the woman's pimp. The next morning he meets two nuns and has a date with a girl named Sally, but he's so depressed that he loses his cool, and the date ends in disaster. He sneaks back into his house and talks to his little sister, Phoebe. He tells her that he's running away to go out West. Holden then goes to see another encouraging teacher, Mr. Antolini, who warns him that he's heading for a great fall unless he starts following the rules. Holden's mental and physical health are declining, and he later faints at the Met.

Conclusion: When he sees his little sister again, he is moved and decides not to go West. He watches Phoebe on the carousel, and finally has a moment of peace and happiness. The novel ends with Holden telling the reader that he's going to try harder next time at school, and, with a note of optimism, that he even misses his roommate Stradlater. These two concessions are telling of the growth Holden has done in the course of this Bildungsroman. Both Holden and the reader have learned that Holden's childish tendency to distance himself from anything smelling of 'adulthood', and to flee from human relationships and their emotional risks, only lead to despair. By his willingness to change his mind, Holden is finally opening up to the possibility of a future beyond adolescence.

A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man by James Joyce

A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, James Joyce's coming-of-age story about a character named Stephen Dedalus, is an example of the Künstlerroman, or the sub-category of Bildungsroman that recounts the formation of an artist. The book holds true to the three-part structure of the Bildungsroman.

Early Life: Joyce begins by writing about Stephen's childhood in a stream-of-consciousness style that mimics the thoughts of a young child. In adolescence, it's clear that Stephen is more sensitive than the other boys. Stephen is a dreamer, always making poetic associations between sounds, smells, and memories. Joyce threads these observations throughout the book to show how Stephen's artistic senses evolve. He becomes infatuated with a girl named Emma, but the relationship is purely imaginative.

Formative Experiences: Divisive issues of politics and religion force Stephen to begin thinking deeply about God, death, and ethical matters, and he steps in when a cruel priest flogs a boy at his boarding school. Due to financial troubles, Stephen's family moves to Dublin. At his new boarding school he writes heretical essays and becomes disillusioned with God. As he gets older, and his intellect grows, so does Stephen's religious fascination and sexual frustration. He comes into money for his academic performance but grows more alienated from his family than ever after the money is gone. He attends a religious retreat but his resolve to remain pure fails, and he starts to see prostitutes.

Conclusion: After rejecting a life in the priesthood, Stephen watches a young girl on the beach and has an epiphany: he will become a writer. The end of the book leaves Stephen positive about the future, and about to leave Ireland to start his new artistic life. Steven's preoccupation with the loss of his own innocence, and his resulting shame about being impure, has finally loosened its grip. Over the course of the book, he has sought countless means to escape from this shame-retreat inward into imagination; a life in the Church; academic achievement-to discover that freedom can only be found by accepting his state of experience, and moving on from innocence.

Why Do Writers Choose to Write Bildungsromans?

Writers choose to write Bildungsromans in order to tell a story about human growth and self-actualization. In a Bildungsroman, readers follow one character through a span of their life, making the genre a great way to give the reader concentrated and detailed insight into how different reactions to a life experience can positively or negatively affect a character. Early German examples of Bildungsroman focused heavily on the concept of self-realization and learning from youthful mistakes, while more contemporary examples of Bildungsroman are often less overtly moralistic, and take more liberties with the traditional format. In all cases of Bildungsroman, however, the writer has set out to show how a single person is formed by people, places, and the passage of time.

Other Helpful Bildungsroman Resources

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A concise definition of Bildungsroman along with usage tips, a deeper explanation, and lots of examples.

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Literarydevices.net  is an excellent resource.  Use them to find out more about the bildungsroman genre.

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Literarydevices.net  is an excellent resource.  Use them to find out more about the bildungsroman genre.

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Bildungsroman Definition

Bildungsroman is a special kind of novel that focuses on the psychological and moral growth of its main character, from his or her youth to adulthood.

A bildungsroman is a story of the growing up of a sensitive person, who looks for answers to his questions through different experiences. Generally, such a novel starts with a loss or a tragedy that disturbs the main character emotionally. He or she leaves on a journey to fill that vacuum.

During the journey, the protagonist gains maturity, gradually and with difficulty. Usually, the plot depicts a conflict between the protagonist and the values of society. Finally, he or she accepts those values, and they are accepted by society, ending the dissatisfaction. Such a type of novel is also known as a "coming-of-age" novel.

Examples of Bildungsroman in Literature

There are numerous examples of bildungsroman or coming-of-age novels in English literature. Let us briefly analyze a few:

Example #1: The History of Tom Jones, a Foundling (By Henry Fielding)

This is among the famous bildungsroman examples written in a comic mode. Squire Allworthy, a wealthy landowner, discovers a foundling, Tom Jones, on his property. Tom Jones grows up into a lusty but honest young man, in contrast to his half-brother Blifil, who was a personification of hypocrisy.

Tom falls in love with Sophia Western, but the relationship is opposed by her father, on the basis that Tom is a "bastard." After this loss, Tom undergoes many experiences, and finally it is revealed that Tom is the son of Mr. Summer, a friend of Allworthy, and Mrs. Waters, who is Allworthy's sister. Therefore, society accepts him when it is established that he is not a bastard.

Example #2: David Copperfield (By Charles Dickens)

This can be termed as a bildungsroman, as it traces the life of David Copperfield from his childhood to maturity. His mother re-marries a man named Edward Murdstone, who sends David to work for a wine merchant in London. He then runs away to finally reach his eccentric aunt Betsey Trotwood, who agrees to raise him, and calls him "Trot." We see a change in David's "undisciplined heart," as after Dora's death, he does some soul-searching, and chooses sensible Agnes - a woman who had always loved him - as his wife.

Example #3: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (By James Joyce)

This is a coming-of-age story of the character Stephen Dedalus. The story starts with Stephen in a boarding school at the age of sixteen. One day he goes back to his room, falls sick due to the unbearable load of his sins, and decides to change himself. He goes to the church for a confession, and the cleric is exceptionally kind. Thus, Stephen discovers another path in his life, as he becomes a cleric. Later in the novel, Stephen's life takes another turn. He realizes that he cannot waste his life as a cleric. He needs to live in society and be innovative like an artist.

Example #4: Never Let Me Go (By Kazuo Ishiguro)

This is a recent example of a bildungsroman novel. The novel is divided into three acts: childhood, adult and donor. It traces the life of Kathy, the protagonist and narrator of the novel. She is a "donor" who is harvested for organs to be donated to gravely ill patients.

We see Kathy as free-spirited, kind, and loving in her childhood. As a young woman she shows less emotion looking back at her past. At the end of the novel, she is a mature woman, and accepts the lives of herself and her friends.

Function of Bildungsroman

The bildungsroman novel depicts and criticizes those vices of society which cause the protagonist to suffer. The novel conveys a sense of realism, because the protagonist is a common sensitive person who is affected by the loss that they suffer, and this loss, ultimately, changes the course of their life.

In addition, the psychological and moral growth of the protagonist gives us a deep insight into the character, and also helps to understand the conflict in his or her life. As a result, we can identify ourselves with the coming-of-age characters, and feel emotionally attached and interested as we see them pass different stages of their lives, until they finally change for the good.

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Bildungsroman - Examples and Definition of Bildungsroman

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Definition, Usage and a list of Bildungsroman Examples in common speech and literature. Bildungsroman is a special kind of novel that focuses on the psychological and moral growth of its main character from his or her youth to adulthood.

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Goodreads are often useful for suggested book lists and book reviews.  Have a look at their YA Bildungsroman collection.

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Goodreads are often useful for suggested book lists and book reviews.  Have a look at their YA Bildungsroman collection.

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Books shelved as young-adult-bildungsroman: Thirteen Reasons Why by Jay Asher, Since You've Been Gone by Morgan Matson, Since You've Been Gone by Morgan ...

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Just after 7am on the morning of 23 March 2017, journalist Miroslava Breach Velducea, a 54-year-old mother of three, was driving her 14-year-old son to school in the city of Chihuahua, Mexico, when a man walked up to her car and shot her eight times. According to reports, her son was not injured, but Breach died on the way to hospital.

The Mexican newspaper la Jornada reported that a cardboard note was found at the scene of the murder, which read: "For being a snitch. You're next, Governor - El 80." According to Mexican police, "El 80" was Carlos Arturo Quintana, son of the leader of an organised crime syndicate known as La Línea, which in its heyday controlled one of the lucrative smuggling routes for the supply and transfer of drugs from Colombia to the US. Three days before Breach was murdered, Quintana's father had been killed in a confrontation between rival gangs.

Breach worked for la Jornada and for the regional paper Norte de Ciudad Juarez, covering politics and crime; she had also set up her own news agency, Mir. She had reported extensively on the links between organised crime and politicians in Chihuahua state. On 4 March 2016, Breach wrote in la Jornada about the alleged criminal connections of mayoral candidates in several small towns in western Chihuahua. Breach had received threats to her life on at least three occasions as a result of her reporting. In October 2016, she had told a meeting of the Federal Mechanism for Journalists and Human Rights Defenders that she had been threatened. Nevertheless, on the day she was killed, she had no protection.

Breach's story is not an isolated one. She was one of six journalists killed in Mexico in 2017; more than 150 journalists have been killed there since 2000, 22 of them in the state of Chihuahua. In 2019, according to data compiled by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Mexico had the seventh-highest number of unsolved murders of journalists in the world, behind Somalia, Syria, Iraq, South Sudan, the Philippines and Afghanistan. On 18 May this year, gunmen killed the owner of a newspaper, Jorge Miguel Armenta Ávalos, and one of the policemen assigned to protect him, following earlier threats. Armenta, who is at least the third journalist to be murdered in Mexico in 2020, was attacked in broad daylight while leaving a restaurant.

According to the World Press Freedom Index for 2020, compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and released in March, journalists in Mexico face a dire situation: "Collusion between officials and organized crime poses a grave threat to journalists' safety and cripples the judicial system at all levels. Journalists who cover sensitive political stories or organized crime are warned, threatened and often gunned down in cold blood."

ttacks on journalists around the world take many forms, some of which are sanctioned in law. Legal or quasi-legal mechanisms include the use of civil or criminal legal actions, covert surveillance, overt censorship and financial threats (such as withdrawing state advertising), as well as more direct intimidation and threats.

In recent years, another way of silencing journalists has proliferated: the use of what are known as strategic lawsuits against public participation, or Slapps, where defamation or criminal lawsuits are brought with the intention of shutting down forms of expression such as peaceful protest or writing blogs. Originally regarded as an American legal mechanism, such lawsuits are now fairly widespread in Europe. Before she was killed in 2017, the Maltese journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia was facing around 40 libel lawsuits filed by companies, government officials and individuals, which were described by her son Matthew as a "never-ending type of torture".

Věra Jourová, the vice-president of the European Commission, the executive branch of the EU, has been working on introducing protections against Slapp lawsuits, the defence of which can cost individuals a fortune and tie up their time and resources. Justin Borg-Barthet, a legal academic at Aberdeen University, has called for EU law to be changed to prevent "forum shopping" to countries with claimant-friendly laws, so that defamation suits would have to be filed in the courts of the country where the media organisation or journalist was based. Slapp lawsuits are commonly used against journalists investigating government corruption or exposing corporate abuses, but are also used against civil society organisations, activists such as environmental campaigners, trade unionists and academics, to shut down or silence acts of criticism and protest.

In France, media organisations and NGOs have been hit with what they view as Slapp suits for publishing accusations of land-grabbing from villagers and farmers in Cameroon by companies associated with the Bolloré Group. In the UK, fracking companies including Ineos, UK Oil & Gas, Cuadrilla, IGas and Angus Energy have since 2017 sought and been granted wide-ranging court injunctions, often directed against persons unknown, to prevent protests and campaigning activities at drilling sites. These injunctions had a chilling effect on the right to protest and free speech, until the court of appeal ruled in April 2019 that parts of an Ineos injunction prohibiting protests on the public highway and against the Ineos supply chain, and which had been used as a template for similar orders granted to other oil and gas companies, were unlawful.

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Maltese investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, who was murdered by a car bomb in 2017. Photograph: Darrin Zammit Lupi/Reuters

Alongside Slapp suits, there are more traditional ways to keep journalists quiet. More than 150 countries retain some sort of criminal defamation laws, many of which include the possibility of imprisonment. Blasphemy and insult laws remain commonplace in many countries, and are often used by politicians and government officials against any critical media. A number of countries including Turkey and Egypt have expansive definitions of "terrorism" that allow them to arrest and detain anyone who voices political dissent or opposition, including journalists.

In countries such as Hungary and Poland, governments and political allies exercise quasi-legal control of public information. Media owners can be pressured on what content to publish by threats to limit access to finance and advertising revenues.

Separately, the lack of legal protections for journalists against those who attack them acts as a strong deterrent. Impunity fuels a vicious cycle of violence, bolstering those who aim to silence public debate and block sensitive information.

In 2013, the UN published a plan of action on the safety of journalists, and the problem of impunity for perpetrators. The plan provides a framework for co-operation between UN bodies, national authorities, media actors and NGOs. Spearheaded through Unesco, the plan was incorporated into the Declaration of the Council of Europe in April 2014, and in guidelines published by the EU soon after. In April 2016, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe adopted a recommendation on the protection of journalism and safety of journalists and other media actors.

By the end of 2018, the Council of Europe's Platform for the Protection of Journalism and Safety of Journalists, set up to record information on serious concerns about media freedom and the safety of journalists in Council of Europe (CoE) member states, had registered more than 500 alerts, with year-on-year rises of incidents in every year except 2017. Nearly half of all alerts are marked as category 1, covering the most severe and damaging violations of media freedom, such as murder, direct threats to life and physical assaults. The majority of threats came from the state, with physical attacks and detentions making up nearly half the alerts. Since 2015, only 11% of all alerts have been marked as resolved, a figure that goes down to 1.82% for alerts entered in 2018. Interviews with journalists echo these statistics. In 2017, a study that interviewed 940 journalists from all CoE member states found that a staggering 40% of them had suffered slander.

According to a May 2020 report by Peter Noorlander on the implementation of the 2016 CoE recommendation, attacks against journalists remain insufficiently investigated, and a very high percentage of incidents go unpunished. "Journalists have little confidence that attacks or threats against them will be investigated, and often do not report them," the report said. "This has a grave effect on them, and many no longer report attacks but instead self-censor and shy away from potentially controversial issues ... [CoE] Member States have committed to creating an enabling environment for freedom of expression, yet, what journalists experience on the ground is increased violence, threats, denigration, arbitrary arrests and detention."

ome of the most high-profile cases of attacks against the media in the last few years have involved journalists in countries where neither democracy nor the rule of law is respected. Many of the more recent attacks have been perpetrated or encouraged by heads of state.

They include cases such as the politically sponsored harassment of Philippines journalist Maria Ressa, the editor of Rappler, a social news network. Under Ressa, the site has revealed the activities of the online "troll army" that supports the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte and spreads disinformation about his opponents. Rappler has also reported critically on extrajudicial killings, human-rights violations and the rising death rates from Duterte's war on drugs. The law suits that would follow were presaged during Duterte's state of the union speech in July 2017, when he declared that Rappler was "fully owned" by the Americans, and therefore in violation of the constitution.

In January 2018, the Philippine securities and exchange commission revoked Rappler's licence. The government then investigated Rappler for tax evasion, and a warrant for Ressa's arrest was issued in November 2018. In February 2019, Ressa and Rappler were hit with another lawsuit alleging libel relating to a story published in 2012, using a law enacted four months after the story was published.

Other infamous cases of state-sponsored crimes against journalists include the brutal murder, on 2 October 2018, of Saudi dissident and Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey. The CIA have concluded that the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, ordered the journalist's assassination. On 19 July 2019, the office of the UNHCR released a report describing Khashoggi's death as "premeditated extra judicial execution".

In many western countries, there is a risk that intimidation and violence against the media is becoming normalised. On Czech election day in October 2017, Czech president Milo š Zeman held up a mock assault rifle with an inscription that was translated as "At journalists". Donald Trump has regularly shouted at and abused journalists, and a BBC camera operator was violently shoved and abused at a Donald Trump rally in 2019; in May 2017, a Guardian reporter was assaulted by a Republican candidate, now an elected congressman. Most recently there have been threats against reporter Glenn Greenwald from the far-right government of President Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. This sort of hostility towards journalists by political leaders has global as well as domestic repercussions.

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Czech President Miloš Zeman holds a mock assault rifle with "At journalists" inscribed on it in October 2017. Photograph: Miroslav Chaloupka/ČTK/Alamy Stock Photo

The Wikileaks founder Julian Assange is currently held in HMP Belmarsh, while the UK decides if he can be extradited to the US, where he has been charged with violating the Espionage Act, and faces the prospect of spending the rest of his life in prison if he is found guilty. As Alan Rusbridger, the former editor of the Guardian, has written, the charges against Assange are "attempting to criminalise things journalists regularly do when they receive and publish true information given to them by sources or whistleblowers".

According to the RSF, "the next 10 years will be pivotal for press freedom because of converging crises affecting the future of journalism: a geopolitical crisis (due to the aggressiveness of authoritarian regimes); a technological crisis (due to a lack of democratic guarantees); a democratic crisis (due to polarisation and repressive policies); a crisis of trust (due to suspicion and even hatred of the media); and an economic crisis (impoverishing quality journalism)."

It is easy to dismiss concerns about press freedom as relevant only to countries led by repressive, unelected regimes. But that would be a mistake. In 2007, Thames Valley police searched the home and office of Sally Murrer, a local journalist. "I was just pottering around doing typical local stories and in May 2007, eight police officers swooped at my home while eight swooped simultaneously at the office," she told reporters from the Press Gazette. "They seized all my computer equipment, searched my house, phones, laptops. They took me into custody where I stayed for a couple of days, strip-searched me. I honestly had no idea [why]. They said the charge was aiding and abetting misconduct in a public office and it carried life imprisonment.

"It was only later when they interviewed me, which they did copious times, and played me tapes and showed me transcripts of texts, that I realised I had been under surveillance for the previous eight weeks. It was just a ghastly feeling."

Thames Valley police had secretly recorded a conversation that took place between her and a police officer. Murrer was accused of receiving sensitive stories from the police officer and selling them to the News of the World. "The stories were about a local GBH committed by a footballer, and the murder of a local man where there was a link to cannabis and his wife was the secretary of the then-MP." After 19 months, during which she had been on police bail, Murrer's trial collapsed after the judge ruled police had breached her rights.

More recently, in August 2018, the police in Northern Ireland arrested two journalists, Trevor Birney and Barry McCaffrey, over the alleged theft of documents from the Northern Ireland police ombudsman into the 1994 Loughinisland massacre, when members of a loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Volunteer Force, burst into a pub with assault rifles and fired on the customers. Six were killed and five wounded. Birney and McCaffrey's homes and offices were raided. In May 2019, three appeal judges quashed the search warrants.

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Journalists Trevor Birney (left) and Barry McCaffrey in Belfast last year after judges ruled police search warrants against them illegal. Photograph: Brian Lawless/PA

In the US in 2019, San Francisco police officers investigating the leak of a police report following the death of a public defender, Jeff Adachi, obtained a warrant "to conduct remote monitoring on a journalist's telephone number device, day or night, including those signals produced in public, or location not open to public or visual surveillance". In May 2019, the police raided the journalist Bryan Carmody's home and office, and seized computers, phones and other electronic devices. A court has now ruled that the raid was unlawful, and the San Francisco police department has reportedly paid a substantial amount of damages to the journalist.

In Australia, in June 2019, police launched raids on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Sydney HQ, with search warrants naming two reporters and a news director; and on the home of a News Corporation journalist. The ABC raid related to articles published in 2017 about alleged misconduct by Australian special forces in Afghanistan, "based off hundreds of pages of secret defence documents leaked to the ABC". The raid on the home of the News Corporation journalist was in response to a story she had written about how the Australian Signals Directorate was seeking new powers to spy on Australian citizens. In February, a court ruled the search was legitimate as the police were investigating valid national security offences. ABC's managing director, David Anderson, described the decision as "a blow for public interest journalism" and argued that it highlighted a "serious problem" with Australia's national security laws.

ince the outbreak of coronavirus, protections for journalists have become more urgent than ever. According to RSF's secretary-general, Christophe Deloire, "The coronavirus pandemic illustrates the negative factors threatening the right to reliable information, and is itself an exacerbating factor."

"Both China and Iran censored their major coronavirus outbreaks extensively. In Iraq, the authorities stripped Reuters of its licence for three months after it published a story questioning official coronavirus figures. Even in Europe, prime minister Viktor Orbán of Hungary had a 'coronavirus' law passed with penalties of up to five years in prison for false information, a completely disproportionate and coercive measure." RSF also say reporters have been arrested in Algeria, Jordan and Zimbabwe while reporting on lockdown-related issues, and that Cambodia's prime minister has used the coronavirus crisis to bolster his authority.

In March, the Guardian journalist Ruth Michaelson was forced to leave Egypt after she reported on a scientific study that said Egypt was likely to have many more coronavirus cases than have been officially confirmed, and the New York Times Cairo bureau chief was reprimanded over supposed "bad faith" reporting on the country's coronavirus cases. The Columbia Journalism Review, in an article entitled "Covid-19 is spawning a global press-freedom crackdown", reported at the end of March that police in Venezuela had violently detained a journalist in reprisal for reporting on the pandemic, and that in Turkey, seven journalists were detained in reprisal for their reporting. In South Africa, the government has enacted a new law that makes it a crime to publish "disinformation" about Covid-19.

In light of the pandemic, the UK and other members of the executive group of the Media Freedom Coalition (Canada, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands and the US), agreed a statement on 6 April 2020, reaffirming the fundamental importance of media freedom, and calling on all states to continue to protect access to free media and the free exchange of information. The statement said that the executive group were concerned by the efforts by some states to use the crisis to put in place undue restrictions on a free and independent media: "Such actions deny societies critical information on the spread of the disease and undermine trust in responsible government". It also urged "governments to continue guaranteeing the freedom and independence of media, the safety of journalists and other media professionals, and to refrain from imposing undue restrictions in the fight against proliferation of the coronavirus".

n the day of the murder of Miroslava Breach Velducea in 2017, Mexico's federal special prosecutor for crimes against freedom

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How the free press worldwide is under threat

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ust after 7am on the morning of 23 March 2017, journalist Miroslava Breach Velducea, a 54-year-old mother of three, was driving her 14-year-old son to school in the city of Chihuahua, Mexico, when a man walked up to her car and shot her eight times.

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MUNICH (Reuters) - Senator John McCain, defending the media against the latest attack by President Donald Trump, warned that suppressing the free press was "how dictators get started".

The Arizona Republican, a frequent critic of Trump, was responding to a tweet in which Trump accused the media of being "the enemy of the American people".

The international order established after World War Two was built in part on a free press, McCain said in an excerpt of an interview with NBC's "Meet the Press" that was released in advance of the full Sunday morning broadcast.

"I hate the press. I hate you especially," he told interviewer Chuck Todd from an international security conference in Munich. "But the fact is we need you. We need a free press. We must have it. It's vital."

"If you want to preserve - I'm very serious now - if you want to preserve democracy as we know it, you have to have a free and many times adversarial press. And without it, I am afraid that we would lose so much of our individual liberties over time. That's how dictators get started," he continued.

"They get started by suppressing free press. In other words, a consolidation of power. When you look at history, the first thing that dictators do is shut down the press. And I'm not saying that President Trump is trying to be a dictator. I'm just saying we need to learn the lessons of history," McCain said.

U.S. Senator Jeanne Shaheen, a Democrat from New Hampshire, told the conference on Sunday she was also concerned about Trump's comments.

"The real danger is the president's criticism of the media," Shaheen told the conference. "A free press ... is very important to maintaining democracy, and efforts on the part of a president to undermine and manipulate the press are very dangerous."

The comments from U.S. lawmakers followed Trump's tweet and came days after the president held a raucous news conference at which he repeatedly criticized news reports about disorder in the White House and leaks of his telephone conversations with the leaders of Mexico and Australia.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel emphasized the importance of a free press at the conference on Saturday, saying, "I have high respect for journalists. We've always had good results, at least in Germany, by relying on mutual respect."

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Suppressing free press is 'how dictators get started': Senator McCain

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MUNICH (Reuters) - Senator John McCain, defending the media against the latest attack by President Donald Trump, warned that suppressing the free press was "how dictators get started". The Arizona Republican, a frequent critic of Trump, was responding to a tweet in which Trump accused the media of being "the enemy of the American people".

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Hitler and the Nazi Party were a constant presence in the life of the German people, with:

The infamous Swastika symbol appearing on every government uniform and public building.

Pictures of Hitler displayed everywhere.

Germans having to greet each other with a 'Heil Hitler' raised arm salute.

The government department responsible for all of this was the Ministry of Enlightenment and Propaganda, headed by Dr Joseph Goebbels. It aimed to brainwash people into obeying the Nazis and idolising Hitler. Its methods included:

Use of sports events. Berlin hosted the Olympics of 1936, which the Nazis used as an opportunity to showcase the success of the regime and to demonstrate the superiority of the Aryan race. The victories of the African-American athlete Jesse Owens for the USA infuriated the Nazi leadership.

Loudspeakers in public places also blared out Nazi propaganda. Much of the information Germans received reinforced the message of Aryan racial superiority whilst demonising the Jews and other 'enemies' of the regime.

Revision tip:
A good mnemonic to help you remember the key features of Nazi propaganda is:

Nazi control of culture and the arts

The Nazis' interest in and influence on all of these areas demonstrates the extent to which the party sought to control German life and win over the population to the Nazi cause.

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Nazi propaganda and control of the arts - Life in Nazi Germany, 1933-1939 - OCR B - GCSE History Revision - OCR B - BBC Bitesize

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Page 2of 7 Hitler and the Nazi Party were a constant presence in the life of the German people, with: The infamous Swastika symbol appearing on every government uniform and public building. Pictures of Hitler displayed everywhere.

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BBC World News was today barred from airing in China and Hong Kong's public broadcaster said it was suspending the television channel, a week after Britain's media regulator revoked Chinese state television's UK broadcast licence.

China's broadcasting regulator announced that the BBC's satellite TV news channel had "violated the requirements of news to be truthful and fair, harmed China's national interests and undermined China's national unity" and therefore would be denied "landing in the new year", referring to the Lunar New Year.

The channel did not meet requirements for foreign channels broadcasting in China and its application to air for another year would not be accepted, China's National Radio and Television Administration said in an announcement.

Radio Television Hong Kong, the publicly funded broadcaster

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Hong Kong suspends broadcast of BBC World News

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BBC World News was today barred from airing in China and Hong Kong's public broadcaster said it was suspending the television channel, a week after Britain's media regulator revoked Chinese state television's UK broadcast licence.

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Domestic violence or domestic abuse is when one adult is violent or aggressive towards another adult in the same family, or someone they're going out with, or have been out with.

It doesn't just have to be physically hurting someone; it can be verbally bullying them, controlling what they spend their money on or deciding who they speak to and which friends they go out with.

Around 750,000 children a year are affected by domestic violence. It's thought that one in four women and one in six men will experience some form of domestic abuse in their lives.

It's hard to know exactly how many people are affected because lots of people don't report it to the police.

The law says that any incident of threatening behaviour, violence or abuse between adults who are family members or have been in a relationship counts as domestic violence.

What can I do if my parents argue?

Lots of families argue and have disagreements from time to time, it can be normal healthy part of family life.

If you are worried you should talk to someone you trust, either another adult in your family, a teacher or a friend.

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What is domestic violence? - CBBC Newsround

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Domestic violence or domestic abuse is when one adult is violent or aggressive towards another adult in the same family, or someone they're going out with, or have been out with. It doesn't just have to be physically hurting someone; it can be verbally bullying them, controlling what they spend their money on or deciding who they speak to and which friends they go out with.

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If you are in immediate danger, call 999 and ask for the police. If you can't speak and are calling on a mobile press 55 to have your call transferred to the police. Find out how to call the police when you can't speak.

For free, confidential advice, 24 hours a day contact a domestic abuse helpline.

Household isolation instructions do not apply if you need to leave your home to escape domestic abuse.

Translated guidance

If English is not your first language, information has been translated into several languages as well as an easy read version.

Women's Aid also have guidance documents on domestic abuse and coronavirus available in a number of languages for victims, family and friends, and community members of those affected.

If you are deaf, you can access a British Sign Language video that explains how to get help if you or someone you know is a victim of domestic abuse.

Recognise domestic abuse

Does your partner, ex-partner or someone you live with:

cut you off from family and friends and intentionally isolate you?

bully, threaten, or control you?

take control of your finances?

monitor or limit your use of technology?

physically and/or sexually abuse you?

Domestic abuse is not always physical violence. It can also include:

coercive control and 'gaslighting'

economic abuse

online abuse

threats and intimidation

emotional abuse

sexual abuse

Anyone can be a victim of domestic abuse, regardless of gender, age, ethnicity, religion, socio-economic status, sexuality or background.

If you believe that you are a victim of domestic abuse, there are signs that you can look out for including:

being withdrawn, or being isolated from your family and friends

having bruises, burns or bite marks on you

having your finances controlled, or not being given enough to buy food, medication or pay bills

not being allowed to leave your house, or stopped from going to college or work

having your internet or social media use monitored, or someone else reading your texts, emails or letters

being repeatedly belittled, put down or told you are worthless

being pressured into sex or sexual contact

being told that abuse is your fault, or that you're overreacting

See more signs to look for.

Get help and support

All forms of domestic abuse are not acceptable in any situation.

If you're experiencing domestic abuse and feel frightened of, or controlled by, a partner, an ex-partner or family member, it's important to remember that it's not your fault and there is no shame in seeking help.

It may seem like a difficult step to take, but there is support available and #YouAreNot Alone.

Free, confidential support and advice is available to victims and their concerned family members or friends, 24 hours a day.

Bright Sky app

Bright Sky is a mobile app and website for anyone experiencing domestic abuse, or who is worried about someone else.

The app can be downloaded for free from the app stores. Only download the app if it is safe for you to do so and if you are sure that your phone isn't being monitored.

Women's Aid local support services directory

Women's Aid have a directory of domestic abuse support services across the UK.

If you are experiencing domestic abuse or are worried about friends or family, you can access the Women's Aid live chat service 7 days a week, 10am to 6pm.
helpline@womensaid.org.uk
Victim Support

Victim Support run these services for victims and survivors of any abuse or crime, regardless of when it occurred or if the crime was reported to the police:

Ask for ANI codeword

If you are experiencing domestic abuse and need immediate help, ask for ANI (Action Needed Immediately) in participating pharmacies and Jobcentres (Jobs and Benefits Offices in Northern Ireland).

When you ask for ANI, you will be offered a private space, provided with a phone and asked if you need support from the police or other domestic abuse support services.

To find your nearest participating provider, search using the postcode checker on the Ask for Ani page on the Enough website.

Ask for ANI logo used in participating pharmacies and Jobcentres (Jobs and Benefits Offices in Northern Ireland).

Safe Spaces

Ask for ANI is delivered in partnership with Safe Spaces, a safe and confidential room where victims can take some time to reflect, access information on specialist support services or call friends or family.

Safe Spaces are also available in Boots, Morrisons, Superdrug and Well pharmacies, TSB banks and independent pharmacies across the UK.

Find your nearest Safe Space.

Check whether someone has an abusive past

If you are concerned that a new, former or existing partner has an abusive past you can ask the police to check under the Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme (also known as 'Clare's Law'). This is your 'right to ask'. If records show that you may be at risk of domestic abuse, the police will consider disclosing the information. A disclosure can be made if it is legal, proportionate and necessary to do so.

If you are concerned about a friend or family member, you can apply for a disclosure on behalf of someone you know.

You can make a request to the police for information about a person's previous violent offending in person at the police station or elsewhere, by telephone, by email, online or as part of a police investigation. Support agencies and services can also help you ask the police about this.

Get a court order to protect you or your child

If you're a victim of domestic abuse you can apply for a court order or injunction to protect yourself or your child from:

your current or previous partner

a family member

someone you currently or previously lived with

This is called a non-molestation or occupation order.

You can apply online, by email or by post.

Get a court order if you've been the victim of domestic abuse.

Support someone you know

If you are worried that a friend, neighbour or loved one is a victim of domestic abuse, you can call the National Domestic Abuse Helpline for free and confidential advice, 24 hours a day on 0808 2000 247.

Or you can contact the other support services listed on this page.

Seeking help for someone you know can be challenging but #YouAreNotalone. Domestic abuse advisers will offer confidential, non-judgemental information and advice on the options available to you helping you to keep safe and make informed choices.

If you believe there is an immediate risk of harm to someone, or it is an emergency, you should always call 999.

If someone confides in you, there is more information on how to support a friend who is being abused.

If you are an employer

Let your employees know that if they are facing domestic abuse you want to help them to get help. Stay in regular contact with employees you know, or fear, may be facing abuse and if you lose contact with them, take swift action to visit them. If you believe there is an immediate risk of harm to someone, or it is an emergency, always call 999.

Encourage employees to look out for others who may be facing domestic abuse and signpost them to support. Your staff may also be worried about their own abusive behaviour at this time. There is no excuse for domestic abuse, no matter what stresses you are under and support is available.

Hestia's Respond to Abuse Advice Line is a free resource for employers. Employers can call 020 3879 3695 Monday to Friday, 9am to 5pm, or email adviceline.eb@hestia.org for support, guidance or information about domestic abuse and how to support employees and colleagues experiencing domestic abuse.

The  Employers' Initiative on Domestic Abuse website provides resources to support employers including an  employers' toolkit.

If you are a professional working in the domestic abuse sector

SafeLives  provides guidance and support to professionals and those working in the domestic abuse sector, as well as additional advice for those at risk.

Find additional information and support

If you want to access help specifically to cater to your background and needs or want support and help for specific types of abuse there are several organisations that can help - see Domestic abuse: specialist sources of support.

You can also find additional information and support here on topics including:

help for children and young people

welfare benefits and housing advice

help if you don't have settled status in the UK

support for specific types of abuse

Get help if you think you might be an abuser

If you are concerned about your behaviour or the behaviour of someone you know, there is support available.

The Respect Phoneline  is an anonymous and confidential helpline for men and women who are abusing their partners and families. It is open Monday to Friday 9am to 8pm. The helpline also takes calls from partners or ex-partners, friends and relatives who are concerned about perpetrators.

A webchat service is available Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays from 10am to 11am and from 3pm to 4pm.

Telephone: 0808 802 4040

How to call the police when you can't speak

If you are in danger and unable to talk on the phone, call 999 and listen to the questions from the operator and, if you can, respond by coughing or tapping on the handset.

Call 999 from a mobile

If prompted, press 55 to Make Yourself Heard (PDF, 348KB) and this will transfer your call to the police. Pressing 55 only works on mobiles and does not allow police to track your location.

Call 999 from a landline

If the operator can only hear background noise and cannot decide whether an emergency service is needed, you will be connected to a police call handler.

If you replace the handset, the landline may remain connected for 45 seconds in case you pick up again.

When 999 calls are made from landlines, information about your location should be automatically available to the call handlers to help provide a response.

If you are deaf or can't use a phone

You can register with the emergencySMS. Text REGISTER to 999. You will get a text which tells you what to do next. Do this when it is safe so you can text when you are in danger.

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Find out how to get help if you or someone you know is a victim of domestic abuse.