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Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere

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Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere

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Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Legacy highlighted the systemic racial inequities within the U.S. justice system, emphasizing that injustice anywhere threatens justice everywhere. He believed that collective action could bring lasting change. Despite persistent challenges, such as overrepresentation of people of color in arrests and incarceration, his vision inspires ongoing efforts for criminal justice reform. Following events like George Floyd’s death, there’s renewed energy to dismantle racial disparities.

Folasade Medina

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Honoring Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s Work to Fight Inequity and Racism in the Criminal Justice System - CSG Justice Center

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“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a…

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This study by the Yale Child Study Center reveals that racial biases begin as early as preschool. Researchers utilized eye-tracking technology to assess how often teachers looked toward students they thought would have problematic behaviors. The teachers were then informed of the socioeconomic situation of the child and the teachers were more empathetic towards the child. However, this only applied to teachers being the same race as the child.

Jeron Kim

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Bias Isn't Just A Police Problem, It's A Preschool Problem | Let's Talk | NPR

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Staff, C. J. C. (2024, April 17). Honoring dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s work to fight inequity and racism in the criminal justice system. https://csgjusticecenter.org/2022/01/14/honoring-dr-martin-luther-king-jr-s-work-to-fight-inequity-and-racism-in-the-criminal-justice-system/

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Despite making up 12% and 16% of the US population, respectively, Blacks and Hispanics were responsible for 46% and 21% of new HIV infections and 49% and 20% of new AIDS diagnoses in 2013.14 Blacks and Hispanics have benefited less from advances in antiretroviral medication, despite recent improvements in HIV incidence rates.

Quinda Powers

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Race, Healthcare, and Health Disparities: A Critical Review and Recommendations for Advancing Health Equity

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An overwhelming body of evidence points to an inextricable link between race and health disparities in the United States. Although race is best understood as a social construct, its role in health outcomes has historically been attributed to…

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Race, racism, microaggressions, and representation continue to be important issues of discussion and concern in today's workplace. Understanding how these factors interact and impact employees is crucial as organizations work to achieve greater diversity, equality, and inclusion (DEI). For example, Diversity & Inclusion: Many businesses are working to increase the ethnic diversity of their staff. People of color (POC) frequently encounter obstacles in terms of recognition, compensation, and progression, even in the face of initiatives to create more inclusive teams.

LK

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The best work environments are the ones where everyone experiences validation and their voices all feel heard. However, beneath the veneer of office pleasantries, there's often an undercurrent-murmured biases and subtle microaggressions, like soft static noise you can't tune out. For racial and ethnic minorities, this static often becomes the grating background score of their professional lives.

How do we replace that noise with a harmonious soundtrack of genuine inclusion and equity? To drill down into this urgent conversation, we sat down with Camille S. Edwards, the Director of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) at Friends Academy and a seasoned professional development consultant.

Decoding the Buzzwords: Bias, Microaggressions, and Representation

Buzzwords often dilute the gravity of the issues at hand when it comes to DEI. Terms like "bias," "microaggressions," and "representation" may be easily spoken, but their impact on racial and ethnic minorities in professional environments is anything but simple.

In this section, we delve into the intricacies of bias, microaggressions, and representation, dissecting how they manifest and impact employees.

Bias: This refers to the unfair favoring or opposition to someone or something, often influenced by pre-existing personal opinions.

Implicit Bias: A subset of bias, implicit bias operates subconsciously, affecting attitudes and actions without the individual's awareness. Despite many people's explicit commitment to fairness, studies show that implicit biases can undermine these good intentions. The Implicit Association Test (IAT) is a commonly used tool to explore these hidden biases.

Microaggressions: These are daily occurrences of verbal, nonverbal, or environmental actions that convey derogatory or hostile messages to people based on their membership in a marginalized group. Often unintentional, these slights have real-world implications on the well-being of the affected individuals.

Representation: This encompasses the meaningful involvement and visibility of individuals from diverse backgrounds at all levels of an organization. Effective representation eliminates barriers and facilitates equal access to opportunities for everyone.

As the Harvard Business Review notes: "There is a gap between how folks intend to treat people of color and what is actually happening. In order to make more progress toward racial equity, leaders need to understand how these 'harmless' comments affect Black employees' workplace behavior and emotions in real time."

According to data from Future Forum, which conducts research on the future of work, 54% of Black employees characterized their "sense of belonging at work" as either "good or very good," compared to 70% of white employees.

Among the other stunning findings from the Future Forum report: Only 3% of Black knowledge workers favored returning to the office full-time. As the organization noted in the report: "These numbers can be explained, in part, by the fact that flexible work has reduced the need for 'code switching' among Black knowledge workers, reduced certain instances of microagressions and discrimination, and improved Black employees' ability to 'bounce back' from incidents."

As for examples of microaggressions that can utterly inundate people of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds, Camille offers a mere glimpse into what some people deal with on a regular basis.

From subtle verbal slights to systemic inequalities that persist inside of workplaces, we break down these pernicious issues and their lasting impact across generations.

"What's wild about this," Camille says preemptively, "my mom and I are talking about the same microaggressions and she entered the workforce a generation before I did. And so what we're also seeing is that these habits are pervasive, and they are also not necessarily just going away with time, we might believe that as people come to be more educated, these things are just not happening anymore. My students are a victim of the same verbal microaggressions that I am; the same that my mother was; the same as my grandmother was when she was in the workforce."

To get a better understanding of what this all means, Camille buckets these microaggressions-as many social scientists do-into three categories: verbal, behavioral, and environmental.

Verbal

You're being aggressive/Calm down

Okay, but where are you really from?

Assuming gender pronouns, marital status, family status

Behavioral

Using terms or phrases specific to a certain racial or ethnic identity when speaking to individuals of that group, despite not sharing the same racial or ethnic affinity.

Giving personality-based feedback; "smile more"

Mistaking a person of color (PoC) for someone making a delivery, cleaning the facility, etc.

Giving aesthetic-based feedback; "You look prettier when your hair is straight"

Giving someone a nickname because you have difficulty properly saying their name

Environmental

Buildings/halls, etc., only named after white men

Lack of people of color in leadership; little/no support for PoC advancing

Gender equality pay gap

"How might these seemingly small incidents have long-term effects on people?" Camille asks rhetorically. "How many jobs is a person working a lifetime, where they're experiencing these things daily or regularly in their work life? Every moment of impact is just a drop in a bucket. And when somebody is, let's say, mid-career, how full is their bucket?"

The Emotional Toll of Bias and Lack of Representation in the Workplace

Workplaces often overlook the emotional and psychological impact of systemic issues like bias and lack of representation of their employees. The consequences extend beyond mere numbers and percentages-they deeply affect employee morale and performance. As organizations continually evolve, so do the dynamics within them. Understanding this ebb and flow is vital for creating a more inclusive and psychologically safe space for all.

"Morale issues can manifest in thoughts like 'I can't grow here' or 'Who will mentor me?' Often, impostor syndrome sets in due to a lack of representation," Camille says. "Even if there is representation, are those people actually growing, happy, and healthy? Many might be struggling with mental or physical health due to the weight of their identities in unsupportive environments."

Understanding the intricacies of employee morale in an ever-changing workplace is not just about statistics and policy changes-it's about the real, lived experiences of individuals navigating the complex web of their own identities.

Creating an inclusive work environment is an ongoing process that requires dedication, self-awareness, and a commitment to growth and change, explains Camille.

"People may stay in their jobs because they feel they have to, but that doesn't mean they're okay," she says. "If employees feel like their absence wouldn't matter, they're less likely to stay, which affects organizational growth and longevity."

Recognizing Biases to Support Colleagues of Different Racial and Ethnic Backgrounds

One of the most crucial steps in creating an inclusive work environment is the active recognition and addressing of our own biases. This is particularly vital for supporting colleagues who come from racially or ethnically different backgrounds. The challenge not only lies in acknowledging our unconscious predispositions but also in taking the necessary steps to educate ourselves and promote an open, accepting culture.

"When I think about people recognizing their own biases, it really is about doing research. Take your Implicit Association Test, conduct your own self inventory," explains Camille. "Who are your friends? Who are your neighbors? What books do you read? What movies are you watching? What social events do you attend? And that work of conducting your own self-inventories can't be about blame or shame. Neuroscience tells us shamed brains cannot learn. So how are organizations actually building a culture of courage around doing this learning, so people feel compelled to not just do them at work, but also take it into their personal lives?"

Camille suggests that this learning should be public, adding that extending it into our personal lives can have a profound impact.

While engaging in such self-reflection is important, it isn't the sole responsibility of the individuals belonging to minority racial and ethnic groups to assit others in doing this work.

"What I will say then to people who identify as non-POC is doing your own learning within your own racial and ethnic identity group. That is an important piece of it so that you're not putting the burden on people of color, or racialized or ethnic minority groups, to teach you," says Camille. "Because at some point, you're looking at your friend, your work friend, and thinking, 'you're killing me; you're supposed to be the person I can exhale with, and you're also harming me.' So, be brave enough to do that learning in your own community."

Camille emphasizes that this not only fosters a more inclusive environment, but also ensures that the emotional labor does not completely fall upon racial and ethnic groups.

Remember: Education and self-awareness are responsibilities that each one of us should willingly undertake to build a more inclusive and respectful workplace.

Effective Strategies for Building an Inclusive Work Culture

Creating an inclusive work environment is not just about policies or training-it's also about authentic actions that resonate with employees at all levels. Supervisors and senior administrators have a pivotal role in championing diversity and inclusion, supporting their team members who may be absorbing impacts in ways not always visible or understood.

Here, Camille delivers some actionable strategies for creating a culture where everyone feels valued and supported.

"First and foremost, no matter what your racial or ethnic background is, if you are supervising people, you have to get in front of them," Camillie says. "As a senior administrator, it is actually my responsibility to think about myself as a shield for people-people who look like me and people who do not look like me. That's the little stuff that has a big impact on whether or not people are showing up on Monday, still feeling like they can do the project."

People in leadership positions must be proactive in their role, taking steps to genuinely protect and uplift their employees. However, according to Camille, there's also structural solutions that can be implemented.

"We need mentorship programs built into our organizations that are formal. And by formal, I mean that they have the resources. Healthy people work harder in their organization," she says. "And the last piece is affinity groups, if an organization can hold that in their infrastructure. Those are not just for schools or academic institutions, they should be across organizations in any industry."

By providing the necessary resources-both time and money-for these initiatives, companies can ensure that employees are given the avenues to connect and grow professionally. Such programs demonstrate an organization's commitment to fostering a culture where everyone feels they belong.

Measuring Progress In Supporting Individuals In The Workplace

Quantifying the efficacy of diversity and inclusion efforts is critical for organizations that aim to create a supportive environment for all employees, including racial and ethnic minorities. While inclusivity might seem like a subjective term, there are concrete ways to track and measure progress. Employers can establish key performance indicators, conduct climate assessments, and ensure that feedback systems are transparent and accessible.

"Start with a strategic vision or a strategic plan, because sometimes people aren't ready to get into the nitty-gritty of creating an entire full-fledged five-year plan," says Camille. "Decide what your KPIs are going to be-your key performance indicators-so that you know if you're growing based on your goals as an organization, not copying anybody else's KPIs from down the block. Make sure that your key performance indicators are equitable and inclusive of the people in your organization."

What's more, Camille stresses the importance of assessing your internal and external processes to ensure a stable and healthy work environment. That means having a third party conduct climate assessments for an unbiased view of the organization's culture. As for internal operations, transparent and easily accessible feedback systems must be in place. These systems shouldn't be buried in complicated portals or known only to long-term employees; they should be easily accessible to all. This allows for real-time, two-way feedback that can further inform the organization's diversity and inclusion efforts.

"Hire external professionals to conduct climate assessments across your organization with stakeholder groups. And when you do that, always separate out people who are supervisors from people who are their direct reports so that people can speak freely," Camille says. "Lastly, present transparent, fluid, and easily accessible feedback systems. It can't just be in one direction. That's not transparent, that's not accessible."

Addressing the Universality and Nuances in DEI Efforts

It's worth acknowledging that while many of the principles discussed are universal, there are game-changing nuances to consider. Although the strategies and tips apply broadly to creating a more inclusive environment, individuals with marginalized identities can face unique challenges that must be specifically addressed.

Each person's experience is mediated by their unique identifiers, such as race, ethnicity, or sexual orientation. These layers add complexity to the issue, and organizations must be prepared to address them. The "weight" or challenges faced by individuals with multiple marginalized identities can be especially acute.

"When you're in an organizational system, that just means the weight can be a little bit heavier," says Camille. "And then we also have to remember that there are nuances that are unique to each identifier, and that depending on how many identifiers somebody might have that are seen as disadvantaged or that have barriers, the weight for them, that bucket for them, could be heavier. We should expect it to be. And then we should just hope there's no holes in it."

Take the Next Step in Your DEI Journey with InclusionHub

Connect with InclusionHub today and gain the knowledge, tools, and community support to make a meaningful impact in your workplace and beyond.

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A Look at Race, Bias, Microaggressions & Representation In Today's Workplace

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Explore the unspoken realities of race, bias, and microaggressions in the workplace with insights from DEI expert Camille S. Edwards.

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Throughout North American history, racial biases have perpetuated differences and injustices. However, as we develop as a society we notice a change towards inclusivity and acceptance. Court hearings such as Pearson v. Murray, Sweat v. Painter, and Brown v. Board of Education, produced an outcome in which conflict resolution is becoming more progressive. However, inequality is evident through the process of these cases. For example, in Brown v. Board of Education, the courts below the supreme court denied Brown the win.

Jeron Kim

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The Plessy Decision

Although the Declaration of Independence stated that "All men are created equal," due to the institution of slavery, this statement was not to be grounded in law in the United States until after the Civil War (and, arguably, not completely fulfilled for many years thereafter). In 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment was ratified and finally put an end to slavery. Moreover, the Fourteenth Amendment (1868) strengthened the legal rights of newly freed slaves by stating, among other things, that no state shall deprive anyone of either "due process of law" or of the "equal protection of the law." Finally, the Fifteenth Amendment (1870) further strengthened the legal rights of newly freed slaves by prohibiting states from denying anyone the right to vote due to race.

Despite these Amendments, African Americans were often treated differently than whites in many parts of the country, especially in the South. In fact, many state legislatures enacted laws that led to the legally mandated segregation of the races. In other words, the laws of many states decreed that blacks and whites could not use the same public facilities, ride the same buses, attend the same schools, etc. These laws came to be known as Jim Crow laws. Although many people felt that these laws were unjust, it was not until the 1890s that they were directly challenged in court. In 1892, an African-American man named Homer Plessy refused to give up his seat to a white man on a train in New Orleans, as he was required to do by Louisiana state law. For this action he was arrested. Plessy, contending that the Louisiana law separating blacks from whites on trains violated the "equal protection clause" of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, decided to fight his arrest in court. By 1896, his case had made it all the way to the United States Supreme Court. By a vote of 8-1, the Supreme Court ruled against Plessy. In the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, Justice Henry Billings Brown, writing the majority opinion, stated that:

"The object of the [Fourteenth] amendment was undoubtedly to enforce the equality of the two races before the law, but in the nature of things it could not have been intended to abolish distinctions based upon color, or to endorse social, as distinguished from political, equality. . . If one race be inferior to the other socially, the Constitution of the United States cannot put them upon the same plane."

The lone dissenter, Justice John Marshal Harlan, interpreting the Fourteenth Amendment another way, stated, "Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens." Justice Harlan's dissent would become a rallying cry for those in later generations that wished to declare segregation unconstitutional.

Sadly, as a result of the Plessy decision, in the early twentieth century the Supreme Court continued to uphold the legality of Jim Crow laws and other forms of racial discrimination. In the case of Cumming v. Richmond (Ga.) County Board of Education (1899), for instance, the Court refused to issue an injunction preventing a school board from spending tax money on a white high school when the same school board voted to close down a black high school for financial reasons. Moreover, in Gong Lum v. Rice (1927), the Court upheld a school's decision to bar a person of Chinese descent from a "white" school.

The Road to Brown

(Note: Some of the case information is from Patterson, James T. Brown v. Board of Education: A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy. Oxford University Press; New York, 2001.)

Early Cases

Despite the Supreme Court's ruling in Plessy and similar cases, many people continued to press for the abolition of Jim Crow and other racially discriminatory laws. One particular organization that fought for racial equality was the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) founded in 1909. For about the first 20 years of its existence, it tried to persuade Congress and other legislative bodies to enact laws that would protect African Americans from lynchings and other racist actions. Beginning in the 1930s, though, the NAACP's Legal Defense and Education Fund began to turn to the courts to try to make progress in overcoming legally sanctioned discrimination. From 1935 to 1938, the legal arm of the NAACP was headed by Charles Hamilton Houston. Houston, together with Thurgood Marshall, devised a strategy to attack Jim Crow laws by striking at them where they were perhaps weakest-in the field of education. Although Marshall played a crucial role in all of the cases listed below, Houston was the head of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund while Murray v. Maryland and Missouri ex rel Gaines v. Canada were decided. After Houston returned to private practice in 1938, Marshall became head of the Fund and used it to argue the cases of Sweat v. Painter and McLaurin v. Oklahoma Board of Regents of Higher Education.

Pearson v. Murray (Md. 1936)

Disappointed that the University of Maryland School of Law was rejecting black applicants solely because of their race, beginning in 1933 Thurgood Marshall (who was himself rejected from this law school because of its racial acceptance policies) decided to challenge this practice in the Maryland court system. Before a Baltimore City Court in 1935, Marshall argued that Donald Gaines Murray was just as qualified as white applicants to attend the University of Maryland's School of Law and that it was solely due to his race that he was rejected. Furthermore, he argued that since the "black" law schools which Murray would otherwise have to attend were nowhere near the same academic caliber as the University's law school, the University was violating the principle of "separate but equal." Moreover, Marshall argued that the disparities between the "white" and "black" law schools were so great that the only remedy would be to allow students like Murray to attend the University's law school. The Baltimore City Court agreed and the University then appealed to the Maryland Court of Appeals. In 1936, the Court of Appeals also ruled in favor of Murray and ordered the law school to admit him. Two years later, Murray graduated.

Missouri ex rel Gaines v. Canada (1938)

Beginning in 1936, the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund decided to take on the case of Lloyd Gaines, a graduate student of Lincoln University (an all-black college) who applied to the University of Missouri Law School but was denied because of his race. The State of Missouri gave Gaines the option of either attending an all-black law school that it would build (Missouri did not have any all-black law schools at this time) or having Missouri help to pay for him to attend a law school in a neighboring state. Gaines rejected both of these options, and, employing the services of Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, he decided to sue the state in order to attend the University of Missouri's law school. By 1938, his case reached the U.S. Supreme Court, and, in December of that year, the Court sided with him. The six-member majority stated that since a "black" law school did not currently exist in the State of Missouri, the "equal protection clause" required the state to provide, within its boundaries, a legal education for Gaines. In other words, since the state provided legal education for white students, it could not send black students, like Gaines, to school in another state.

Sweat v. Painter (1950)

Encouraged by their victory in Gaines' case, the NAACP continued to attack legally sanctioned racial discrimination in higher education. In 1946, an African American man named Heman Sweat applied to the University of Texas' "white" law school. Hoping that it would not have to admit Sweat to the "white" law school if a "black" school already existed, elsewhere on the University's campus, the state hastily set up an underfunded "black" law school. At this point, Sweat employed the services of Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund and sued to be admitted to the University's "white" law school. He argued that the education that he was receiving in the "black" law school was not of the same academic caliber as the education that he would be receiving if he attended the "white" law school. When the case reached the U.S. Supreme Court in 1950, the Court unanimously agreed with him, citing as its reason the blatant inequalities between the University's law school (the school for whites) and the hastily erected school for blacks. In other words, the "black" law school was "separate," but not "equal." Like the Murray case, the Court found the only appropriate remedy for this situation was to admit Sweat to the University's law school.

McLaurin v. Oklahoma Board of Regents of Higher Education (1950)

In 1949, the University of Oklahoma admitted George McLaurin, an African American, to its doctoral program. However, it required him to sit apart from the rest of his class, eat at a separate time and table from white students, etc. McLaurin, stating that these actions were both unusual and resulting in adverse effects on his academic pursuits, sued to put an end to these practices. McLaurin employed Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund to argue his case, a case which eventually went to the U.S. Supreme Court. In an opinion delivered on the same day as the decision in Sweat, the Court stated that the University's actions concerning McLaurin were adversely affecting his ability to learn and ordered that they cease immediately.

Brown v. Board of Education (1954, 1955)

The case that came to be known as Brown v. Board of Education was actually the name given to five separate cases that were heard by the U.S. Supreme Court concerning the issue of segregation in public schools. These cases were Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Briggs v. Elliot, Davis v. Board of Education of Prince Edward County (VA.), Bolling v. Sharpe, and Gebhart v. Ethel. While the facts of each case are different, the main issue in each was the constitutionality of state-sponsored segregation in public schools. Once again, Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund handled these cases.

Although it acknowledged some of the plaintiffs'/plaintiffs claims, a three-judge panel at the U.S. District Court that heard the cases ruled in favor of the school boards. The plaintiffs then appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court.

When the cases came before the Supreme Court in 1952, the Court consolidated all five cases under the name of Brown v. Board of Education. Marshall personally argued the case before the Court. Although he raised a variety of legal issues on appeal, the most common one was that separate school systems for blacks and whites were inherently unequal, and thus violate the "equal protection clause" of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Furthermore, relying on sociological tests, such as the one performed by social scientist Kenneth Clark, and other data, he also argued that segregated school systems had a tendency to make black children feel inferior to white children, and thus such a system should not be legally permissible.

Meeting to decide the case, the Justices of the Supreme Court realized that they were deeply divided over the issues raised. While most wanted to reverse Plessy and declare segregation in public schools to be unconstitutional, they had various reasons for doing so. Unable to come to a solution by June 1953 (the end of the Court's 1952-1953 term), the Court decided to rehear the case in December 1953. During the intervening months, however, Chief Justice Fred Vinson died and was replaced by Gov. Earl Warren of California. After the case was reheard in 1953, Chief Justice Warren was able to do something that his predecessor had not-i.e. bring all of the Justices to agree to support a unanimous decision declaring segregation in public schools unconstitutional. On May 14, 1954, he delivered the opinion of the Court, stating that "We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate but equal' has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. . ."

Expecting opposition to its ruling, especially in the southern states, the Supreme Court did not immediately try to give direction for the implementation of its ruling. Rather, it asked the attorney generals of all states with laws permitting segregation in their public schools to submit plans for how to proceed with desegregation. After still more hearings before the Court concerning the matter of desegregation, on May 31, 1955, the Justices handed down a plan for how it was to proceed; desegregation was to proceed with "all deliberate speed." Although it would be many years before all segregated school systems were to be desegregated, Brown and Brown II (as the Courts plan for how to desegregate schools came to be called) were responsible for getting the process underway.

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History - Brown v. Board of Education Re-enactment

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The Plessy Decision Although the Declaration of Independence stated that "All men are created equal," due to the institution of slavery, this statement was not to be grounded in law in the United States until after the Civil War (and, arguably, not completely fulfilled for many years thereafter).

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The effects of these systemic biases are severe. African Americans and Hispanics are more likely to be incarcerated for drug offenses, even though studies show both groups use drugs at similar rates as white Americans. Furthermore, a conviction and incarceration can lead to disenfranchisement, with African Americans being disproportionately affected. In 34 states, individuals on parole or probation are denied the right to vote, and in 12 states, a felony conviction results in permanent loss of voting rights. This racial bias within the system perpetuates a cycle of inequality, adversely affecting the economic stability, social mobility, and mental health of these communities​.

Folasade Medina

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The criminal justice system is heavily impacted by the bias of police mentality, as well as outdated judicial precedents. It is largely driven by racial disparities, which directly obstruct and deconstruct our minority communities.

Origins of Modern Day Policing

The origins of our modern-day police mentality can be traced back to the "Slave Patrol". The earliest formal slave patrol was created in the Carolinas in the early 1700s, with the following mission: to establish a system of terror in response to slave uprisings with the capacity to pursue, apprehend, and return runaway slaves to their owners, including the use of excessive force to control and produce desired slave behavior. Slave Patrols allowed forcible entry into any home solely based on suspicions of protecting runaway slaves. Slave Patrols continued until the end of the Civil War and the passage of the 13th Amendment.
History Explained
Criminal Justice System: Law Enforcement
Background

Law enforcement officials are responsible for the investigation of a crime and to gather evidence to identify and use against the presumed perpetrator. The presumption upon which they are supposed to operate is that individuals are suspects and innocent until proven guilty.

As of 2018, there are 686,665 full-time employed law enforcement officials across the United States.

The Fourth Amendment prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures and is the foundation for the protections included in our Miranda Rights: "You have the right to remain silent. Anything you say can and will be held against you in the court of law. You have the right to an attorney. If you cannot afford an attorney, one will be provided for you."

A Black person is five times more likely to be stopped without just cause than a white person.

A Black man is twice as likely to be stopped without just cause than a Black woman.

65% of Black adults have felt targeted because of their race. Similarly, approximately 35% of Latino and Asian adults have felt targeted because of race.

Police Brutality

1,025 people have been shot and killed by police in the past year.

There are somewhere between 900 and 1,100 people who are shot and killed by police in the United States each year.

Since 2005, 98 non-federal law enforcement officers have been arrested in connection with fatal, on-duty shootings. To date, only 35 of these officers have been convicted of a crime, often a lesser offense such as manslaughter or negligent homicide, rather than murder. Only three officers have been convicted of murder during this period and seen their convictions stand. Another 22 officers were acquitted in a jury trial and nine were acquitted during a bench trial decided by a judge. 10 other cases were dismissed by a judge or a prosecutor, and in one instance no true bill was returned from a grand jury. Currently, there are 21 non-federal law enforcement officers with pending criminal cases for fatal shootings.

Public Perception of Police Brutality and Racial Bias in the Criminal Justice System

There is an obvious disparity in how the general public view fatal encounters between police and Black people. 66% said these encounters were isolated incidents.

84% of Black adults say white people are treated better than black people by police; 63% of white adults agree based on 2019 research on police relations.

87% of Black adults say the U.S. criminal justice system is more unjust towards Black people; 61% of white adults agree.

Despite the fact that more white people have been killed by police, Black and Hispanic people are disproportionately impacted. While white people make up a little over 60% of the population, they only make up about 41% of fatal police shootings. Black people make up 13.4% of the population, but make up 22% of fatal police shootings. This does not take into consideration other forms of police brutality, including non-lethal shootings.

The number of people shot to death by the police in the United States from 2017 to 2020, by race.

Source: Statista

539 claims were filed during the 2018-2019 fiscal year against the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office related to police misconduct. Two-hundred and forty-one lawsuits were dismissed without any payments. LAPD has approximately 9,000 sworn officers.

The Effects of Police Brutality on Mental Health

Police killings of unarmed Black Americans are responsible for more than 50 million additional days of poor mental health per year among Black Americans. This mental health burden is comparable to that associated with diabetes, a disease that strikes 1 in 5 Black Americans.

Fatal police violence is the 6th leading cause of death for men ages 25 to 29 across all racial groups.

The lifetime risk of dying from police violence is at its highest from ages 20 to 35, and this applies to men and women of all races.

On average, Black Americans are exposed to four police killings of other unarmed Black Americans in the same state each year.

The Cost of Police Brutality

While many police brutality and fatal police shootings are not prosecuted in criminal court, victims and the families of victims have been able to pursue civil judgments, which cost millions of taxpayers dollars each year.

$175.9 million in civil judgments and claims for police-related lawsuits paid by New York City during the 2019 fiscal year. New York City has the largest police force with 36,000 members serving 8.3 million people.

$500 million was paid out by the City of Chicago between 2004 and 2014 for police misconduct-related lawsuits.

Criminal Justice System: The Courts

The primary purpose of the court system is to try each case presented, render a verdict, and determine sentencing.

Individual rights are protected by the Constitution in the court of law, such as follows;

The right to face your accuser

The right to not incriminate oneself

The right to counsel

The right to a jury trial

The jury must be a fair cross-section of the community, which in most cases should not lead to a jury composed of a single race or gender. Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 79 (1986), was a landmark decision of the US Supreme Court ruling that a prosecutor's use of a peremptory challenge in a criminal case - the dismissal of jurors without stating a valid cause for doing so - may not be used to exclude jurors based solely on their race. A Batson challenge is a challenge made by one party in a case to the other party's use of peremptory challenges to eliminate potential jurors from the jury on the basis of sex, race, ethnicity, or religion. A trial usually begins with jury selection.

One out of every three Black boys born today can expect to be sentenced to prison, compared 1 out 6 Latino boys; one out of 17 white boys.

Sentencing reform addresses the inequities in sentencing as a result of the court's due process.

For example, Delaware lawmakers enacted Senate Bill 47, a measure that removes geographic-based sentencing enhancements - "drug-free" school zones - that disproportionately impact those living in urban areas and are known to exacerbate racially disparate sentencing outcomes. In recent years, New Jersey, Indiana, and Utah adopted legislation to scale back drug zone sentencing enhancements.

California lawmakers passed Senate Bill 136 to repeal the one-year sentence enhancement for each prior prison or county jail felony term. The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation estimated that 10,000 persons currently incarcerated were serving a sentence that included a one-year enhancement.

5% of illicit drug users are African American, yet African Americans represent 29% of those arrested and 33% of those incarcerated for drug offenses.

In the 2015 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, about 17 million white people and 4 million African Americans reported having used an illicit drug within the last month.

African Americans and whites use drugs at similar rates, but the imprisonment rate of African Americans for drug charges is almost 6 times that of whites.

As of October 2016, there have been 1900 exonerations of the wrongfully accused, 47% of the exonerated were African American.

African American defendants are 22% more likely to have convictions involving police misconduct that eventually result in exoneration.

Criminal Justice System: Corrections

The correctional branch of the criminal justice system involves a network of agencies that administer prisons and programs like parole and probation boards in a given jurisdiction.

There are 3 million people in jail and prison today, far outpacing population growth and crime. Between 1980 and 2015, the number of people incarcerated increased from roughly 500,000 to 2.2. million.

Despite making up close to 5% of the global population, the U.S. has nearly 25% of the world's prison population.

32% of the US population is represented by African Americans and Hispanics, compared to 56% of the US incarcerated population being represented by African Americans and Hispanics.

In 2014, African Americans constituted 2.3 million, or 34%, of the total 6.8 million correctional population.

African Americans are incarcerated at more than 5 times the rate of whites.

The imprisonment rate for African American women is 2x that of white women.

Nationwide, African American children represent 32% of children who are arrested, 42% of children who are detained, and 52% of children whose cases are judicially waived to criminal court. African American children represent 14% of the population.

7% of adults in the US are under correctional supervision. That equates to one out of every 37 adults in the United States.

In 2012 alone, the United States spent nearly $81 billion on corrections.
Spending on prisons and jails has increased at triple the rate of spending on Pre‐K‐12 public education in the last thirty years.

Prisons are overpopulated. Since 1970, our incarcerated population has increased by 700%.

Since 1991 the rate of violent crime in the United States has fallen by about 20%, while the number of people in prison or jail has risen by 50%.

If African Americans and Hispanics were incarcerated at the same rates as whites, prison and jail populations would decline by almost 40%.

$80 billion taxpayer dollars are spent on our current prison system, accounting for one out of every 15-state general fund discretionary dollars (2nd fastest-growing category for state budgets).

Effects of Incarceration

Inmates are five times more likely to be infected by HIV than the general population.

Approximately 10% to 20% of inmates suffer from a serious mental illness, which is often made worse during incarceration.

Many of the formerly incarcerated also suffer from a loss of their rights as a result of their records:

In 34 states, people who are on parole or probation cannot vote.

In 12 states, a felony conviction means never voting again.

In addition, prior incarceration can affect one's ability to secure certain federal benefits or get a job.

The effects of incarceration are felt by the families and communities of those individuals:

More than one out of every six black men who today should be between 25 and 54 years old have disappeared from daily life. Incarceration and early deaths are the main drivers behind their absence. A history of incarceration has been linked to vulnerability to disease, a greater likelihood of cigarette smoking, and even premature death. Their absence from the community removes voters, workers, taxpayers, and more.

Children whose parents are involved in the criminal justice system suffer from: psychological strain, antisocial behavior, suspension or expulsion from school, economic hardship, and are six times more likely to be involved in criminal activity.

Partners of incarcerated individuals suffer from depression and economic hardship.

COVID-19 & Infectious Diseases

There are 68,000 (and counting) identified prison inmate cases of Covid-19.

New cases of COVID-19 have soared across hot spots in the United States in the last few weeks - even as daily infection rates in the nation have remained flat.

There has been a 73% increase in COVID-19 related deaths since mid-May.

The five largest known clusters of COVID-19 virus are inside corrections institutions.

The number of infected cases will increase, as more demonstrators and protestors against police brutality are arrested.

Infectious diseases are highly concentrated in corrections facilities. 15% of jail inmates and 22% of prisoners - compared to 5% of the general population - are reported having tuberculosis, Hepatitis B and C, HIV/AIDS, or other STDs.

Penal Labor and Prison Industrial Complex

The prison-industrial complex is a set of interest groups and institutions. Private prisons' business model is contingent upon incarcerating more and more people.

Hundreds of corporations benefit from penal labor, including some of our largest major corporations. 7% of state prisoners and 18% of federal prisoners are employed by for-profit companies.

Wages are equivalent to less than $1 per hour in most penal labor programs with up to 12-hour workdays. The pay scale for federal prisoners is $.12 to $.40 per hour.

In Texas, inmates are not paid for labor. The Texas penal labor system, managed by Texas Correctional Industries, is valued at $88.9 million in 2014.

The estimated annual value of prison and jail industrial output is $2 billion.

Death Penalty

35% of the individuals executed under the death penalty within the last 40 years have been Black. African Americans represent only 13% of the general population. African Americans are pursued, convicted, and sent to death at a disproportionally higher rate than any other race.

In early 2000, the percentage of Black people on death row were as follows for the states below:

Maryland 72%

Pennsylvania 63%

Illinois 63%

Alabama 46%

Texas 41%

Virginia 39%

California 36%

Florida 36%

66% of juveniles sentenced to death are people of color, two-thirds of the crimes committed involved white victims.

82% of people on death row were convicted of cases that involved white victims.

Cycle of Incarceration

650,000 Americans return to their communities from prison each year. About half of them will return to prison within a few years.

Nearly 50,000 legal restrictions against people with arrest and conviction records routinely block access to jobs, housing, and educational opportunities, which significantly contributes towards high rates of increased interactions with the criminal justice system and reincarceration of people who have been released from prison.

Nearly 75% of formerly incarcerated people are still unemployed a year after release. A lack of stable employment increases the likelihood that an individual will return to jail or prison. In fact, research has found that joblessness is the single most important predictor of recidivism.

Fair Chance Hiring (FCH) Fact Sheet

The criminal justice system is heavily impacted by the bias of police mentality, as well as outdated judicial precedents. It is largely driven by racial disparities, which directly obstruct and deconstruct our minority communities.

Origins of Modern Day Policing

The origins of our modern-day police mentality can be traced back to the "Slave Patrol". The earliest formal slave patrol was created in the Carolinas in the early 1700s, with the following mission: to establish a system of terror in response to slave uprisings with the capacity to pursue, apprehend, and return runaway slaves to their owners, including the use of excessive force to control and produce desired slave behavior. Slave Patrols allowed forcible entry into any home solely based on suspicions of protecting runaway slaves. Slave Patrols continued until the end of the Civil War and the passage of the 13th Amendment.
History Explained
Criminal Justice System: Law Enforcement
Background

Law enforcement officials are responsible for the investigation of a crime and to gather evidence to identify and use against the presumed perpetrator. The presumption upon which they are supposed to operate is that individuals are suspects and innocent until proven guilty.

As of 2018, there are 686,665 full-time employed law enforcement officials across the United States.

The Fourth Amendment prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures and is the foundation for the protections included in our Miranda Rights: "You have the right to remain silent. Anything you say can and will be held against you in the court of law. You have the right to an attorney. If you cannot afford an attorney, one will be provided for you."

A Black person is five times more likely to be stopped without just cause than a white person.

A Black man is twice as likely to be stopped without just cause than a Black woman.

65% of Black adults have felt targeted because of their race. Similarly, approximately 35% of Latino and Asian adults have felt targeted because of race.

Police Brutality

1,025 people have been shot and killed by police in the past year.

There are somewhere between 900 and 1,100 people who are shot and killed by police in the United States each year.

Since 2005, 98 non-federal law enforcement officers have been arrested in connection with fatal, on-duty shootings. To date, only 35 of these officers have been convicted of a crime, often a lesser offense such as manslaughter or negligent homicide, rather than murder. Only three officers have been convicted of murder during this period and seen their convictions stand. Another 22 officers were acquitted in a jury trial and nine were acquitted during a bench trial decided by a judge. 10 other cases were dismissed by a judge or a prosecutor, and in one instance no true bill was returned from a grand jury. Currently, there are 21 non-federal law enforcement officers with pending criminal cases for fatal shootings.

Public Perception of Police Brutality and Racial Bias in the Criminal Justice System

There is an obvious disparity in how the general public view fatal encounters between police and Black people. 66% said these encounters were isolated incidents.

84% of Black adults say white people are treated better than black people by police; 63% of white adults agree based on 2019 research on police relations.

87% of Black adults say the U.S. criminal justice system is more unjust towards Black people; 61% of white adults agree.

Despite the fact that more white people have been killed by police, Black and Hispanic people are disproportionately impacted. While white people make up a little over 60% of the population, they only make up about 41% of fatal police shootings. Black people make up 13.4% of the population, but make up 22% of fatal police shootings. This does not take into consideration other forms of police brutality, including non-lethal shootings.

The number of people shot to death by the police in the United States from 2017 to 2020, by race.

Source: Statista

539 claims were filed during the 2018-2019 fiscal year against the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office related to police misconduct. Two-hundred and forty-one lawsuits were dismissed without any payments. LAPD has approximately 9,000 sworn officers.

The Effects of Police Brutality on Mental Health

Police killings of unarmed Black Americans are responsible for more than 50 million additional days of poor mental health per year among Black Americans. This mental health burden is comparable to that associated with diabetes, a disease that strikes 1 in 5 Black Americans.

Fatal police violence is the 6th leading cause of death for men ages 25 to 29 across all racial groups.

The lifetime risk of dying from police violence is at its highest from ages 20 to 35, and this applies to men and women of all races.

On average, Black Americans are exposed to four police killings of other unarmed Black Americans in the same state each year.

The Cost of Police Brutality

While many police brutality and fatal police shootings are not prosecuted in criminal court, victims and the families of victims have been able to pursue civil judgments, which cost millions of taxpayers dollars each year.

$175.9 million in civil judgments and claims for police-related lawsuits paid by New York City during the 2019 fiscal year. New York City has the largest police force with 36,000 members serving 8.3 million people.

$500 million was paid out by the City of Chicago between 2004 and 2014 for police misconduct-related lawsuits.

Criminal Justice System: The Courts

The primary purpose of the court system is to try each case presented, render a verdict, and determine sentencing.

Individual rights are protected by the Constitution in the court of law, such as follows;

The right to face your accuser

The right to not incriminate oneself

The right to counsel

The right to a jury trial

The jury must be a fair cross-section of the community, which in most cases should not lead to a jury composed of a single race or gender. Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 79 (1986), was a landmark decision of the US Supreme Court ruling that a prosecutor's use of a peremptory challenge in a criminal case - the dismissal of jurors without stating a valid cause for doing so - may not be used to exclude jurors based solely on their race. A Batson challenge is a challenge made by one party in a case to the other party's use of peremptory challenges to eliminate potential jurors from the jury on the basis of sex, race, ethnicity, or religion. A trial usually begins with jury selection.

One out of every three Black boys born today can expect to be sentenced to prison, compared 1 out 6 Latino boys; one out of 17 white boys.

Sentencing reform addresses the inequities in sentencing as a result of the court's due process.

For example, Delaware lawmakers enacted Senate Bill 47, a measure that removes geographic-based sentencing enhancements - "drug-free" school zones - that disproportionately impact those living in urban areas and are known to exacerbate racially disparate sentencing outcomes. In recent years, New Jersey, Indiana, and Utah adopted legislation to scale back drug zone sentencing enhancements.

California lawmakers passed Senate Bill 136 to repeal the one-year sentence enhancement for each prior prison or county jail felony term. The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation estimated that 10,000 persons currently incarcerated were serving a sentence that included a one-year enhancement.

5% of illicit drug users are African American, yet African Americans represent 29% of those arrested and 33% of those incarcerated for drug offenses.

In the 2015 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, about 17 million white people and 4 million African Americans reported having used an illicit drug within the last month.

African Americans and whites use drugs at similar rates, but the imprisonment rate of African Americans for drug charges is almost 6 times that of whites.

As of October 2016, there have been 1900 exonerations of the wrongfully accused, 47% of the exonerated were African American.

African American defendants are 22% more likely to have convictions involving police misconduct that eventually result in exoneration.

Criminal Justice System: Corrections

The correctional branch of the criminal justice system involves a network of agencies that administer prisons and programs like parole and probation boards in a given jurisdiction.

There are 3 million people in jail and prison today, far outpacing population growth and crime. Between 1980 and 2015, the number of people incarcerated increased from roughly 500,000 to 2.2. million.

Despite making up close to 5% of the global population, the U.S. has nearly 25% of the world's prison population.

32% of the US population is represented by African Americans and Hispanics, compared to 56% of the US incarcerated population being represented by African Americans and Hispanics.

In 2014, African Americans constituted 2.3 million, or 34%, of the total 6.8 million correctional population.

African Americans are incarcerated at more than 5 times the rate of whites.

The imprisonment rate for African American women is 2x that of white women.

Nationwide, African American children represent 32% of children who are arrested, 42% of children who are detained, and 52% of children whose cases are judicially waived to criminal court. African American children represent 14% of the population.

7% of adults in the US are under correctional supervision. That equates to one out of every 37 adults in the United States.

In 2012 alone, the United States spent nearly $81 billion on corrections.
Spending on prisons and jails has increased at triple the rate of spending on Pre‐K‐12 public education in the last thirty years.

Prisons are overpopulated. Since 1970, our incarcerated population has increased by 700%.

Since 1991 the rate of violent crime in the United States has fallen by about 20%, while the number of people in prison or jail has risen by 50%.

If African Americans and Hispanics were incarcerated at the same rates as whites, prison and jail populations would decline by almost 40%.

$80 billion taxpayer dollars are spent on our current prison system, accounting for one out of every 15-state general fund discretionary dollars (2nd fastest-growing category for state budgets).

Effects of Incarceration

Inmates are five times more likely to be infected by HIV than the general population.

Approximately 10% to 20% of inmates suffer from a serious mental illness, which is often made worse during incarceration.

Many of the formerly incarcerated also suffer from a loss of their rights as a result of their records:

In 34 states, people who are on parole or probation cannot vote.

In 12 states, a felony conviction means never voting again.

In addition, prior incarceration can affect one's ability to secure certain federal benefits or get a job.

The effects of incarceration are felt by the families and communities of those individuals:

More than one out of every six black men who today should be between 25 and 54 years old have disappeared from daily life. Incarceration and early deaths are the main drivers behind their absence. A history of incarceration has been linked to vulnerability to disease, a greater likelihood of cigarette smoking, and even premature death. Their absence from the community removes voters, workers, taxpayers, and more.

Children whose parents are involved in the criminal justice system suffer from: psychological strain, antisocial behavior, suspension or expulsion from school, economic hardship, and are six times more likely to be involved in criminal activity.

Partners of incarcerated individuals suffer from depression and economic hardship.

COVID-19 & Infectious Diseases

There are 68,000 (and counting) identified prison inmate cases of Covid-19.

New cases of COVID-19 have soared across hot spots in the United States in the last few weeks - even as daily infection rates in the nation have remained flat.

There has been a 73% increase in COVID-19 related deaths since mid-May.

The five largest known clusters of COVID-19 virus are inside corrections institutions.

The number of infected cases will increase, as more demonstrators and protestors against police brutality are arrested.

Infectious diseases are highly concentrated in corrections facilities. 15% of jail inmates and 22% of prisoners - compared to 5% of the general population - are reported having tuberculosis, Hepatitis B and C, HIV/AIDS, or other STDs.

Penal Labor and Prison Industrial Complex

The prison-industrial complex is a set of interest groups and institutions. Private prisons' business model is contingent upon incarcerating more and more people.

Hundreds of corporations benefit from penal labor, including some of our largest major corporations. 7% of state prisoners and 18% of federal prisoners are employed by for-profit companies.

Wages are equivalent to less than $1 per hour in most penal labor programs with up to 12-hour workdays. The pay scale for federal prisoners is $.12 to $.40 per hour.

In Texas, inmates are not paid for labor. The Texas penal labor system, managed by Texas Correctional Industries, is valued at $88.9 million in 2014.

The estimated annual value of prison and jail industrial output is $2 billion.

Death Penalty

35% of the individuals executed under the death penalty within the last 40 years have been Black. African Americans represent only 13% of the general population. African Americans are pursued, convicted, and sent to death at a disproportionally higher rate than any other race.

In early 2000, the percentage of Black people on death row were as follows for the states below:

Maryland 72%

Pennsylvania 63%

Illinois 63%

Alabama 46%

Texas 41%

Virginia 39%

California 36%

Florida 36%

66% of juveniles sentenced to death are people of color, two-thirds of the crimes committed involved white victims.

82% of people on death row were convicted of cases that involved white victims.

Cycle of Incarceration

650,000 Americans return to their communities from prison each year. About half of them will return to prison within a few years.

Nearly 50,000 legal restrictions against people with arrest and conviction records routinely block access to jobs, housing, and educational opportunities, which significantly contributes towards high rates of increased interactions with the criminal justice system and reincarceration of people who have been released from prison.

Nearly 75% of formerly incarcerated people are still unemployed a year after release. A lack of stable employment increases the likelihood that an individual will return to jail or prison. In fact, research has found that joblessness is the single most important predictor of recidivism.

Fair Chance Hiring (FCH) Fact Sheet

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A compilation of facts and figures surrounding policing, the criminal justice system, incarceration, and more.

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David Lammy, the British Labour MP, has been a leading voice in highlighting racial bias within the criminal justice system in the UK. In his significant Lammy Review, Lammy examined the treatment and outcomes of Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic (BAME) individuals across all stages of the justice system. He found substantial evidence of racial disparities, particularly noting the overrepresentation of these groups at key points, such as arrests, sentencing, and imprisonment.

Folasade Medina

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David Lammy on racial bias in the criminal justice system - BBC Newsnight

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In America, if you're Black, you're 5X more likely to go to prison than if you're White

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In America, if you're Black, you're 5X more likely to go to prison than if you're White

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The video discusses racial disparities in the U.S. criminal justice system, emphasizing that Black Americans are five times more likely to be incarcerated than white Americans. It highlights systemic racial biases within law enforcement, sentencing, and incarceration, which disproportionately impact Black individuals, contributing to a cycle of disadvantage. It also touches on the effects of these biases on Black communities' mental health and overall well-being.

Folasade Medina

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In America, if you're Black, you're 5X more likely to go to prison than if you're White - BBC

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The growing fear of crime often directed at black American intensified policing practices across the country and inspired the passage of a spate of mandatory sentencing policies, both of which contributed to a surge in incarceration. Between 1926 and 1940, state prison populations across the country increased by 67 percent.

FOLASADE MEDINA

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“[In September 2016], on the 45 th anniversary of the infamous Attica Prison uprising, tens of thousands of US inmates launched a nationwide protest. . . . The inmates’ grievances [were] as varied as the states they came from: Pennies for labor in South Carolina, racial discrimination in…

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American history, race, and prison. Vera Institute of Justice. (n.d.). https://www.vera.org/reimagining-prison-web-report/american-history-race-and-prison

Criminal justice fact sheet. NAACP. (2022, November 4). https://naacp.org/resources/criminal-justice-fact-sheet

Taek, J. (2024, November 30). Racial bias in criminal justice system. Padlet. https://padlet.com/jeronies89/impact-of-racial-biases-s8rz6lu8yfvw3j1s/wish/mDRxWBPqLkVqQjb1

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Folasade Medina

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U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (n.d.). Race/Color discrimination. U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Retrieved December 1, 2024, from https://www.eeoc.gov/racecolor-discrimination

LK

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Bias in Screening: Even when the characteristics of resumes with "white sounding" names are the same, research has shown that those with names thought to belong to specific

racial or ethnic groups are less likely to be contacted for an

interview.

LK

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Creating an inclusive workplace where all workers, regardless of race, have equal opportunity to succeed is critical to promoting racial equity. Essential tactics include:

Addressing microaggressions.

Establishing policies that promote racial fairness.

Promoting diverse leadership.

Putting antibias training into practice.

Making sure that recruiting and compensation procedures are fair.

Demonstrating leadership commitment

For long-term success, monitoring progress, holding the corporation responsible, and incorporating racial justice into corporate values is critical. These initiatives create a more just and encouraging work environment for everyone.

LK

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How to Promote Racial Equity in the Workplace

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Many White people deny the existence of racism against people of color because they assume that racism is defined by deliberate actions motivated by malice and hatred. However, racism can occur without conscious awareness or intent. When defined simply as differential evaluation or treatment based s…

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Mosco, S. (2021, October 14). A Look at Race, Bias, Microaggressions & Representation In Today’s Workplace: Explore the unspoken realities of race, bias, and microaggressions in the workplace with insights from DEI expert Camille S. Edwards. InclusionHub. https://www.inclusionhub.com/articles/a-look-at-race-bias-microaggressions-representation-in-todays-workplace

LK

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‌United States Courts. (n.d.). History - brown v. board of education re-enactment. United States Courts. https://www.uscourts.gov/educational-resources/educational-activities/history-brown-v-board-education-re-enactment

Weir, K. (2016, November). Inequality at School. American Psychological Association.

https://www.apa.org/monitor/2016/11/cover-inequality-school

‌

NPR. (2016). Bias Isn’t Just A Police Problem, It’s A Preschool Problem | Let’s Talk | NPR. In YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ucEAcIMkS0c

‌

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Research points ways to start chipping away at bias in schools.

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1.       Macias-Konstantopoulos, W. L., Collins, K. A., Diaz, R., Duber, H. C., Edwards, C. D., Hsu, A. P., Ranney, M. L., Riviello, R. J., Wettstein, Z. S., & Sachs, C. J. (2023). Race, Healthcare, and Health Disparities: A Critical Review and Recommendations for Advancing Health Equity. The western journal of emergency medicine, 24(5), 906–918. https://doi.org/10.5811/westjem.58408

2.       Winny, A., & Bervell, R. (2023, May 12). Solving the Black Maternal Health Crisis | Johns Hopkins | Bloomberg School of Public Health. Publichealth.jhu.edu; Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. https://publichealth.jhu.edu/2023/solving-the-black-maternal-health-crisis

3.       2021 National Healthcare Quality and Disparities Report [Internet]. Rockville (MD): Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (US); 2021 Dec. ACCESS TO HEALTHCARE AND DISPARITIES IN ACCESS. Available from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK578537/

4.       TEDx Talks. (2021). How biases in healthcare can be deadly | Safia Hattab | TEDxHopeCollege. In YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RJ001q4YM_k

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Racial disparities within the education system also include disciplinary actions, feedback, and rewards. This article states that the teacher's experiences and expectations play a significant role in racial biases. As stated by a psychologist from the University of Maryland Melanie Killen, "Everyone holds biases of one kind or another. Maybe we can't eliminate them, but we can do all we can to avoid acting on them."

Jeron Kim

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Research points ways to start chipping away at bias in schools.

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According to Figure 26, Hispanic individuals (18.3%) were more likely than non-Hispanic White adults (11.1%) to occasionally or never seek immediate medical attention for a disease, injury, or condition in 2017.
Compared to White people (12.1%), Black adults (18.2%) were more likely in 2017 to occasionally or never seek immediate medical attention for a disease, injury, or condition when necessary.

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Access to healthcare means having "the timely use of personal health services to achieve the best health outcomes." Access to comprehensive, quality healthcare services is important for promoting and maintaining health, preventing and managing disease, reducing unnecessary disability and premature death, and achieving health equity for all Americans. Attaining good access to care means having:

Health insurance that facilitates entry into the healthcare system.

Timely access to needed care.

A usual source of care with whom the patient can develop a relationship.

The ability to receive care when there is a perceived need for care.

Measures of access to care tracked in the National Healthcare Quality and Disparities Report (NHQDR) include having health insurance, having a usual source of care, encountering difficulties when seeking care, and receiving care as soon as wanted.

Historically, Americans have experienced variable access to care based on race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, sex, disability status, sexual orientation, gender identity, and residential location. This section of the NHQDR discusses trends in access over time and disparities in access related to the sociodemographic variables for which data were available.

Of the nine measures assessed, five access measures were improving. Of the measures that showed improvement:

Two measures were related to health insurance.

Two measures were related to timely access to care.

One measure was related to patient perception of need.

One measure related to patient perception of need was worsening. The remaining three measures showed no statistically significant changes.

The following tables provide information on all nine measures assessed for trends over time.

Health Insurance

Increased health insurance coverage is associated with statistically significant and clinically relevant improvements for low-income adults, including access to care, use of preventive services, and self-reported health. Among those with chronic conditions, increased coverage is linked to improved medication adherence, more regular communication with physicians, and improved perceived health status. In addition, emerging evidence indicates that improving health insurance coverage may promote equity and reduce disparities in access to care.

Improving Measures

The two measures of health insurance that improved were:

People under age 65 who were uninsured all year.

People under age 65 with any period of uninsurance during the year.

Dental Insurance

Dental caries, or tooth decay, is a common chronic disease that can cause pain, suffering, and diminished quality of life throughout one's lifespan. Left untreated, tooth decay can progress and lead to infection, more complex and expensive treatments, and, ultimately, tooth loss. Untreated tooth decay can affect essential aspects of daily living, including eating, speaking, and performing at home, school, or work.

Oral health issues and lack of access to care can be associated with other aspects of one's health. For example, people without dental insurance are more likely to have heart disease, diabetes, and osteoporosis. People with dental insurance are more likely to visit a dental professional, take their children to a dental professional, receive recommended preventive screenings and treatments, and have better overall health.

No measures related to Health Insurance showed a worsening trend, but disparities related to Health Insurance still exist in subgroup categories such as age, race, and ethnicity. These are discussed in the Disparities portion of this Access section.

Timely Access to Care

A patient's inability to obtain a timely healthcare appointment may result in various outcomes:

The patient eventually sees the desired healthcare providers,

The patient obtains healthcare elsewhere,

The patient seeks an alternative form of care, or

The patient does not obtain healthcare for the condition that led to the request for an appointment.

In any of these cases, the condition may worsen, improve (with or without treatment elsewhere), or continue until treated. Thus, long wait times may be associated with poorer health outcomes and financial burden from seeking nonnetwork care and possibly more distant healthcare.

No measures related to Timely Access to Care showed a statistically significant worsening trend, but disparities related to Timely Access to Care still exist in subgroup categories such as race, ethnicity, geographic location, and insurance status. These are discussed in the Disparities portion of this Access section.

Perception of Need

The challenges patients encounter in accessing providers and managing their care reflect an important aspect of medical care. Examining how these challenges form barriers to care is essential for a complete understanding of healthcare access. This analysis involves quantifying impediments to full engagement in care in a way that is more comprehensive than traditional ratings of patient satisfaction.

The measure of perception of need that improved was:

People with a usual source of care who is somewhat to very difficult to contact during regular business hours over the telephone.

Another perception of need measure did not show a statistically significant change over time:

People with a usual source of care, excluding hospital emergency rooms, who has office hours at night or on weekends.

One perception of need measure showed significant worsening over time:

Children who needed to see a specialist in the last 12 months who sometimes or never found it easy to see a specialist, 2008-2017.

Snapshot of Disparities in Access to Care

For the most recent year, Hispanic people had worse access to care than non-Hispanic White people for 79% of access measures ( Figure 8).

American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) people had worse access to care than White people for 50% of access measures.

Asian people had worse access to care than White people for 29% of access measures and better access to care for 14% of access measures.

Black people had worse access to care than White people for 53% of access measures.

Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (NPHI) people had similar access to care as White people for all access measures.

Multiracial (>1 race) people had worse access to care than White people for 21% of access measures.

For the most recent year, children ages 0-17 years had worse access to care than adults ages 18-44 years for 13% of access measures and better access to care for 87% of access measures ( Figure 9).

Adults ages 45-64 years had worse access to care than adults ages 18-44 years for 8% of access measures and better access to care for 75% of access measures.

Adults age 65 years and over had worse access to care than adults ages 18-44 years for 25% of access measures and better access to care for 63% of access measures.

People with only public insurance had worse access to care than people with private insurance for 44% of access measures.

People with no insurance had worse access to care than people with private insurance for 71% of access measures.

For the most recent year, females had better access to care than males for 43% of access measures ( Figure 10).

People in poor households had worse access to care than people in high-income households for 79% of access measures.

People in low-income households had worse access to care than people in high-income households for 71% of access measures.

People in middle-income households had worse access to care than people in high-income households for 50% of access measures.

People with disabilities had worse access to care than people without disabilities for 42% of access measures and better access to care for another 42% of access measures.

For the most recent year, people in large central metro areas had worse access to care than people in large fringe metro areas for 71% of access measures ( Figure 11).

People in medium metro areas had worse access to care than people in large fringe metro areas for 29% of access measures.

People in small metro areas had worse access to care than people in large fringe metro areas for 36% of access measures.

People in micropolitan areas had worse access to care than people in large fringe metro areas for 50% of access measures.

People in noncore areas had worse access to care than people in large fringe metro areas for 33% of access measures.

Disparities in Health Insurance

Evidence indicates that health insurance expansions significantly increase patients' access to care and use of preventive care, primary care, chronic illness treatment, medications, and surgery. Indicators of increased insurance coverage include earlier detection of disease, better medication adherence and management of chronic conditions, and psychological well-being in knowing one can afford care when one gets sick.

Healthcare access and insurance coverage are major factors that contribute to racial and ethnic disparities. Racial and ethnic disparities in access have been reduced significantly by expanded access to health insurance.

Health Insurance Coverage: Early Release Program

The Early Release Program of the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) provides timely data on health insurance coverage in the United States. These estimates are published prior to final data editing and final weighting to provide access to the most recent information from NHIS.

Estimates presented in Figures 15- 18 are from the first 6 months of 2021, January-June. These data are not included in the summary analyses conducted for this report. However, it is important to present the status of health insurance coverage with the most recent data available because health insurance is a key factor in assessing the current state of access to care. These data are particularly relevant during a pandemic when health insurance status has changed for many people.

Below are findings from Health Insurance Coverage: Early Release of Estimates From the National Health Interview Survey, January-June 2021. Because NHIS was redesigned for 2019, trends over time are not provided. More information about the estimates is available on the NHIS website ( https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nhis.htm).

Disparities in Dental Insurance

Having private dental insurance is associated with receiving more dental care. Public insurance plans, such as Medicare and Medicaid, are only federally required to provide limited dental coverage (e.g., for children, dental emergencies). When Medicaid does provide dental coverage, some providers do not accept it because the reimbursement rates are typically lower than for private dental insurance.

For rural communities, which generally have lower rates of private dental insurance, insurance coverage is a barrier to dental care, along with dental care provider shortages, poor oral health education, and lack of transportation. Lower utilization of dental care in rural populations occurs despite higher risks for tooth decay and dental problems, due to factors such as higher rates of tobacco use and limited access to fluoridated water systems.

Medicare Advantage Insurance

The CMS Medicare Advantage (MA) program allows Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in both Part A and Part B to receive benefits from private plans rather than from the traditional fee-for-service (FFS) program. MA enrollees appear to be somewhat healthier than beneficiaries in traditional Medicare, according to measures of self-assessed health, functional status, and cognitive status.

MA enrollees have less education than beneficiaries in traditional Medicare, on average, and are more likely to have low to middle income (per capita incomes between $20,000 and $40,000). They are less likely to have per capita incomes greater than $40,000, perhaps because higher income beneficiaries are more likely to have Medigap and retiree health benefits that supplement traditional Medicare.

Hispanic beneficiaries are more likely to be in MA than traditional Medicare, partly due to relatively high MA enrollment in parts of the country with large Hispanic populations, such as southern Florida. In contrast, beneficiaries living in rural areas, where MA has a smaller footprint, are more likely to have traditional Medicare.

Dual-Eligible Beneficiaries

Dual-eligible beneficiaries are enrolled in Medicare Part A and/or B and getting full Medicaid benefits and/or assistance with Medicare premiums or cost sharing through the Medicare Savings Program based on age, disability, or low income. Medicare is the primary payer for dual-eligible beneficiaries. Dual-eligible beneficiaries receive full Medicare coverage, including coverage of physician services, inpatient and outpatient acute care, and post-acute skill-leveled care. Medicaid may cover additional services not covered under Medicare, as well as help with costs for Medicare premiums, deductibles, coinsurance, and copayments.

Dual-eligible beneficiaries have low incomes that make it difficult to afford the premiums and cost sharing required by Medicare, as well as the cost of services not covered by the Medicare program.

More than half (56%) of individuals dually eligible for Medicare and Medicaid benefits in 2013 had at least one limitation in activities of daily living. A plurality (43%) did not graduate from high school. Compared with non-dual Medicare beneficiaries, more dual-eligible beneficiaries reported being in poor health (18% vs. 6%). Dual-eligible beneficiaries were also more likely than non-dual Medicare beneficiaries to live in an institution.

Usual Source of Care

Patients who have a usual source of care report greater trust and satisfaction with their providers, are more likely to receive treatment for chronic health conditions, and report fewer unmet service needs. Having a usual place and usual provider are associated with an increased likelihood of receiving preventive services and recommended screenings compared with having no usual source of care., However, people without insurance are less likely to have a usual source of care, often due to out-of-pocket costs related to receiving care.

Disparities in Timely Access to Care

Timely access to care is important for ensuring desirable health outcomes, reducing financial burden from seeking nonnetwork care and possibly more distant healthcare, and improving patients' perception of need and experience with the healthcare system. Having health insurance coverage is strongly associated with receiving timely and continuous care, and lack of it has been consistently found to be one of the main contributors to disparities in access to health services.

Perception of Need

Access to healthcare can be seen as a continuum. Even if care is available, many factors can affect ease of access to it. Along with financial and locational aspects, navigational factors, such as ease in making an appointment with providers, are important determinants of access.

Resources

HHS and other government agencies are committed to improving access to healthcare for all individuals. The following are examples of resources available:

In 2016, AHRQ published the Chartbook on Access to Health Care. The chartbook presents national trends in access to care measures for the overall population, as well as trends by characteristics such as age, race, ethnicity, and income. Topics include rates of health insurance, demographics of providers, and demographics of various healthcare utilization groups (e.g., users of trauma centers).

Healthy People 2030 identified Health Care Access and Quality as one of its key social determinants of health, with the goal to increase access to comprehensive, high-quality healthcare services. Healthy People 2030 sets and measures objectives, including assessment of health information technology, appointment wait times, ability to get prescription medications and medical care when needed, and having a usual primary care provider. Health systems and providers can use the objectives to set targets for improving access and reducing disparities.

AHRQ's Data Tools and CDC's National Center for Health Statistics provide statistics and data related to healthcare access that researchers, policymakers, providers, consumers, and other stakeholders can use for purposes such as identifying areas of need, assessing the status of specific populations, and tracking progress over time. Data include topics such as health insurance rates, usual sources of care, and ability to obtain needed and timely care.

The first goal for the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) Strategic Plan FY2019-2022 is to improve access to quality health services. The goal is aimed at improving equity in access to quality care, particularly for people who are economically or medically vulnerable or geographically isolated. HRSA aims to meet the goal by increasing and improving the capacity of healthcare services, systems, and infrastructure; improving the quality and effectiveness of healthcare services and systems; and connecting patient populations to primary care and preventive services.

ix

Due to changes to the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) in 2019, no usual source of care measures are available for trending in the 2021 NHQDR. Usual source of care measures are included in the disparities section.

x

Multiracial is defined as people indicating they were two or more of the following races: American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, and White.

xi

Unless otherwise indicated, poor is defined as family income less than 100% of the federal poverty level (FPL); low income refers to income of 100% to 199% of the FPL; middle income refers to income of 200% to 399% of the FPL; and high income refers to income of 400% of the FPL and above. The dollar amounts are based on U.S. census thresholds for each data year. For example, in 2019, the FPL for a household of four was $25,750.

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ACCESS TO HEALTHCARE AND DISPARITIES IN ACCESS

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Access to healthcare means having "the timely use of personal health services to achieve the best health outcomes."1 Access to comprehensive, quality healthcare services is important for promoting and maintaining health, preventing and managing disease, reducing unnecessary disability and premature death, and achieving health equity for all Americans.2 Attaining good access to care means having: Health insurance that facilitates entry into the healthcare system.Timely access to needed care.A usual source of care with whom the patient can develop a relationship.The ability to receive care when there is a perceived need for care.

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According to CDC data, the majority of maternal fatalities are preventable, and Black women are two to three times more likely than white women to die from pregnancy-related problems. All economic and educational levels are at increased risk. The wealthiest Black woman in California has a higher risk of maternal mortality than the least wealthy white woman, per a National Bureau of Economic Research research.

Quinda Powers

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Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health

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Solving the Black Maternal Health Crisis | Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health

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Change at every level-from federal policy to individual action-can support Black birthing people in the U.S.

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Given that the majority of Americans see a doctor at least once a year, it is critical to expose some of the prejudices present in the medical field. Safia Hattab, a disabled African-American woman, discusses in her discussion how common these biases are in the medical industry and how they might perpetuate healthcare disparities, which are a symptom of a bigger issue.

Quinda Powers

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How biases in healthcare can be deadly | Safia Hattab | TEDxHopeCollege

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Krieger, L. H. (2020, September 25). How to Promote Racial Equity in the Workplace. Harvard Business Review. https://hbr.org/2020/09/how-to-promote-racial-equity-in-the-workplace

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