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Article highlighting a white collar industrial crime, where of health and safety regulations where violated, resulting in over a 1,000 victims.

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A Bangladesh government report into the collapse of a multi-storey factory building, which killed more than 1,100, has uncovered a series of violations.

The report said the building had been constructed with sub-standard materials on unsuitable land.

It also recommended life sentences for the building's owner and the owners of five garment factories operating there.

The Rana Plaza collapse on 24 April is one of the world's worst industrial disasters and sparked global outrage.

It highlighted working conditions, low wages and safety standards in the country's garment sector. In the wake of the disaster, there have been a series of angry protests by workers in the garment industry.

On Thursday, thousands of garment workers took to the streets in Ashulia, the industrial belt near Dhaka, demanding wage increases and other benefits. Some vehicles were attacked during the protest.

The Bangladesh Garment Manufactures and Exporters Association (BGMEA) said they had shut down 21 factories to avoid further unrest.

'Poor construction'

The Rana Plaza disaster prompted the government to introduce some reforms and some international retailers have also proposed an accord to improve safety conditions in Bangladesh.

Deadliest industrial disasters

Bhopal, India (1984): Toxic gas escapes from Union Carbide plant. Official initial death toll put at 3,800; deaths to date thought to be 15,000

Halifax, Canada (1917): Explosion on board French munitions vessel Mont-Blanc in Halifax harbour, and resulting tsunami, kill 1,950 people

Benxihu, China (1942): Explosion destroys Benxihu (Honkeiko) colliery in Liaoning, China, during Japanese occupation, killing 1,549 labourers

Oppau, Germany (1921): Explosion at Badische Anilin chemical works, producing nitrates, destroys plant as well as nearby village, killing 1,500 people

Savar, Bangladesh (2013): Eight-storey Rana Plaza, housing garment factories, collapses in suburb of Dhaka, killing at least 1,127 people

Courrieres, France (1906): Dust explosion at Courrieres mine in Pas-de-Calais department kills almost 1,100 people
In pictures: Recovery operation
The owner of the building, Mohammad Sohel Rana, was arrested last month as were the owners of factories inside the building.

Mr Rana has made no public comment about the incident. His father and uncle have also been arrested and no members of his family have come forward with a statement.

The man in charge of the investigation, Mainuddin Khandker, told BBC Bangla on Wednesday that "extremely poor" construction materials were used in the building and said the report identified five causes of the collapse.

"A portion of the building was also constructed on land which had been a body of water before and was filled with rubbish," he told the Associated Press news agency.

The 400-page report was submitted to the government on Wednesday. It also made several recommendations. As well as life sentences for those responsible for the collapse these included:

Confiscating the land on which the factory had been built

Providing financial support to the families of the workers who died and who were injured

Forming a department specifically to deal with this sector of the garment industry to prevent a repeat of such incidents

The authorities say 1130 people died, about 2,500 people were injured in the accident and 2,437 people were rescued.

On 10 May a woman was pulled alive from the rubble, 17 days after the collapse. It was a glimmer of hope for rescue workers after weeks of hauling bodies out of the ruins but the authorities called off the rescue just three days later.

Just a day before the collapse, the building was briefly evacuated when cracks appeared in the walls. However, workers were later allowed back in or told to return by the factory owners.

Bangladesh has one of the largest garment industries in the world. Some of the clothes produced in the Rana Plaza building were made for Western retailers.

*Reports say New Wave Style supplied up to 27 companies from its Dhaka factories, but the full list is not available.

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A Bangladesh government report into the collapse of a multi-storey factory building, which killed more than 1,100, has uncovered a series of violations. The report said the building had been constructed with sub-standard materials on unsuitable land. It also recommended life sentences for the building's owner and the owners of five garment factories operating there.

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Highlighting the consequence of a white collar industrial crime, which left many poor victims suffering from the gas leak in Bhopal.

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People in the Indian city of Bhopal have been marking 25 years since a leak at a gas plant killed thousands and left many more seriously ill.
Activists and survivors marched through the city, chanting slogans against the government and Union Carbide - the US firm that owned the plant at the time.

The incident was the worst industrial disaster in history.

Forty tonnes of a toxin called methyl isocyanate leaked from the factory and settled over slums on 3 December 1984.

Campaigners say at least 15,000 were killed within days and that the effects of the gas continue to this day.

The site of the former pesticide plant is now abandoned. The state government of Madhya Pradesh took it over in 1998, but environmentalists say poison is still found there.
Toxin fears
Residents of the city have held a week of commemoration events in the lead-up to the anniversary.

Early on Thursday, protesters marched to the site chanting: "Down with the government", and "Down with Union Carbide".

One victim who joined the march told Reuters news agency: "Punish the guilty and remove the toxic waste from the plant that still contaminates the soil and groundwater."

The BBC took a sample of water from a hand pump in constant use just north of the plant and had it tested in the UK.

It contained nearly 1,000 times the World Health Organization's recommended maximum amount of carbon tetrachloride, a pollutant known to cause cancer and liver damage.

The state government of Madhya Pradesh is now responsible for the site and earlier this week Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan told the BBC that the water supply around the plant was safe.

On Wednesday, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said: "The enormity of that tragedy of neglect still gnaws at our collective conscience."

He reaffirmed his government's "commitment to resolving issues of safe drinking water, expeditious clean-up of the site, continuation of medical research, and any other outstanding issues connected with the Bhopal gas tragedy".

Campaigners say Bhopal has an unusually high incidence of children with birth defects and growth deficiency, as well as cancers, diabetes and other chronic illnesses.

This is seen not only among survivors of the gas leak but among generations born much later, they say.

No-one has ever stood trial over what happened at Bhopal.

Twenty years ago, Union Carbide paid $470m (£282m) in compensation to the Indian government.

Dow Chemicals, which bought the company in 1999, says this settlement resolved all existing and future claims against the company.

The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites

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Bhopal marks 25 years since gas leak devastation

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People in the Indian city of Bhopal have been marking 25 years since a leak at a gas plant killed thousands and left many more seriously ill. Activists and survivors marched through the city, chanting slogans against the government and Union Carbide - the US firm that owned the plant at the time.

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Nigel Farage is seen arguing that immigration has pushed the white working class to becoming the underclass which sees as a 'disaster'

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BBC EU debate Farage Vs Clegg - http://www.reddit.com/r/ukipparty

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An interesting advert which highlights the way individuals care about the poor and even go far as defending them, however when asked to help the poor they are shown to be unwilling as they ignore the man who is asking them to donate to the poor.

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FuckThePoor A man walks the streets of London shouting #FuckThePoor. Social experiment from poverty charity, The Pilion Trust, to see whether we really do care about those less fortunate.

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The article highlights the increase distrust of professionals such as bankers.

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Financial crisis, five years on: trust in banking hits new low

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Five years on from the start of the credit crunch, the public are more disillusioned with the banking sector than ever, Which? claims

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David Cameron's speech on the riots of 2011 UK

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David Cameron's speech on the riots of 2011 UK

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The speech can be interpreted as blaming the riots on lower working class

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It is time for our country to take stock.

Last week we saw some of the most sickening acts on our streets.

I'll never forget talking to Maurice Reeves, whose family had run the Reeves furniture store in Croydon for generations.

This was an 80 year old man who had seen the business he had loved, that his family had built up for generations, simply destroyed.

A hundred years of hard work, burned to the ground in a few hours.

But last week we didn't just see the worst of the British people; we saw the best of them too.

The ones who called themselves riot wombles and headed down to the hardware stores to pick up brooms and start the clean-up.

The people who linked arms together to stand and defend their homes, their businesses.

The policemen and women and fire officers who worked long, hard shifts, sleeping in corridors then going out again to put their life on the line.

Everywhere I've been this past week, in Salford, Manchester, Birmingham, Croydon, people of every background, colour and religion have shared the same moral outrage and hurt for our country.

Because this is Britain.

This is a great country of good people.

Those thugs we saw last week do not represent us, nor do they represent our young people - and they will not drag us down.

Why this happened

But now that the fires have been put out and the smoke has cleared, the question hangs in the air: 'Why? How could this happen on our streets and in our country?'

Of course, we mustn't oversimplify.

There were different things going on in different parts of the country.

In Tottenham some of the anger was directed at the police.

In Salford there was some organised crime, a calculated attack on the forces of order.

But what we know for sure is that in large parts of the country this was just pure criminality.

So as we begin the necessary processes of inquiry, investigation, listening and learning: let's be clear.

These riots were not about race: the perpetrators and the victims were white, black and Asian.

These riots were not about government cuts: they were directed at high street stores, not Parliament.

And these riots were not about poverty: that insults the millions of people who, whatever the hardship, would never dream of making others suffer like this.

No, this was about behaviour...

...people showing indifference to right and wrong...

...people with a twisted moral code...

...people with a complete absence of self-restraint.

Politicians and behaviour

Now I know as soon as I use words like 'behaviour' and 'moral' people will say - what gives politicians the right to lecture us?

Of course we're not perfect.

But politicians shying away from speaking the truth about behaviour, about morality...

...this has actually helped to cause the social problems we see around us.

We have been too unwilling for too long to talk about what is right and what is wrong.

We have too often avoided saying what needs to be said - about everything from marriage to welfare to common courtesy.

Sometimes the reasons for that are noble - we don't want to insult or hurt people.

Sometimes they're ideological - we don't feel it's the job of the state to try and pass judgement on people's behaviour or engineer personal morality.

And sometimes they're just human - we're not perfect beings ourselves and we don't want to look like hypocrites.

So you can't say that marriage and commitment are good things - for fear of alienating single mothers.

You don't deal properly with children who repeatedly fail in school - because you're worried about being accused of stigmatising them.

You're wary of talking about those who have never worked and never want to work - in case you're charged with not getting it, being middle class and out of touch.

In this risk-free ground of moral neutrality there are no bad choices, just different lifestyles.

People aren't the architects of their own problems, they are victims of circumstance.

'Live and let live' becomes 'do what you please.'

Well actually, what last week has shown is that this moral neutrality, this relativism - it's not going to cut it any more.

One of the biggest lessons of these riots is that we've got to talk honestly about behaviour and then act - because bad behaviour has literally arrived on people's doorsteps.

And we can't shy away from the truth anymore.

Broken society agenda

So this must be a wake-up call for our country.

Social problems that have been festering for decades have exploded in our face.

Now, just as people last week wanted criminals robustly confronted on our street, so they want to see these social problems taken on and defeated.

Our security fightback must be matched by a social fightback.

We must fight back against the attitudes and assumptions that have brought parts of our society to this shocking state.

We know what's gone wrong: the question is, do we have the determination to put it right?

Do we have the determination to confront the slow-motion moral collapse that has taken place in parts of our country these past few generations?

Irresponsibility. Selfishness. Behaving as if your choices have no consequences.

Children without fathers. Schools without discipline. Reward without effort.

Crime without punishment. Rights without responsibilities. Communities without control.

Some of the worst aspects of human nature tolerated, indulged - sometimes even incentivised - by a state and its agencies that in parts have become literally de-moralised.

So do we have the determination to confront all this and turn it around?

I have the very strong sense that the responsible majority of people in this country not only have that determination; they are crying out for their government to act upon it.

And I can assure you, I will not be found wanting.

In my very first act as leader of this party I signalled my personal priority: to mend our broken society.

That passion is stronger today than ever.

Yes, we have had an economic crisis to deal with, clearing up the terrible mess we inherited, and we are not out of those woods yet - not by a long way.

But I repeat today, as I have on many occasions these last few years, that the reason I am in politics is to build a bigger, stronger society.

Stronger families. Stronger communities. A stronger society.

This is what I came into politics to do - and the shocking events of last week have renewed in me that drive.

So I can announce today that over the next few weeks, I and ministers from across the coalition government will review every aspect of our work to mend our broken society...

...on schools, welfare, families, parenting, addiction, communities...

...on the cultural, legal, bureaucratic problems in our society too:

...from the twisting and misrepresenting of human rights that has undermined personal
responsibility...

...to the obsession with health and safety that has eroded people's willingness to act according to common sense.

We will review our work and consider whether our plans and programmes are big enough and bold enough to deliver the change that I feel this country now wants to see.

Government cannot legislate to change behaviour, but it is wrong to think the State is a bystander.

Because people's behaviour does not happen in a vacuum: it is affected by the rules government sets and how they are enforced...

...by the services government provides and how they are delivered...

...and perhaps above all by the signals government sends about the kinds of behaviour
that are encouraged and rewarded.

So yes, the broken society is back at the top of my agenda.

And as we review our policies in the weeks ahead, today I want to set out the priority areas I will be looking at, and give you a sense of where I think we need to raise our ambitions.

Security fightback

First and foremost, we need a security fight-back.

We need to reclaim our streets from the thugs who didn't just spring out of nowhere
last week, but who've been making lives a misery for years.

Now I know there have been questions in people's minds about my approach to law and order.

Well, I don't want there to be any doubt.

Nothing in this job is more important to me than keeping people safe.

And it is obvious to me that to do that we've got to be tough, we've got to be robust, we've got to score a clear line between right and wrong right through the heart of this country - in every street and in every community.

That starts with a stronger police presence - pounding the beat, deterring crime, ready to re-group and crack down at the first sign of trouble.

Let me be clear: under this government we will always have enough police officers to be able to scale up our deployments in the way we saw last week.

To those who say this means we need to abandon our plans to make savings in police budgets, I say you are missing the point.

The point is that what really matters in this fight-back is the amount of time the police actually spend on the streets.

For years we've had a police force suffocated by bureaucracy, officers spending the majority of their time filling in forms and stuck behind desks.

This won't be fixed by pumping money in and keeping things basically as they've been.

As the Home Secretary will explain tomorrow, it will be fixed by completely changing the way the police work.

Scrapping the paperwork that holds them back, getting them out on the streets where people can see them and criminals can fear them.

Our reforms mean that the police are going to answer directly to the people.

You want more tough, no-nonsense policing?

You want to make sure the police spend more time confronting the thugs in your neighbourhood and less time meeting targets by stopping motorists?

You want the police out patrolling your streets instead of sitting behind their desks?

Elected police and crime commissioners are part of the answer: they will provide that direct accountability so you can finally get what you want when it comes to policing.

The point of our police reforms is not to save money, not to change things for the sake of it - but to fight crime.

And in the light of last week it's clear that we now have to go even further, even faster in beefing up the powers and presence of the police.

Already we've given backing to measures like dispersal orders, we're toughening curfew powers, we're giving police officers the power to remove face coverings from rioters, we're looking at giving them more powers to confiscate offenders' property - and over the coming months you're going to see even more.

It's time for something else too.

A concerted, all-out war on gangs and gang culture.

This isn't some side issue.

It is a major criminal disease that has infected streets and estates across our country.

Stamping out these gangs is a new national priority.

Last week I set up a cross-government programme to look at every aspect of this problem.

We will fight back against gangs, crime and the thugs who make people's lives hell and we will fight back hard.

The last front in that fight is proper punishment.

On the radio last week they interviewed one of the young men who'd been looting in Manchester.

He said he was going to carry on until he got caught.

This will be my first arrest, he said.

The prisons were already overflowing so he'd just get an ASBO, and he could live with that.

Well, we've got to show him and everyone like him that the party's over.

I know that when politicians talk about punishment and tough sentencing people roll their eyes.

Yes, last week we saw the criminal justice system deal with an unprecedented challenge: the courts sat through the night and dispensed swift, firm justice.

We saw that the system was on the side of the law-abiding majority.

But confidence in the system is still too low.

And believe me - I understand the anger with the level of crime in our country today and I am determined we sort it out and restore people's faith that if someone hurts our society, if they break the rules in our society, then society will punish them for it.

And we will tackle the hard core of people who persistently reoffend and blight the lives of their communities.

So no-one should doubt this government's determination to be tough on crime and to mount an effective security fight-back.

But we need much more than that.

We need a social fight-back too, with big changes right through our society.

Families and parenting

Let me start with families.

The question people asked over and over again last week was 'where are the parents?

Why aren't they keeping the rioting kids indoors?'

Tragically that's been followed in some cases by judges rightly lamenting: "why don't the parents even turn up when their children are in court?"

Well, join the dots and you have a clear idea about why some of these young people
were behaving so terribly.

Either there was no one at home, they didn't much care or they'd lost control.

Families matter.

I don't doubt that many of the rioters out last week have no father at home.

Perhaps they come from one of the neighbourhoods where it's standard for children to have a mum and not a dad...

...where it's normal for young men to grow up without a male role model, looking to the streets for their father figures, filled up with rage and anger.

So if we want to have any hope of mending our broken society, family and parenting is where we've got to start.

I've been saying this for years, since before I was Prime Minister, since before I was leader of the Conservative Party.

So: from here on I want a family test applied to all domestic policy.

If it hurts families, if it undermines commitment, if it tramples over the values that keeps people together, or stops families from being together, then we shouldn't do it.

More than that, we've got to get out there and make a positive difference to the way families work, the way people bring up their children...

...and we've got to be less sensitive to the charge that this is about interfering or nannying.

We are working on ways to help improve parenting - well now I want that work accelerated, expanded and implemented as quickly as possible.

This has got to be right at the top of our priority list.

And we need more urgent action, too, on the families that some people call 'problem', others call 'troubled'.

The ones that everyone in their neighbourhood knows and often avoids.

Last December I asked Emma Harrison to develop a plan to help get these families on track.

It became clear to me earlier this year that - as can so often happen - those plans were being held back by bureaucracy.

So even before the riots happened, I asked for an explanation.

Now that the riots have happened I will make sure that we clear away the red tape and the bureaucratic wrangling, and put rocket boosters under this programme...

...with a clear ambition that within the lifetime of this Parliament we will turn around the lives of the 120,000 most troubled families in the country.

Schools

The next part of the social fight-back is what happens in schools.

We need an education system which reinforces the message that if you do the wrong thing you'll be disciplined...

...but if you work hard and play by the rules you will succeed.

This isn't a distant dream.

It's already happening in schools like Woodside High in Tottenham and Mossbourne in Hackney.

They expect high standards from every child and make no excuses for failure to work hard.

They foster pride through strict uniform and behaviour policies.

And they provide an alternative to street culture by showing how anyone can get up and get on if they apply themselves.

Kids from Hammersmith and Hackney are now going to top universities thanks to these schools.

We need many more like them which is why we are creating more academies...

...why the people behind these success stories are now opening free schools...

...and why we have pledged to turn round the 200 weakest secondaries and the 200
weakest primaries in the next year.

But with the failures in our education system so deep, we can't just say 'these are our plans and we believe in them, let's sit back while they take effect'.

I now want us to push further, faster.

Are we really doing enough to ensure that great new schools are set up in the poorest
areas, to help the children who need them most?

And why are we putting up with the complete scandal of schools being allowed to fail, year after year?

If young people have left school without being able to read or write, why shouldn't that school be held more directly accountable?

Yes, these questions are already being asked across government but what happened last week gives them a new urgency - and we need to act on it.

Respect for community

Just as we want schools to be proud of we want everyone to feel proud of their communities.

We need a sense of social responsibility at the heart of every community.

Yet the truth is that for too long the big bossy bureaucratic state has drained it away.

It's usurped local leadership with its endless Whitehall diktats.

It's frustrated local organisers with its rules and regulations

And it's denied local people any real kind of say over what goes on where they live.

Is it any wonder that many people don't feel they have a stake in their community?

This has got to change. And we're already taking steps to change it.

That's why we want executive Mayors in our twelve biggest cities...

...because strong civic leadership can make a real difference in creating that sense of belonging.

We're training an army of community organisers to work in our most deprived neighbourhoods...

...because we're serious about encouraging social action and giving people a real chance to improve the community in which they live.

We're changing the planning rules and giving people the right to take over local assets.

But the question I want to ask now is this.

Are these changes big enough to foster the sense of belonging we want to see?

Are these changes bold enough to spread the social responsibility we need right across our communities, especially in our cities?

That's what we're going to be looking at urgently over the coming weeks.

Because we won't get things right in our country if we don't get them right in our communities.

Responsibility and welfare

But one of the biggest parts of this social fight-back is fixing the welfare system.

For years we've had a system that encourages the worst in people - that incites laziness, that excuses bad behaviour, that erodes self-discipline, that discourages hard work...

...above all that drains responsibility away from people.

We talk about moral hazard in our financial system - where banks think they can act recklessly because the state will always bail them out...

...well this is moral hazard in our welfare system - people thinking they can be as irresponsible as they like because the state will always bail them out.

We're already addressing this through the Welfare Reform Bill going through parliament.

But I'm not satisfied that we're doing all we can.

I want us to look at toughening up the conditions for those who are out of work and receiving benefits...

...and speeding up our efforts to get all those who can work back to work

Work is at the heart of a responsible society.

So getting more of our young people into jobs, or up and running in their own businesses is a critical part of how we strengthen responsibility in our society.

Our Work Programme is the first step, with local authorities, charities, social enterprises and businesses all working together to provide the best possible help to get a job.

It leaves no one behind - including those who have been on welfare for years.

But there is more we need to do, to boost self-employment and enterprise...

...because it's only by getting our young people into work that we can build an ownership society in which everyone feels they have a stake.

Human rights and health and safety

As we consider these questions of attitude and behaviour, the signals that government sends, and the incentives it creates...

...we inevitably come to the question of the Human Rights Act and the culture associated with it.

Let me be clear: in this country we are proud to stand up for human rights, at home and abroad. It is part of the British tradition.

But what is alien to our tradition - and now exerting such a corrosive influence on behaviour and morality...

...is the twisting and misrepresenting of human rights in a way that has undermined personal responsibility.

We are attacking this problem from both sides.

We're working to develop a way through the morass by looking at creating our own British Bill of Rights.

And we will be using our current chairmanship of the Council of Europe to seek agreement to important operational changes to the European Convention on Human Rights.

But this is all frustratingly slow.

The truth is, the interpretation of human rights legislation has exerted a chilling effect on public sector organisations, leading them to act in ways that fly in the face of common sense, offend our sense of right and wrong, and undermine responsibility.

It is exactly the same with health and safety - where regulations have often been twisted out of all recognition into a culture where the words 'health and safety' are lazily trotted out to justify all sorts of actions and regulations that damage our social fabric.

So I want to make something very clear: I get it. This stuff matters.

And as we urgently review the work we're doing on the broken society, judging whether it's ambitious enough - I want to make it clear that there will be no holds barred...

...and that most definitely includes the human rights and health and safety culture.

National Citizen Service

Many people have long thought that the answer to these questions of social behaviour is to bring back national service.

In many ways I agree...

...and that's why we are actually introducing something similar - National Citizen Service.

It's a non-military programme that captures the spirit of national service.

It takes sixteen year-olds from different backgrounds and gets them to work together.

They work in their communities, whether that's coaching children to play football, visiting old people at the hospital or offering a bike repair service to the community.

It shows young people that doing good can feel good.

The real thrill is from building things up, not tearing them down.

Team-work, discipline, duty, decency: these might sound old-fashioned words but they are part of the solution to this very modern problem of alienated, angry young people.

Restoring those values is what National Citizen Service is all about.

I passionately believe in this idea.

It's something we've been developing for years.

Thousands of teenagers are taking part this summer.

The plan is for thirty thousand to take part next year.

But in response to the riots I will say this.

This should become a great national effort.

Let's make National Citizen Service available to all sixteen year olds as a rite of passage.

We can do that if we work together: businesses, charities, schools and social enterprises...

...and in the months ahead I will put renewed effort into making it happen.

Conclusion

Today I've talked a lot about what the government is going to do.

But let me be clear:

This social fight-back is not a job for government on its own.

Government doesn't run the businesses that create jobs and turn lives around.

Government doesn't make the video games or print the magazines or produce the
music that tells young people what's important in life.

Government can't be on every street and in every estate, instilling the values that matter.

This is a problem that has deep roots in our society, and it's a job for all of our society to help fix it.

In the highest offices, the plushest boardrooms, the most influential jobs, we need to think about the example we are setting.

Moral decline and bad behaviour is not limited to a few of the poorest parts of our society.

In the banking crisis, with MPs' expenses, in the phone hacking scandal, we have seen some of the worst cases of greed, irresponsibility and entitlement.

The restoration of responsibility has to cut right across our society.

Because whatever the arguments, we all belong to the same society, and we all have a stake in making it better.

There is no 'them' and 'us' - there is us.

We are all in this together, and we will mend our broken society - together.

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PM's speech on the fightback after the riots

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It is time for our country to take stock. Last week we saw some of the most sickening acts on our streets. I'll never forget talking to Maurice Reeves, whose family had run the Reeves furniture store in Croydon for generations.

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An article in which work and pensions secretary Duncan Smith blames the riots of 2011 on family breakdown and a benefit system that has helped generate a "growing underclass" of people living unproductive lives.

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Duncan Smith blames riots on family breakdown and benefits system

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Work and pensions secretary's conference speech highlights 'growing underclass' dependent on welfare

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The video emphasises how youths from lower class background, are driven to crime and gang culture due to lack of opportunities and things to do.

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The Telegraph: Only Labour can rebuild our middle class

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The Telegraph: Only Labour can rebuild our middle class

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The article emphasises the current struggle of middle class individuals who face costs-of-living crisis. Labour in the article promises better-paid jobs, tackling of insecurity at work, and the building of homes needed for the future for the middle classes.

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If there was a single undisputed truth in Britain in the decades after the Second World War, it was that there was going to be a rising middle class. This view was fuelled by a sense of optimism and fulfilled aspiration in our country: a belief that if our children worked hard they could have a better life than we enjoyed.

It was the Promise of Britain. And it is a promise that is in danger of being broken as we come to the end of a long period during which the middle class grew stronger and larger.

In the post-war years, more people from different backgrounds went to university and most people expected to find a steady and well-paid job. Families saw that if they saved, they would be able to buy a home in which to raise their children. And our parents could look forward to retiring in security with a decent pension.

But today, the British middle class is being squeezed by a cost-of-living crisis as never before - and people grafting to join it find that the obstacles in their way are getting bigger. The motors that once drove and sustained it are no longer firing as they used to. Access to further education and training, good quality jobs with reliable incomes, affordable housing, stable savings, secure pensions: they have all been undermined.

In recent months, Labour has been setting out how, as the next government, it would immediately tackle the cost-of-living crisis with measures ranging from a freeze on energy prices to a cut in business rates for small firms. But this is a task that would also require serious long-term changes being made to our economy, so Labour is producing specific proposals for how we would earn and grow our way to higher standards of living for everyone.

Our programme is rooted in an understanding that this crisis began before the Tory-led government came to power. There has been a hollowing-out of those white-collar professions that used to keep the middle class strong. According to Government figures, the occupations that have suffered the largest falls in employment over the past 30 years are all in the middle.

But under David Cameron, life is getting tougher still. In the past three years, getting on for half of the new jobs created have been in low-pay industries and the average worker is now £1,600 worse off than before the election. University tuition fees have trebled but even graduates often cannot find decent jobs. Parents now have new worries as children leave college to take up insecure and unrewarding work. One in three graduates has had to take a job, according to recent research, that used to be done by people who hadn't gone to university. Three quarters of those who started out in low-paid work a decade ago have been unable to move into permanently well-paid work - while middle-class incomes have been harder hit than any other group during the recession, with wages declining by 10 per cent.

Prices of those essentials needed to raise a family, from food and child care to energy and transport, have gone through the roof. And the dream of home ownership seems more distant than at any time since the war: it now takes 22 years for an average earner to save a deposit for a first home, compared with just three years at the end of the last century.

So many families feel a gnawing anxiety about what the future holds. Middle-income earners in their thirties and forties already know their pension entitlements are set to be less than those of the previous generation. More people are worried about losing their job than at any point since records began. Fully half of British employees are worried about being downgraded. The current cost-of-living crisis is not just about people on tax credits, zero-hours contracts and the minimum wage. It is about millions of middle-class families who never dreamt that life would be such a struggle.

No one saw this protracted squeeze on the middle coming. My own party's politics changed in the Nineties to surf a wave of aspirational self-confidence. But the task facing the next Labour government will be far different from the one we faced in 1997. Indeed, the greatest challenge for our generation is how to tackle a crisis in living standards that has now become a crisis of confidence for middle-class families.

I know our country cannot succeed and become collectively better off without a strong and vibrant middle class. And so we must equip ourselves to compete with countries such as China, India and Brazil - all of whom have a rapidly expanding middle class - in order to win that race to the top.

Later this week I will be setting out the next steps of our plan to build a One Nation economy by reforming finance, skills and wages while paying down the deficit. Only Labour will create more and better-paid jobs, tackle insecurity at work, and build the homes we need for the future.

Yesterday, Emma Reynolds explained how we will increase the supply of new homes. Tomorrow, Tristram Hunt will talk about raising standards of teaching. On Monday, Rachel Reeves will show how we can ensure more people are in decent jobs while our social security system rewards work and contribution.

Together we will demonstrate how Britain can deal with the cost-of-living crisis and rebuild our middle class.

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Ed Miliband: only Labour can rebuild our middle class

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If there was a single undisputed truth in Britain in the decades after the Second World War, it was that there was going to be a rising middle class. This view was fuelled by a sense of optimism and fulfilled aspiration in our country: a belief that if our children worked hard they could have a better life than we enjoyed.

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The article highlights that the rioters who took part in the August riots of 2011 were were poorer, younger and of lower educational achievement than average, showing most of the rioters were from lower class backgrounds.

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The most comprehensive statistics published so far on people charged over the August riots in England reveal they were poorer, younger and of lower educational achievement than average.

The government figures show 13% of those arrested were gang members.

In terms of ethnicity, 42% of those charged were white, 46% black, 7% Asian and 5% were classified as "other".

The Met Police admitted in a separate report it did not have enough officers available on the first night of riots.

Breakdown of the Home Office and Ministry of Justice (MoJ) figures, in brief:
Demographics:

Some 90% of those brought before the courts were male and about half were aged under 21

Only 5% were over the age of 40

Of those defendants whose ethnicity is known: 46% were black, 42% were white, 7% were Asian and 5% were classified as "other". In some areas - such as Salford - this partially matched the ethnicity of the general population, in others - such as Nottingham - it was not representative of the general population

Some 35% of adults were claiming out-of-work benefits, which compares to a national average of 12%

Of the young people involved, 42% were in receipt of free school meals compared to an average of 16%

Criminal backgrounds:

13% of those arrested overall were gang members but in London the figure was 19%

Three-quarters of all those who appeared in court had a previous conviction or caution. For adults the figure was 80% and for juveniles it was 62%

One in eight of all the crimes committed in the riots were muggings, claiming 664 victims

More than 2,500 shops and businesses were victims of looters and vandals, and more than 230 homes were hit by burglars or vandals

Educational backgrounds:

Two-thirds of the young people in court were classed as having some form of special educational need, compared to 21% for the national average

More than a third of young people who were involved in the riots had been excluded from school during 2009-10 - this compares with Department for Education records showing 6% exclusions for all Year 11 pupils

More than one in 10 of the young people appearing before courts had been permanently excluded - the figure drops to 0.1% among all those aged 15

The MoJ said: "It is clear that compared to population averages, those brought before the courts were more likely to be in receipt of free school meals or benefits, were more likely to have had special educational needs and be absent from school, and are more likely to have some form of criminal history.

"This pattern held across all areas looked at."

'Devastating indictment'

"Start Quote

The worst possible outcome would be just to sling all these young people in prison and risk their joining gangs out of terror and becoming hardened criminals"

End Quote Juliet Lyon Prison Reform Trust

Family Action - a charity for disadvantaged and socially isolated families - said the figures were "a devastating indictment of the way society has failed some of the poorest and most disadvantaged younger men".

"These shocking figures make clear that the poverty, disadvantage and disaffection experienced by this group are root causes of the August riots; and now their futures will be blighted by criminal sentences," spokeswoman Rhian Beynon said.

Prison Reform Trust director Juliet Lyon said the figures showed the need to address social deprivation.

"While it may not surprise people to learn that young rioters were more likely than other children to be living in poverty, excluded from school and suffering from a learning disability or difficulty, it's time we did something to put things right," she said.

"The worst possible outcome would be just to sling all these young people in prison and risk their joining gangs out of terror and becoming hardened criminals."

'Opportunity and greed'

Earlier this month, Work and Pensions Secretary Iain Duncan Smith told the Conservative Party conference that gangs had played a "significant part" in the riots.

But following the release of the statistics, a government spokesman said: "In terms of the role gangs played in the disorder, most forces perceived that where gang members were involved, they generally did not play a pivotal role."

Criminal Justice Minister Nick Herbert said: "These figures confirm that, in the vast majority of cases, existing criminals were out in force during the disturbances in August.

"The fact that half of recorded crimes were for offences like stealing and looting shows that most of what we saw was motivated by opportunity and greed.

"The tough sentences that have rightly been handed down to rioters, and subsequently upheld on appeal, send out a strong deterrent message that society will not tolerate the appalling behaviour we saw on our streets."

Initial findings

Labour MP for Hackney North and Stoke Newington Diane Abbott said placing the blame on gangs showed "just how little the government really knows about inner-city areas".

"The government needs to address why many of these youngsters feel as though they have no stake in society.

"For many people who were rioting, that week was a rejection of the future that was laid out for them."

Liberal Democrat home affairs spokesperson Tom Brake said it was shocking that two-thirds of young people involved in the riots were found to have had a special educational need (SEN).

"This statistic underlines the absolute priority that must be given to supporting the most disadvantaged children and those with SEN with a package of co-ordinated measures that could include mentoring, speech and language therapy and catch-up classes," he said.

Meanwhile, the Metropolitan Police has published the initial findings of a review into its handling of the rioting and looting.

It said that so far there was no evidence of senior commanders ordering local commanders to not make arrests if offences were taking place.

However, it admitted that "with hindsight" the Met did not have enough officers available on the first night of the rioting.

The review will investigate the cost of making water cannon available to the force - although the report notes that such equipment does have limitations.

The Met is reviewing ways of "co-ordinating, assessing and prioritising social media content for intelligence purposes".

Assistant Commissioner Lynne Owens said: "Thoroughly reviewing disorder that touched almost every part of London was always going to be a significant task and we are progressing this as quickly as we can.

"We are committed to being as open as possible so that we, our partners and the public can properly understand what worked, what didn't and what we need to do differently.

"Today's report provides some high-level emerging findings and we will publish more detailed findings as the review further progresses."

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The most comprehensive statistics published so far on people charged over the August riots in England reveal they were poorer, younger and of lower educational achievement than average. The government figures show 13% of those arrested were gang members. In terms of ethnicity, 42% of those charged were white, 46% black, 7% Asian and 5% were classified as "other".

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The article argues that it is necessary for children from working class backgrounds to learn how to be middle class if they wish to got to top universities and high professions.

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Michael Gove, the Education Secretary, has said that state schools must set their standards "so-high" that they become indistinguishable from the best fee paying schools.

However, Mr Brandt said that middle-class politicians are placing too much focus on education, and often fail to realise the need to make poorer children feel "comfortable" in middle class settings.

He said: "It seems likely that worries about "not fitting in" will be one reason why highly able children from less well-off backgrounds are less likely to apply to the most selective universities.

"It probably contributes to a lack of confidence amongst those who are upwardly mobile as they struggle to adapt to their new social environment with detrimental impact on their ability to reach their potential.

"And the lack of effective networks and advice to help navigate this new alien "middle class world" probably make it more difficult to translate high attainment into success in the professional jobs market."

Mr Brant suggested that visiting different places, watching plays and having varied hobbies can help give working class children "shared cultural experiences" with those from middle-class backgrounds.

He said that young people from working class backgrounds have less "nuance and casualness" in their relationships with other people. They also wear different clothes, eat different food and visit different restaurants.

He said that these factors should not be ignored because of the government's focus on GCSE results and educational attainment.

"One helpful thing would be more awareness of this as a potential issue - it can often be unappreciated by policy makers who mostly come from middle-class professional backgrounds.

"This often means that debate can all too easily assume that if educational inequalities can be reduced and aspirations of young people from working-class backgrounds raised then that alone will be enough to tackle the problem."

Mr Brant who was raised in a £150,000 semi-detached house in Newport Pagnell, Milton Keynes went to Aylesbury Grammar School and then on to Cambridge University has worked in as a senior policy advisor for Nick Clegg and held similar policy roles at the Communities Department.

He also served in the Prime Minister's strategy unit under Gordon Brown at the cabinet office that provided policy advice on key government policy priorities.

He now works at the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission which is chaired by Alan Milburn, the former Labour Health Secretary. The body acts as an official adviser to the Coalition.

Mr Brant said: "Tackling this issue is - of course - difficult and complicated and it is far from clear what an effective response to them would be.

"One helpful thing would be more awareness of this as a potential issue - it can often be unappreciated by policy makers who mostly come from middle-class professional backgrounds.

"This often means that debate can all too easily assume that if educational inequalities can be reduced and aspirations of young people from working-class backgrounds raised then that alone will be enough to tackle the problem.

"Another helpful thing would be developing a better understanding of what is necessary to help tackle these barriers."

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Working class children must learn to be middle class to get on in life, government advisor says

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Michael Gove, the Education Secretary, has said that state schools must set their standards "so-high" that they become indistinguishable from the best fee paying schools. However, Mr Brandt said that middle-class politicians are placing too much focus on education, and often fail to realise the need to make poorer children feel "comfortable" in middle class settings.

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The article highlights the issue of the word 'chav' as way of mocking the working class, and creating the danger of building stereotypes. The word chav creates a section of society that is seen to be marginalised and ridiculed.

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I know my place. I look up to them both; but while I am poor, I am honest, industrious and trustworthy. Had I the inclination, I could look down on them. But I don't."

So spoke Ronnie Corbett almost 50 years ago in the Frost Report sketch outlining the UK's class system.

If you're not familiar with it, John Cleese is upper class, Ronnie Barker is middle class and Corbett represents a member of the working class.

But what has happened in the UK since then to our class system?

The rise of home-ownership, white collar jobs and university education has seen the long standing three class system in some ways obliterated.

In 2008 a survey reported that 71% of people believed they were middle class.

Put simply that can't be true - our museums, Boden shop and minor public schools couldn't cope

What many people have become is enemies of the working class - and that includes many working class people themselves.

I don't say this lightly but I believe the public have been led down the (well gravelled) garden path by the media and Government keen to scapegoat portions of society without alienating their own readers and voters respectively. Who buys tabloid newspapers?

Mostly I'd venture people who are working class.

But how do you describe people of the same class who are unpleasant without offending the very readership who keep the roof over your head?

The rise of this much-publicised and derided under class has been accompanied by the term 'chav'.

I never used to bother about the word - it was a joke, it was just a bit of light-hearted fun.

Now we've banned the word in our house. Why? Because I've seen more and more people who are working class, described as chavs with all the negative connotations which accompany the word.

There was a later attempt to try and make the word a 'backronym' by saying it actually stood for 'Council House and Violent'.

That is just a different insidious attempt to make the working class of Britain subject to the creeping loathing by the part of our country which believes it has somehow achieved social mobility - but actually is so busy looking over its shoulder to hope no-one notices it doesn't know its Balzac from its Prozac.

The part of the 71% which was previously working class has, either due to sheer self-delusion or sheer brass effrontery, turned on where they came from (and indeed in most cases still are) needs to understand that just because someone may be different to you, it doesn't mean they are below you.

Replace the word chav with black, Asian, disabled or even female.

You couldn't - and shouldn't - get away with saying things in that manner.

I know to you the word chav and the mocking of the working class may be a gentle piece of fun but as we continue down that road then we are in danger of building up stereotypes that are very difficult to break down.

We create a section of society that it's alright to ridicule, marginalise and bully - but surely the middle class wouldn't do that just to make themselves feel that bit better?

Before I sound too pompous and PC, I'll leave you with the end of the Three Men on Class sketch:

Ronnie Barker: "We all know our place, but what do we get out of it?"

Cleese: "I get a feeling of superiority over them."

Barker: "I get a feeling of inferiority from him, (Cleese), but a feeling of superiority over him (Corbett)."

Corbett:(Looking up to the taller Cleese and Barker) "I get a pain in the back of my neck."

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Andrew Jackson: why we've banned the word 'chav' in our house

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I know my place. I look up to them both; but while I am poor, I am honest, industrious and trustworthy. Had I the inclination, I could look down on them. But I don't." So spoke Ronnie Corbett almost 50 years ago in the Frost Report sketch outlining the UK's class system.

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The article outlines the way in which The Jeremy Kyle show can be seen perpetuating a class divide.

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2. It Perpetuates A Class Divide

This one kind of follows on from the previous page. I also think it's the most damaging thing about this program. I did film studies at university for three years so if I was to analyse the Jeremy Kyle Show, I could easily say that the guests who frequent it represent the working class and/or underclass of society, and the host represents the middle class. And not just the middle class, but a snobby kind of middle class. This is a man who has made a very successful career belittling working class people. He finds himself looking down at those who are worth less than him; people who are drinkers, drug takers or €" god forbid €" unemployed. When it comes to being unemployed, his usual response is to berate the individual (who he knows is unable to respond in the same rehearsed and articulate manner) and that they should "go and get a job!" Spoken like a man who hasn't experienced the job market in a long time! This is not helpful advice in the least bit (you can't just get a job) and is always, unsurprisingly, followed by applause from the audience despite this phrase (and many others in his repertoire) having absolutely no affect or meaning. Remember when I said it's important to remember Jeremy Kyle is not your friend. This goes for class background too. By fronting this obnoxious show and verbally attacking his guests with his conservative clichés, he is encouraging his audience to side with him; that somehow being those 'other' people sat on the stage is cause for such deserved patronising tones. The saddest part is that most of his audience members and viewers are closer to his guests on the socio-economic scale than to him. He wants you to think you are better than them and your lives are infinitely more rewarding simply by proxy (more on this later). It's also interesting to note that Jeremy Kyle makes unemployed people feel small and insignificant on a program that airs when many unemployed viewers are around to watch it. Who's he insulting more: his guests or his TV audience?

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4 Sincere Reasons The Jeremy Kyle Show Needs To Disappear

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This one kind of follows on from the previous page. I also think it's the most damaging thing about this program. I did film studies at university for three years so if I was to analyse the Jeremy Kyle Show, I could easily say that the guests who frequent it represent the working class and/or underclass of society, and the host represents the middle class.

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The articles outlines the way victims who had been sexually abused by Jimmy savile were not believed due to how Savile was seen as a powerful and influential adult, who was seen as a 'charitable, good guy' raising a lot of money for charity. Since Savile was middle class celebrity and seen as 'respectable' this lead to to a disbelief of him being associated with these accusations.

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Victims of serial sex attacker Jimmy Savile were not believed when they first confided in others, an NSPCC report has found.

Many were ignored, dismissed or laughed at by those they told shortly after Savile abused them.

Some of them were even told by friends or relatives they were "lucky" the late DJ had paid attention to them.

Meanwhile more than 130 alleged victims are awaiting a court ruling that could affect a compensation scheme.

The NSPCC said the accounts were "heart-rending", and the victims had shown "true courage".

The former presenter of the BBC's Top Of The Pops and Jim'll Fix It died aged 84 in October 2011 - a year before allegations that he had sexually abused children were broadcast in an ITV documentary.

The responses these victims received when they first revealed Savile's sickening crimes make heart-rending reading
Peter Watt , NSPCC

The revelations prompted hundreds of victims to come forward. They said they were attacked at BBC premises or in other institutions, including hospitals.

The report was commissioned by Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary to find out why so many victims stayed silent for so long.

The research was carried out by the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC), which interviewed 26 people. Four were adults when they were abused; the others were children. One of them had reported the matter to police at the time but no action was taken.

A number of victims who were staying in hospital when they were abused told staff at the time but were not taken seriously.

'Hopelessness'

The report says those who did not come forward until decades after the attacks stayed silent for so long because they felt that, as Savile was a celebrity, their word would not be believed over his.

Several had not realised what had happened to them as they were so young, with many saying they had not understood Savile's actions constituted sexual abuse.

The report says: "Some remembered feeling that an elder - particularly a celebrity like Jimmy Savile - must know better than they did.

"There were also cases where participants also remembered feeling conflicted, and wondering if they should feel flattered or grateful that he had 'chosen them'."

There was an "overwhelming belief" that their complaints would not have been accepted at the time.

"Jimmy Savile was a powerful and influential adult, who was seen as a 'charitable, good guy' raising a lot of money for charity," the report says.

"This led to feelings of hopelessness and inferiority in his victims, who felt there was no way that their word would have been believed over his."

Many also thought that crimes had to be reported by an adult, rather than a child.

Flashbacks

The report found that Savile's abuse caused wide-ranging repercussions throughout victims' lives, including mental health problems, substance abuse and thoughts of suicide.

Years after being attacked, a "significant number" of the victims, who were aged between eight and 26 at the time of the abuse, have still not told family and friends.

Those interviewed by the NSPCC said media reports of others coming forward played a part in their subsequent decision to report the crimes.

The report says: "Crucially, all participants said that they would not have come forward now, had they not seen the stories of other victims in the press."

However, some revealed that seeing images of their abuser in coverage of the scandal triggered flashbacks and made them feel physically sick.

Most victims felt police were helpful when they came forward - but one reported feeling she was to blame when an officer commented: "I think I would have pushed him off."

All of those interviewed said they did not believe police intended to be unhelpful or inconsiderate.

NSPCC director of national services Peter Watt said: "The responses these victims received when they first revealed Savile's sickening crimes make heart-rending reading.

"They were ignored, dismissed, not believed, laughed at and astonishingly told in some cases they should feel lucky he had paid them attention."

Mr Watt said everyone should be aware of signs of abuse to "ensure there is never a repeat of the Savile scandal".

'Pain and anguish'

He praised the victims' "true courage" in talking about their experiences, adding: "Half a century on, the world finally discovered just how dreadful his crimes were - something these men and women had known all that time but felt powerless to do anything about."

The report also covers calls by the victims for the introduction of new ways for people to report sexual abuse and for additional specialist training for police officers investigating such crimes.

One of HM Inspectors of Constabulary, Drusilla Sharpling, said the report "vividly portrays the pain and anguish suffered by Savile's victims".

"Despite the difficulties they have faced, victims have highlighted important ways in which police responses can be improved," she added.

"We owe it to them to make sure that the police service responds positively and ensures victims are supported, listened to and treated with compassion."

Chief Constable Simon Bailey of the Association of Chief Police Officers said there had been a change in the way society reacts to child abuse since Savile committed his crimes.

He said: "We know that reporting is always going to be emotional and difficult for victims of sexual abuse but, partly following the allegations against Jimmy Savile and other high profile child sexual exploitation cases, across society there is a much greater understanding of child abuse and an intolerance of it."

'Redress'

The High Court hearing in London, expected to last three days, is being held to decide who should be the executor of Savile's £4m estate.

NatWest bank is the current executor, but the Jimmy Savile Charity Trust, the major beneficiary of the estate, wants it to be replaced.

Lawyers representing victims said the ruling could affect those who have made compensation claims. A compensation scheme with NatWest has already been agreed and is supported by the NHS and the BBC, they added.

Liz Dux of law firm Slater Gordon, who represents some of Savile's victims, said in a statement: "It is not about amounts or cold hard cash, but redress. The victims suffered some horrific abuse, often in silence.

"It is right and proper that their suffering is now recognised. I urge everyone involved in the process to make it as smooth and pain-free as possible in order to guard against any further suffering."

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Victims of serial sex attacker Jimmy Savile were not believed when they first confided in others, an NSPCC report has found. Many were ignored, dismissed or laughed at by those they told shortly after Savile abused them. Some of them were even told by friends or relatives they were "lucky" the late DJ had paid attention to them.

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The article highlights how large western companies such as Primark disregard lives by not creating a safe work place for their factories in more economically deprived countries.

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The latest incident came only two weeks after the worst industrial accident in the history of the global clothing industry took place in Bangladesh's capital, Dhaka. At least 900 people are now known to have died in the collapse of Rana Plaza, a building that housed a factory that supplied both Primark and Bonmarche, another low cost British retailer.

The fire in Tung Hai factory in the capital, Dhaka, began late on Wednesday night after working hours. A blaze broke out on the second floor and toxic fumes from burning acrylic jumpers spread through the building to the tenth storey where Mahbubur Rahman, the factory's owner, was talking with five of his staff, along with a senior police officer and a youth leader from the ruling Awami League party.

The fire broke out on the second floor of the Tung Hai factory (AFP)

Abdus Sattar, the controller of Tung Hai, said that all eight men were killed. "The smoke went up the two staircases and covered the floors with smoke one after the other. The men were sitting on the tenth floor - they tried to come down the stairs but got caught in the smoke," he said.

Had they chosen another emergency exit at the rear of the building, they might have survived, he added. Mr Sattar said that Primark was one of Tung Hai's customers. The company's facebook page listed the British retailer, which has 161 branches in the UK, among its buyers.

Mohammed Shahidul Islam, a knitting manager at Tung Hai, also said the company supplied Primark. In London, Primark did not respond to questions today.

Tung Hai was formed 18 years ago and employed 7,000 workers in three factories. The company said that its annual sales were up to £32 million.

A series of accidents, claiming over 1,000 lives in the last six months alone, has increased the pressure on factory owners and Western buyers to improve safety conditions.

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Primark linked to Bangladesh factory fire

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The latest incident came only two weeks after the worst industrial accident in the history of the global clothing industry took place in Bangladesh's capital, Dhaka. At least 900 people are now known to have died in the collapse of Rana Plaza, a building that housed a factory that supplied both Primark and Bonmarche, another low cost British retailer.

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An article by Owen jones, who analyses the August riots arguing that the 'chavs' were the riots scapegoats. he makes a comparison between the harsh punishments were given to the rioters and the lack of punishment given to middle class crimes, such as MPs who had taken public money for their own needs.

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I wrote Chavs hoping to contribute to the ongoing controversy over class, but the debate took an unexpected turn a couple of months after the book was published. For a few days in August 2011, it looked as though England was staring into an abyss of social chaos - and the demonization I had written about flourished like never before.

It was my birthday and, with celebratory drinks cut short as nervous friends fled home, I cycled past boarded-up shops on Kingsland Road that were being defended by groups of Turkish men. From Barnet in the north to Croydon in the south, London's shops were looted and burned; crowds of rioters rampaged through the streets. On Monday and Tuesday, unrest spread to other English cities: Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds, Nottingham. There was a sense, even among more rational observers, that the country was descending into chaos. "Not since the Blitz during World War II have so many fires raged in London so intensely at one time," claimed Time magazine.

Amid the chaos, commentators looked at Chavs in a new light. Partly, I suppose, because the word "chav" was being bandied around to describe the rioters, particularly on Twitter and Facebook. Fran Healey, lead singer of the band Travis, described the unrest as the "Chav Spring" in a tweet, referencing the Arab Spring. Fitness chain GymBox - which appears in Chavs as the promoter of a "Chav Fighting" class - announced that it would be shutting early due to the "chav infestation". I was one of the few commentators during that turbulent week asked to challenge the dominant narrative that this was mindless criminality, end of story.

"Children without fathers" was one of the factors identified by David Cameron; it was a point echoed by right-wing commentators. It smacked of the arguments of US right-wing pseudo-sociologist Charles Murray, who claimed that rising illegitimacy among the "lower classes" had produced a "New Rabble". This was classic demonization, reducing complex social problems to supposed individual failings and behavioural faults.

Pervading the backlash was the talk of a "feral underclass". This was the idea of the Victorian "undeserving poor" taken to a new level: the rioters and their families weren't just undeserving, they were barely human. Some commentators took this rhetoric to its logical extreme: right-wing journalist Richard Littlejohn used his Daily Mail column to describe rioters as a "wolfpack of feral inner-city waifs and strays", calling for them to be clubbed "like baby seals". The idea of a "normal" middle-class majority versus a problematic underclass was ubiquitous in post-riot commentary.

Cases were rushed through the courts, but the sentences handed down were, it seems, as much about retribution as justice. Steal bottled water and end up in prison for six months. But not a single banker has ended up in the dock.

What is more, many of the British politicians baying for justice post-riots had, in the very recent past, helped themselves to millions of pounds of taxpayers' money. Two years before, MPs had been found systematically milking the expenses system. Only three ended up behind bars. Some had embezzled funds to pay for the same sorts of widescreen televisions later carted out of shops by rioters, admittedly in a more disorderly fashion. When Labour MP Gerald Kaufman was found to have claimed £8,750 of public money for a Bang & Olufsen television set, he was simply asked to pay it back. Post-riot Britain trashed the myth that Britain's justice system is blind to wealth and power.

It is also impossible to ignore the fact that men featured so prominently among the rioters. Nine out of ten apprehended rioters were men. Britain's rapid de-industrialisation and the disappearance of so many skilled middle-income jobs were particularly disruptive-given that such work often excluded women-to working-class men. Over a generation ago, a young working-class man could leave school at 16 and have a decent prospect of an apprenticeship, training that might open a gateway to a skilled, respected job. But when the jobs and the apprenticeships disappeared, there was nothing to take their place.

Of course, many of the rioters got involved because they saw an opportunity to steal with impunity. For others, it was a vicarious thrill; a chance to show off. Some just got caught up in a crowd, sensing that accepted social norms had temporarily been suspended. Others looked at the shameless greed of the bankers and politicians, feeling that if those at the top could get away with it, why couldn't they? And there were others who felt frustrated, angry, disillusioned, or bored. The specific motives varied; for some, there was a combination of reasons. But what united the rioters and looters of England's hot August was there was not much for them to risk, and a lack of faith in - or outright antipathy towards - the local police.

No one can predict whether there will be a new wave of riots. But it is certain that the most drastic cuts since the 1920s will have a devastating impact on Britain's social fabric. Growing numbers of people (of all ages) will inevitably have a mounting sense that the future is bleak. In those circumstances, anger and frustration will surely only increase - and unless it is organised and given political direction, it could manifest itself in the ugliest of ways.
The new, fully-updated paperback edition of 'Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class' is published on 21 May 2012 by Verso
Inadvertently, I found myself at the centre of one of the ugliest episodes of the backlash. Along with author Dreda Say Mitchell, I was put up against Tudor historian David Starkey on Newsnight. In a now infamous intervention, Starkey began by quoting Enoch Powell's "Rivers of Blood" speech, which warned that immigration would plunge Britain into violent chaos. Powell was - as Starkey accepted - wrong in his prediction that it would bring inter-communal violence. Instead, what Starkey called "black culture" had turned white people into rioting thugs. "The whites", he pronounced, "have become black".

Starkey used a tortured argument to get round the fact that most rioters were not black. His baffling rant took an even more alarming turn when he argued that if someone were to hear black Labour MP David Lammy without seeing him, they would conclude he was white. Almost paralysed by the scene, I replied that he was equating black with criminality and white with respectability.

What unnerved me most about Starkey's rhetoric were the possible consequences. My fear was he had introduced race at a time of intense anxiety, when people were angry and scared. But what sympathy there was for him was not particularly strong or deeply felt. Since the Second World War, struggles against racism had transformed how people looked at race: for example, just over 50 years ago, a Gallup poll found 71 per cent or respondents were opposed to interracial marriage.

The number admitting such a prejudice today is virtually non-existent. Although racism was far from being purged, Britain had changed and the public ramblings of a TV historian were not going to reverse that.

The Independent has launched its #FinalSay campaign to demand that voters are given a voice on the final Brexit deal.

Sign our petition here

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Owen Jones: Why 'chavs' were the riots' scapegoats

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Owen Jones's acclaimed first book was a definitive account of the demonisation of the working class. In this exclusive extract from a new edition, he explains how the violence that swept Britain last August brought the subject back to the top of the agenda

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The article highlights the August 2011 riots, arguing not only the underclass were responsible for rioting, but middle class individuals too.

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The middle class 'rioters' revealed: The millionaire's daughter, the aspiring musician and the organic chef all in the dock

Poverty, social exclusion, poor education - these are just some of the theories put forward to explain the recent rioting.

Yet shockingly, among those in the dock accused of looting are a millionaire's grammar school daughter, a ballet student and an organic chef.

A law student, university graduate, a musician and an opera steward also said to have taken part.

They are just some of the youngsters from comfortable middle-class backgrounds who have been charged with criminality.

Some of them were arrested at the scene, others handed themselves in after seeing their faces in photographs and on video.

Whatever the reasons for their alleged trouble-making, it is clear that their future dreams could be crushed by their moments of madness.

Here are some of those allegedly involved...

Millionaire's daughter Laura Johnson, 19, was charged with stealing £5,000-worth of electronic goods, including a Toshiba TV, Goodmans TV, microwave and mobile phones.

The goods were allegedly found in a car being driven by Miss Johnson after a branch of Comet in Charlton, south-east London, was raided.

Bexleyheath magistrates heard that a 'public order kit' of balaclava, gloves and a bandana was also found in the car.

Miss Johnson attended St Olave's Grammar School in Orpington, Kent, the fourth best performing state school in the country, after transferring from its sister school Newstead Wood.

She achieved A*s in French, English literature, classical civilisation and geography A-levels, and is now studying English and Italian at Exeter University.

Her parents, Robert and Lindsay Johnson, live in a large detached farmhouse in Orpington. It has extensive grounds and a tennis court. They sold their previous house, near Greenwich, for £930,000 in 2006.

Miss Johnson's parents, who supported her in court, run Avongate, a direct marketing company.

Her father is a businessman with directorships in several companies. He was a director in a company that took over the Daily Sport and Sunday Sport newspapers in 2007.

During her schooling, Miss Johnson offered her services as a tutor. On a website she wrote: 'I was a student at Newstead Wood School for girls and gained four A*s and nine A grades at GCSE.'

Miss Johnson indicated a plea of not guilty to five counts of burglary and was granted bail on condition that she does not associate with the two men allegedly found with her.

She must wear an electronic tag, submit to a curfew between 7pm and 6am and not enter any London postcode. She is due to return to court on September 21.

Camberwell Green magistrates heard that a 17-year-old and Alexander Elliot-Joahill, 18, were allegedly passengers in the car. Both were denied bail and will next appear on September 7.

THE SOCIAL WORKER STUDENT:

University graduate Natasha Reid, 24, came from a comfortable family home and studied at university to achieve her dream of becoming a social worker.

But her career hopes are now in jeopardy after she stole a £300 JVC television from a battered Comet store on her way home.

You young woman had been eating at a McDonalds fast-food chain when she became involved in the opportunistic looting.

Reid, from Edmonton, north London, yesterday pleaded guilty at Westminster Magistrates Court to theft and entering with intent to steal.

The young woman told the court that she was so overcome with guilt after stealing the TV on Saturday evening that she handed herself in to the police the next day. They promptly arrested her.

Reid's mother, Pamela, said that her daughter was baffled by her criminal behaviour as she already has a 27-inch TV in her bedroom.

'She didn't want a TV. She doesn't even know why she took it. She doesn't need a telly,' the girl's mother told the Times.

Pamela said that her daughter had cancelled her holiday which was due to begin to tomorrow.

She has been spending the last week sobbing in her bedroom as she comes to terms with the effect that a conviction will have on the hopes of her future career.

'She's not eaten this morning. She hasn't slept since Sunday night. She's shaking. She was bawling her eyes out,' Reid's mother added.

Miss Reid was too upset to speak and was being comforted in her room by her father. She will be sentenced next month.

Stefan Hoyle was clutching a looted violin when he was arrested in the aftermath of riots in Manchester.

Smelling strongly of drink, the aspiring musician quipped: 'I've always wanted to learn to play the violin.' His parents wept in the dock as district judge Alan Berg told the 19-year-old it was an 'absolute tragedy' that he had thrown away his prospects in this way.

Hoyle, of Manchester, was arrested at 3am on Wednesday when police encircled a group of youths and saw him clutching the violin, thought to be from a music shop which had earlier been looted.

He tried to run away as police arrested a girl, but the court heard he was chased and caught, telling officers: 'I can understand why people riot, you really are fascist ********.'

Hoyle had never been in trouble before and is on Jobseekers' Allowance, the court heard.

Sentencing him to four months in a young offenders' institution for theft, Judge Berg told Hoyle he had brought 'shame and disgrace' on his family. But he told the shamefaced teenager: 'Nobody forced you to get drunk and pick up the violin.'

An aspiring ballerina was arrested after police published images of her looting two boxed flat screen TVs from a hi-fi store where £190,000 of damage was caused.

The 17-year-old, who has been studying ballet since she was seven and wants to be a dance teacher, gave herself up after seeing a CCTV image of herself in a newspaper.

The dancer was among a group of masked women caught on camera looting Richer Sounds, in Croydon.

She was remanded in custody. She in understood to have turned herself in at the front counter of Croydon police station.

Yesterday she admitted burglary after film footage showed her removing two televisions from the store.

The 17-year-old is due to start a course at a dance academy on September 21, and wants to study health and social care. But a criminal conviction could end her chances of working with children and young people.

Goods to the value of £190,000 are estimated to have been stolen from the hi-fi and home cinema store. The shop suffered £15,000 in damage.

Law student Marouane Rouhi, 21, is alleged to have been part of gang of 16 that stormed cafes and restaurants in St John's Wood, London.

The second-year university law student was remanded in custody after being charged with violent disorder after the incident shortly after midnight on Wednesday.

Rouhi, from north west London, is said to have been among a large group of between 30 and 50 disorderlies who were involved in the trouble.

Up to 50 masked men armed with knives and lighter fuel attacked Le Bijou and other restaurants.
Rouhi is currently mid-way through a law degree and is understood to be fighting to clear his name.

Any conviction would almost certainly end his dreams of working in the legal profession.

Prosecutor Becky Owen told Westminster magistrates that the group 'ransacked properties and terrorised customers' in the area around Lodge Road.

She said between 30 and 50 people were involved in the disorder and added: 'Eventually customers rallied and chased the group off.'

Solicitor Jim Kelly said his client was keen to clear his name so that he could continue to pursue his legal ambitions.

THE COLLEGE STUDENT

Nicholas Robinson, 23, was jailed for six months for looting a £3.50 case of water from Lidl.

The college student was walking back from his girlfriends house in Brixton in the early hours of Monday morning when he saw the superstore on Acre Lane being looted.

He took the opportunity to go in and help himself to a case of water because he was 'thirsty'.
But when the police came in, at around 2.40am, he discarded the bottles and attempted to flee the scene.

He was caught and arrested by officers at the scene. Wearing a black leather jacket, the electrical engineering student, looked shocked as he was jailed by District Judge Alan Baldwin at Camberwell Magistrates Court yesterday.

Robinson, from south London, pleaded guilty on Tuesday to a charge of burglary of a place other than other than a dwelling (theft).

There were gasps from the public gallery as the judge handed down the maximum penalty he could to Robinson, who has no previous convictions, for his part in the 'chaos'.

District Judge Baldwin said: 'The burglary of commercial premises in circumstances such as this, where substantial and serious public disorder is or has taken place is commonly known as looting.'

Scott Bates, 18, admitted stealing trainers from JD Sports, watches from Debenhams, and a hooded top from Primark.

Bates told officers he had gone to Clapham Junction on Monday evening to watch the riots and found the items lying around outside the shops.

His solicitor Joan Mitchell said Bates was an active member of his local baptist church and mentored younger members of the congregation.

Although he has previous convictions for robbery and theft, Bates had 'turned his life around', she claimed.

District judge Paul Clark told Bates he would go to prison, probably for more than 12 months.

He was refused bail and sent to Inner London Crown Court to be sentenced.

Gassam Ojjeh, 22, was accused of attempting to steal from a branch of PC World in Colliers Wood, South London the day after it had been devastated by rioters.

Westminster Magistrates heard he was caught by a police dog handler at the store with students Saffron Armstrong and Kairo Lawson, both 21.

Armstrong, an accounting student at Kingston University, claimed to be a freelance journalist when he was caught. Lawson, a civil engineering student at South Bank University, had to be restrained by police and was punched repeatedly in the back.

Ojjeh, an estate agent, denied burglary. The two other men admitted the same charge. All three were remanded in custody.

THE ORGANIC CHEF:

Fitzroy Thomas, of Streatham and his 47-year-old brother, Ronald, allegedly smashed up a branch of Nando's, the chicken restaurant, in Clapham, south London, and stole a laptop.

The pair pleaded not guilty at Camberwell Green Magistrates Court in south London and were remanded in custody, the Times reported.

19-year-old Nan Asante, who had recently taken up a job as a steward at an outdoor opera venue in London's upmarket Holland Park district, pleaded not guilty to looting a supermarket.

A star pupil from £1m home. How did she end up in the dock?

Balaclava. Gloves. Bandana. Could the 'evidence' allegedly in the car Laura Johnson was found driving be more sinister? The items, the police claim, were part of a 'public order kit' used to loot shops during the riots.

But this is not the most shocking aspect of the story you are about to read.

For the 19-year-old who found herself in the dock before Bexleyheath magistrates on Wednesday, flanked by uniformed security guards, charged with five counts of burglary in connection with the theft of goods from stores was perhaps the very last person you would expect to be implicated in the mayhem of the past week.

According to the prosecution, she was the getaway driver for a gang which pillaged branches of Curry's, Comet, Halfords, and PC World as well as a BP service station in south-east London.

Getaway driver? It is a description her mother and father, sitting at the back of the court, will scarcely be able to comprehend.

The family live in a £1million detached converted farmhouse, with extensive grounds and a tennis court, in leafy Orpington, Kent.

Her millionaire parents, Robert and Lindsay, are successful company directors who run the direct-marketing firm Avongate.

Mr Johnson was also a director of a company that took over the Daily Sport and Sunday Sport newspapers in 2007.

Their daughter attended St Olave's Grammar, the fourth-best state school in the country, and its sister school, Newstead Wood, gaining nine GCSE A Grades and four A*s.

The star pupil studied A-levels in French, English literature, geography, and classical civilisation before gaining a place at Exeter University where she is an English and Italian undergraduate.

Proof, if any more were needed, of Laura's privileged upbringing is revealed in family photographs posted on the internet.

In one, on Facebook, she is dressed in a long black evening gown, glass of red wine in hand, hugging a blonde school friend. There is a swimming pool in the background.

Whatever the reasons for Laura's ignominious predicament, they appear to have nothing to do with alienation or despair; not that this is any excuse for the shameful events that have scarred the country this week.

Indeed, it would be difficult to imagine a young woman with a brighter future: a future which has now been jeopardised, perhaps irrevocably so.

How and why she came to be driving a car, which, it is claimed, contained a £5,000 haul of stolen goods - including two television sets, a microwave, a Blu-ray player, mobile phones, cigarettes and alcohol - is a matter for her pending trial.

Laura was granted conditional bail and is due to return to court next month, having pleaded not guilty to the charges against her. The case is expected to be committed to the Inner London Crown Court.

One of her alleged accomplices is 18-year-old Alexander Elliott-Joahill. The other, a 17-year-old, cannot be named. The younger boy's mother, a secondary school teacher, said her son was a 'good boy' who had gone for a job interview in the City earlier this week.

The well-spoken woman, who lives in a two-storey terraced house in south-east London, added: 'He is doing a business qualification, so he has taken his CV to an interview on Monday.

'He's a complete coward and hates fighting so I don't understand how he could have got caught up in this.

'I spoke to him at 1.30am on Tuesday morning and told him to be careful of the riots and that I was worried. He said he'd be coming home. He knows [Alexander Elliott-Oakhill] but I've never heard him mention this Laura girl.'

The prosecution claim the three had 'driven around stealing from shops with windows kicked in during the rioting . . . and were active participants in looting' before being apprehended by the police.

How painful - and embarrassing - these details must have been for Laura's family sitting in the public gallery, as must be the continued police activity at their home.

Yesterday, five officers spent about 30 minutes inside, although it was unclear whether they were taking statements or searching for something in particular.

Mr and Mrs Johnson, who also have two sons, Rory, 21, and Scott, 17, did not wish to comment. Laura's grandparents, John and Irene Temple, were visibly shocked when informed of her arrest at their Fife home and also declined to comment.

A glimpse of the world Laura inhabited, or at least her family thought she inhabited, is revealed on a website where she once advertised her services as a tutor.

Her entry says: 'My name is Laura Johnson, a sixth form student studying English Literature, classical civilisation, geography and French at St Olave's Grammar School.

'One of my A*s is in English which I intend to carry on at university level.'

But for how long? The University of Exeter, where Laura has just finished her first-year exams, said they would await the outcome of criminal proceedings before 'deciding on whether to take any action.'

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The middle class 'rioters' revealed: The millionaire's daughter, the aspiring musician and the organic chef all in the dock

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Poverty, social exclusion, poor education - these are just some of the theories put forward to explain the recent rioting. Yet shockingly, among those in the dock accused of looting are a millionaire's grammar school daughter, a ballet student and an organic chef.

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The article emphasises the increase of gangs within london

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Some of London's most dangerous gangs are increasingly expanding their criminal activities across the UK, the Metropolitan Police has warned.

Officers say 54 gangs from the capital now have "tentacles" in other towns and cities, selling drugs and causing violence on a larger scale.

Police liken them to businesses, saying areas are selected depending on demand and whether other gangs operate.

Raids across the UK on Thursday targeted one south London gang.

Gangs are spreading their wings so rather working in London, they are going into the counties, even Scotland to deal drugs,
DCI Tim Champion

Twenty-nine people aged 18 to 47 were arrested in the latest phases of an operation said to be focused on the so-called GAS gang, based in Lambeth.

Simultaneous raids took place at 23 properties.

The Met Police searched nine addresses in Lambeth, one in Southwark, one in Hackney and another in Brent.

Seven properties were targeted in the Thames Valley, two in Edinburgh, one in Essex and one in Bedfordshire.

Police said the operation illustrated how gangs were targeting new areas to confuse investigators and generate more profit.

Officers say the 54 London gangs that they believe have made criminal advances around the regions are already behind two-thirds of gang-related crime in the capital.

Det Ch Insp Tim Champion, from the Met's Operation Trident Gang Crime Command, told BBC Radio 4's Today programme: "What we are noticing is that gangs are spreading their wings, so rather than working in London, they are going into the counties, even Scotland, to deal drugs. So basically it's an expanding trade.

"We have communication with all our colleagues in the county forces and in Scotland, so distance isn't an issue if you are actually talking about operations from a London perspective, but we work with local forces from up there. So it's not always the case we have to go up there ourselves."

But there are questions over whether the UK's other police forces have the same expertise and resources as the Met to tackle to complexities of gang organisation and crime.

US 'franchises'

Academics highlight the situation in the US in the 1990s which saw gangs expand into different locations to escape rivals or to take advantage of underserved markets.

The Latin Kings gang formed in Chicago in the 1940s now has what it describes as "tribes" in more than 39 states, as well as links to to Europe and Latin America.

Roger Graef, film-maker and criminologist at the London School of Economics, said gangs in the UK often mirrored what goes on in the US.

He said: "In America where all of this happened in the 1990s, the [Los Angeles-based] Crips and the Bloods really had thousands of members and they franchised to other cities, partly because it was safer.

"If they could go to Denver or Washington and places like that they would have almost virgin territory for drug dealing and the stuff they would do and they would be less threatened by the rival gangs."

Scotland Yard said Thursday's raids involved more than 700 officers and targeted what are believed to be "the most senior ranking high harm members" of the London gang.

The Met was assisted by officers from the Thames Valley, Essex and Bedfordshire police forces, as well as Police Scotland.

Those arrested are suspected of crimes including conspiracy to supply Class A drugs, money laundering, fraud and immigration offences.

The Met said its work also involves preventing people from joining gangs and suspects are offered support to help them "escape" from such activity.

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Some of London's most dangerous gangs are increasingly expanding their criminal activities across the UK, the Metropolitan Police has warned. Officers say 54 gangs from the capital now have "tentacles" in other towns and cities, selling drugs and causing violence on a larger scale.

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Andrew Neil: Rise of the British Underclass

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Andrew Neil: Rise of the British Underclass

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This clip shows the argument of how the traditional working class has disappeared, and that there is now an underclass, who are dependent of benefits and do not work.

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Andrew Neil: Rise of the British Underclass - The Great British Class Survey - BBC Lab UK

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How the working class ceased to exist and how the underclass came to be. Find out where you fit in, and help us discover how British society really works. Take part in the Great British Class Survey at http://bbc.co.uk/labuk/experiments/class/

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The Gueardian: Jeremy Kyle Show 'undermines anti-poverty efforts', says thinktank 

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The Gueardian: Jeremy Kyle Show 'undermines anti-poverty efforts', says thinktank 

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Guardian article that outlines the representation of the working class within the Jeremy Kyle show. It argues that the Jeremy kyle show creates entertainment that is based on derision of the lower-working-class population.

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Jeremy Kyle Show 'undermines anti-poverty efforts', says thinktank

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Joseph Rowntree Foundation says Jeremy Kyle Show could be viewed as a 'brutal form of entertainment that is based on derision of the lower-working-class population'. By Andrew Sparrow

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Youtube Clip: The Chav Class "I'm Middle Class"

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Youtube Clip: The Chav Class "I'm Middle Class"

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A clip which shows an individual who would be seen as a chav, claiming to be middle class even though the individual does not work. This highlights the way in which class maybe a forigen concept amongst individuals as they are unsure what characteristics determine which class they are from.

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The Chav Class: I'm Middle Class - Prescott - The Class System And Me - Episode 1 - 20081109

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There's a humdinger at the end. Prescott - The Class System And Me - Episode 1 (of 2). 09/11/2008. iPlayer mp4 converted to m4v via QuickTime, thence uploaded to YouTube.

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A guest on the Jeremy kyle show named Andrew is shown in the clip, who can be categorised a s a 'chav' through his language and style. While Jeremy Kyle the host of the show can be seen as middle class.

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Chav with bad attitude thinks he's a big man!

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'Is my boyfriend still sleeping with his ex ... and is he her baby's Dad?'. Girlfriend Melissa confronts boyfriend Andrew with Lie Detector and DNA test results.First broadcast in February 2010.

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Article highlights the results from the great british class survey. The factors of economic capital, social capital and cultural capital were used to determines the class categories. Seven class categories were identified which are : (1)Elite ; (2)Established middle class; (3)Technical middle class; (4)New affluent workers; (5)Traditional working class; (6)Emergent service workers; (7) Precariat, or precarious proletariat.

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People in the UK now fit into seven social classes, a major survey conducted by the BBC suggests.

It says the traditional categories of working, middle and upper class are outdated, fitting 39% of people.

It found a new model of seven social classes ranging from the elite at the top to a "precariat" - the poor, precarious proletariat - at the bottom.

More than 161,000 people took part in the Great British Class Survey, the largest study of class in the UK.

Class has traditionally been defined by occupation, wealth and education. But this research argues that this is too simplistic, suggesting that class has three dimensions - economic, social and cultural.

The BBC Lab UK study measured economic capital - income, savings, house value - and social capital - the number and status of people someone knows.

The study also measured cultural capital, defined as the extent and nature of cultural interests and activities.

The new classes are defined as:

Elite - the most privileged group in the UK, distinct from the other six classes through its wealth. This group has the highest levels of all three capitals

Established middle class - the second wealthiest, scoring highly on all three capitals. The largest and most gregarious group, scoring second highest for cultural capital

Technical middle class - a small, distinctive new class group which is prosperous but scores low for social and cultural capital. Distinguished by its social isolation and cultural apathy

New affluent workers - a young class group which is socially and culturally active, with middling levels of economic capital

Traditional working class - scores low on all forms of capital, but is not completely deprived. Its members have reasonably high house values, explained by this group having the oldest average age at 66

Emergent service workers - a new, young, urban group which is relatively poor but has high social and cultural capital

Precariat, or precarious proletariat - the poorest, most deprived class, scoring low for social and cultural capital

The researchers said while the elite group had been identified before, this is the first time it had been placed within a wider analysis of the class structure, as it was normally put together with professionals and managers.

At the opposite extreme they said the precariat, the poorest and most deprived grouping, made up 15% of the population.

The sociologists said these two groups at the extremes of the class system had been missed in conventional approaches to class analysis, which have focused on the middle and working classes.

Methodology

Professor of sociology at Manchester University, Fiona Devine, said the survey really gave a sense of class in 21st Century Britain.

The survey has really allowed us to drill down and get a much more complete picture of class in modern Britain
Prof Fiona Devine, Manchester University

"What it allows us is to understand is a more sophisticated, nuanced picture of what class is like now.

"It shows us there is still a top and a bottom, at the top we still have an elite of very wealthy people and at the bottom the poor, with very little social and cultural engagement," she said.

"It's what's in the middle which is really interesting and exciting, there's a much more fuzzy area between the traditional working class and traditional middle class.

"There's the emergent workers and the new affluent workers who are different groups of people who won't necessarily see themselves as working or middle class.

"The survey has really allowed us to drill down and get a much more complete picture of class in modern Britain."

The researchers also found the established middle class made up 25% of the population and was the largest of all the class groups, with the traditional working class now only making up 14% of the population.

They say the new affluent workers and emergent service workers appear to be the children of the "traditional working class," which they say has been fragmented by de-industrialisation, mass unemployment, immigration and the restructuring of urban space.

The Great British class calculator

The original survey contained more than 140 questions and covered wealth, recreation and social networks

See where you fit in the new model

Find out how Britain is segmented

Use the calculator Explore more BBC citizen science discoveries
BBC Lab UK worked with Prof Mike Savage of the London School of Economics and Prof Devine on the study.

The findings have been published in the Sociology Journal and presented at a conference of the British Sociological Association on Wednesday.

Researchers asked a series of questions about income, house value, savings, cultural and leisure activities and the occupations of friends.

They were able to determine a person's economic, social and cultural capital scores from the answers and analysed the scores to create its class system.

The GBCS was launched online in January 2011, but data showed participants were predominantly drawn from the well-educated social groups.

To overcome this a second identical survey was run with a survey company GFK, with a sample of people representing the population of the UK as a whole, using the information in parallel.

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People in the UK now fit into seven social classes, a major survey conducted by the BBC suggests. It says the traditional categories of working, middle and upper class are outdated, fitting 39% of people. It found a new model of seven social classes ranging from the elite at the top to a "precariat" - the poor, precarious proletariat - at the bottom.

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A video discussing class today, and how it carries a uncertainty as class is seen more difficult to distinguish than how it was in the past.

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London School of Economics and Political Science

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The Great British Class Survey launches on BBC One Show

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Matt Allwright and Alex Jones present the launch of the Great British Class Survey on the One Show - BBC One, 25 January 2011. It's the biggest investigation into social class ever done in the UK! Working, middle or upper class - or none of the above?

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The article shows a women who can be classified as an example of the 'underclass' as she is a single mother who is dependent on benefits. The article notes that mother was unable to pay for her fines.

(for characteristics of the 'underclass' see Murray, C. (2003). The Underclass. In E. McLaughlin, J. Muncie,& G. Hughes (Eds.), Criminological perspectives: essential readings (2nd Edition ed., pp. 127-141). London: SAGE in association with The Open University. )

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Single mother-of-eight who claims £2,000 a month in state handouts has £600 of bus lane fines slashed because she says she can't afford them

Marie Buchan, 31, was hit by 10 bus lane fine tickets in just one week

She strayed into Birmingham bus lane while her daughter was in hospital

Council has cut the £600 bill to £180 after an appeal from Miss Buchan

She claimed financial hardship, and that the lane was poorly signposted

She does not want to pay the last £180 and is considering further appeal

Ms Buchan lives with her eight children aged from four months to 12 years

She receives £500 a week in benefits, which was reduced from £582

New Birmingham cameras responsible for issuing more than 80,000 fines

A single mother with eight children who receives £2,000 a month in benefits has had a string of bus lane fines slashed because she claims she can't afford to pay them.

Marie Buchan, 31 racked up 10 tickets in just one week after straying into the bus lane when her youngest daughter Olivia, then aged two months, was admitted to hospital with bronchitis.

Ms Buchan, whose children are aged between four months and 12 years old, receives £500 a month in state handouts and said the £600 of fines left her facing financial ruin.

She was caught by bus lane cameras in Birmingham city centre, which have issued more than 80,000 fines since they were installed in September - to the anger of thousands of motorists ordered to pay the £60 sums.

Having appealed on both grounds of financial hardship and that, like many who have complained, the bus lane signs are inadequate and easy to miss, Birmingham City Council has withdrawn seven of Ms Buchan's penalty notices, cutting £420 from her bill.

However, the council says she must still pay £180 after she was penalised while taking Olivia to Birmingham Children's Hospital and received the 10 fine notices in the post more than a week later.

'I made a genuine mistake,' said Ms Buchan of Selley Oak.

'I was desperate to get to the hospital and had a screaming child in the car. I was not aware there were bus lanes until the fines came through the post.

'I am obviously happy that they have withdrawn seven, but do not understand why they do not just withdraw the lot.

'I have been back to the hospital since and now I know where the lanes are. I have been round the ring road several times to avoid them.'

Ms Buchan says is is reluctant to pay the final £180 and although she has been put in touch with a lawyer she is wary of taking legal action as she may have to pay out more money.

She is now considering her options for a further appeal to the independent Traffic Penalty Tribunal.

Ms Buchan shares a three-bedroom house with her children Tia, 12, Leah, 11, Latoya, eight, Joshua, seven, Alisha, five, Mikayla, three, Amelia, two, and four-month-old Olivia.

She has had an on-off relationship with the children's father since they were teenagers.

Councillor Peter Douglas Osborn has raised the case with city hall chiefs and called for the fines to be cancelled.

'The council should just admit that the signs are difficult to see and do something about it,' he said.

More than 80,000 fines of £60 were issued by the ten bus lane cameras between their installation in September and mid-December. The total is now likely to be much higher.

About a third of those have been snapped by the camera southbound on Priory Queensway - with dozens of motorists complaining they could not see the signs early enough to avoid the lanes without performing dangerous manoeuvres.

Many of those were, like Ms Buchan, visitors to the Children's Hospital.

The independent Traffic Penalty Tribunal is due to hear a string of appeals over the fines in Birmingham on February 12 and 13, while adjudicator Stephen Knapp has written to the council asking why certain signs do not appear to comply with Government regulations.

A spokeswoman for Birmingham City Council said: 'Ms Buchan's fines for contravening the bus lanes were issued correctly and legally, however we decided to make some changes from November 1 in cases where motorists were activating multiple trigger points during a journey contravening a bus lane.

'As a result of this, the council made the decision to exercise discretion and enforce just one penalty charge where multiple penalties were incurred in the same location.

'Ms Buchan was originally issued with six tickets on 5 November, two on 6 November and two on 12 November. As a result of the changes we made, this was reduced to one for each day. She now has 28 days to pay the penalty charges or lodge an appeal.'

Ms Buchan hit the headlines in December when her benefits were cut from £582 a week to £500 a week in September after the government introduced a cap on handouts.

She said the money was not enough for her family to survive on.

Miss Buchan, a tenant of Bourneville Village Trust in the south-west of Birmingham, used to receive £385 a week in child tax credit, £100 child benefit and £97 income support.

But the benefits cap, introduced earlier this year by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) to reduce the burden on the state, limited her handouts to £500 a week.

Ms Buchan also said her home was not big enough for her family and that she has applied for a bigger one.

She sleeps with three of her children in one bedroom of her £200,000 semi, while another four share a second room and Joshua has the third to himself.

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Single mother-of-eight has £600 of bus lane fines slashed

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Marie Buchan, 31, was hit by 10 bus lane fine tickets in just one week She strayed into Birmingham bus lane while her daughter was in hospital Council has cut the £600 bill to £180 after an appeal from Miss Buchan She claimed financial hardship, and that the lane was

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This article argues todays middle class are being stripped of their jobs, income and security . It highlights a report on social mobility by Alan Milburn, which notes that middle-class children are likely to end up poorer than their parents.

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It is already a wonder, for example, that he has anywhere to live. House prices started to rocket before I left school and in most middle-class areas have hardly been dented since. When I started looking to buy my first flat in my late twenties I had a budget of about £80,000. (I was training as a solicitor and banks were happy to furnish mortgages of four or five times our starting salaries, assuming that they would go up quickly and forever. My provider still doesn't know that I lit out for journalism two years later.)

My parents, who had bought their first house in 1972 for - I type this with nerveless fingers - under £10,000 (less than three times their joint income), wondered happily what colour I would paint my cloisters and helipad. Meanwhile, I put down more than their purchase price as a deposit on a paper-walled, one-bedroom flat in an area where the unlikelihood of murder just about outweighed the costs of the extended commute to my job. Nowadays the cost of their house probably wouldn't buy that annual travelcard.

In Oxford house prices have risen 88 per cent in a decade. The price-to-earnings ratio of the average London home has risen to eight (outside the capital it's five, which is still pretty punitive). As one friend put it, "Once, Pimlico was proof of failure - now it's a delusional dream."

In fact, when it comes to housing, even among couples who have been bringing in alpha salaries from the get-go, whimpers of discontent are emerging as they find they can no longer compete with oligarchs' adoption of London's buildings as a new reserve currency. Home ownership among the under-forties is plummeting.

School fees that were once affordable by provincial accountants, solicitors and doctors will now take a £30,000 bite per annum per child out of taxed income and again have become the preserve of the indisputably wealthy rather than indisputably average earner. I and most of my peers - outside those who had the sense to go straight into corporate lawyering or merchant banking as soon as they graduated - are on short-term contracts in their chosen field or already embarked on their Plan Bs - or even Plan Cs - as job availability shrinks and insecurity grows.

As for pensions you can retire on - well, they have already moved into the realm of myth and legend. I had to look up what "final-salary scheme" meant when I started researching this piece, and I still don't believe it. I don't have any kind of pension - I chose food, clothes, rent and then a mortgage instead. I'm becoming mildly hysterical as I write.

Our savings are being eroded by interest rates way below inflation. Our salaries are stagnating. In both Britain and America they have not increased in real terms since the 1980s, and they have fallen by 10 per cent since 2009. Several university-educated friends, working in both the public and private sectors, are almost literally doing so for nothing. The vast bulk of their incomes goes on childcare and commuting. "It is really quite demoralising," says one friend (no one wanted to be named in this piece), who returned to work part-time for a charity after her son was born two years ago. "I never expected to get to 40 and be working just to keep my job open." Still, as she points out, the problem may yet solve itself. "When the next round of government cuts comes in, the charity will probably have to close anyway."

Do you think you are worse off than your parents?

And all this is, according to many, only the beginning. The American economist Tyler Cowen recently set out his vision of the future in a book, Average Is Over. Cowen predicts that the middle class will disappear and we will split into the historically and globally more common and "natural" binary arrangement of haves and have-nots.

The middle class, Cowen argues, has always been an anomaly. In America it means the people who were lifted by the rising tide of postwar affluence (median family income more than doubled between 1947 and 1973), the like of which had never been seen and, he surmises, is unlikely to be seen again. All the "low-hanging fruit", as he puts it in a previous book, has been picked and consumed - that is, free land, world-changing inventions (electricity, telephones and cars) and educational reform that enabled a vast swath of hitherto unrealised potential among the population to be fulfilled.

In Britain, of course, the middle class is/was a mercantile class, born during the Industrial Revolution - but that just means that our various engines of progress have been running on fumes for even longer than America has been sucking on dried fruit pips (hey, metaphors cost nothing, right? Let me enjoy myself while I still can) and we are converging on disaster together.

According to Cowen, there will be a small elite - perhaps 10 to 15 per cent of the population - who will still be able to add value to the increasingly sophisticated work computers can do. People who can do the few remaining skilled jobs that can't be outsourced to distant, cheaper foreign competitors among a globalised workforce. The rest will be subject to stagnant and falling wages thanks to the advent of driverless cars, online medical diagnoses, schoolwork-marking and other highly intelligent software making inroads into human output and income.

Along with the historian Francis Fukuyama, the British economist David Boyle, the author of Broke: Who Killed the Middle Classes?, believes that without a politically, emotionally and financially stable middle class to absorb others' discontent and provide an aspirational model, unrest will increase. Some warn that we'll be surprised how quickly the good behaviour of the middle class will turn out to be a by-product of affluence rather than inborn integrity. The social problems we associate with the poor and the working class may prove to be a function of economic instability and lack of hope, their argument goes, and move quickly up the ladder to engulf us all.

READ: Parents convinced children will be worse off than them

Cowen is more optimistic. He believes that there are upsides to the advance of technology (greater connection between people, freedom from tedious jobs, cheap and plentiful entertainment and so on). He believes that some new job opportunities will open up, especially in areas such as professional- and life-coaching (to supply the motivation that a life spent managing or - increasingly - being managed by machines will otherwise lack). Cowen argues that just as geeks are having their day now, once the tech is firmly established we will find that it is time for the emotionally intelligent to put in their two penn'orth. Supposedly, this new market and infusion of "soft skills" needed to supplement the raw power of machines will breed enough contentment to curb any revolutionary or atavistic impulses.

I wonder.

Already among my friends there is a sense of betrayal. It used to be (we know, from the parents who lived through it and with whom we are increasingly moving back in to save on housing or childcare costs), that if you played the game, if you did all the right things - were thrifty, diligent, cleaved to the principle of deferred gratification - the system would reward you with leisure time, spare cash and a certain freedom from worry in the short and in the long term. Now the feeling is that you have to outwit the system in order to survive it. Win the lottery, have a brilliant business idea, marry money (no longer a dream confined to women, by the way) or inherit it from several forgotten aunts or a neighbour whose beloved cat you once rescued - something semi-miraculous that will provide the protection modest living, hard work and hard saving once did.

And our children will - according to Alan Milburn's report - graduate from university with an average debt of £50,000, into a world where youth unemployment is at its highest since 1994, where housebuyers will soon need a £60,000 deposit (£150,000 if they want to be in London, large bags of uncut gems if they want to live centrally and not be gazumped by someone whose wife needs a place to store her Ferragamo overspill), and they will be working into their seventies before not enjoying an actively uncomfortable retirement.

To me, this is a situation set to breed nothing but fury and a desire for change. Most revolutions are hampered by the "what you've never had, you'll never miss" principle. You can get away with clobbering the poor for generations, because it's hard to persuade people that a little bit less than the less they had before is the point at which outrage should set in - assuming, of course, that the daily scrabble for individual survival left them time and energy for collective political engagement in the first place.

READ: We'll never have it so good again

Not so with the middle classes. Our lives may be becoming more precarious than our parents' or grandparents' but we have tasted the good life and we want to keep it for ourselves and our children. And we still have the time and energy left for a fight. We may even discover in ourselves a greater empathy for the poor and the beginning of an understanding that impoverishment is not always the choice or result of personal bad decisions we vaguely - and our politicians fervidly - believe it is. We may even bring some of those poor people with us to the barricades. Imagine that!

It is also a concern that unites people across the political spectrum because the majority of both Left- and Right-wing voters do not stand to benefit from the disappearance of the middle class, increased inequality and a concentration into a tiny group of haves and a vast group of have-nots. The odds of a middle-class burgher ending up as one of the super-rich elite are so long, it's not worth playing the game.

But what can we do right now? Boyle suggests, in effect, upsetting the board. First, he says, we need to accept that no one else is coming to rescue us. We need to use our remaining capital - both social and financial - to demand change from governments, to avoid tax-evading and semi-monopolistic companies and shop at smaller, more local shops who still use humans rather than automata, and to set up local educational and financial institutions that better suit our needs. Set up a new game, with new rules.

But in the meantime, while we work out what they are and where best to place our pieces, I shall be shopping at my local Lidl rather than at Waitrose, honing my soft skills and signing the offspring up for every computer and life-coaching course going. "This is my son, the life coach." This is my son, the life coach. Goodness. See you at the barricades.

Follow @StellaMagazine

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Downward mobility: Lucy Mangan on the fall of the middle class

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It is already a wonder, for example, that he has anywhere to live. House prices started to rocket before I left school and in most middle-class areas have hardly been dented since. When I started looking to buy my first flat in my late twenties I had a budget of about £80,000.

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The Independent: Article on the 'The Big Benefits Row'

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The Independent: Article on the 'The Big Benefits Row'

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The article reviews the 'The big Benefits Row' where individuals on benefits were debated upon. It highlights figures who participated in the debate.

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With a panel ranging from professional motormouth Katie Hopkins, "White Dee" from the controversial Channel 4 documentary Benefits Street and ex-Tory MP Edwina Currie, The Big Benefits Row: Live was never going to make for a gentle evening's viewing.

The main issue at hand - whether the benefits system should be changed - was, as expected, lost to the larger-than-life personality of former Apprentice contestant Katie Hopkins.

The title may as well have been changed to The Katie Hopkins Show. "I'll point where I like," she said, and point non-stop she did.

Hopkins' personal insults, misinformed views and "left-wing loons" name-calling dominated to such an extent that few could call the heated discussion a "debate".

"You would be really dangerous if you knew what you were talking about," ex-benefits claimant Annabel Giles pointedly hit back at Hopkins, after the television pundit labelled her "someone who wanted to be a model but didn't make it".

In contrast, Deirdre Kelly, best known as "White Dee" on the now famous James Turner Street in Birmingham, made a composed, articulate first live television appearance.

"I bet the bookmakers have lost a fortune, I bet they thought I'd be the first to swear," she joked to applause from the audience, the majority of which seemed strongly on her side, chanting at one point that "every mother is a working mother".

Take a look at what Britons think of benefits from the results of a recent YouGov poll:

"I haven't been on benefits my whole life," said Dee, 42. "It's just at the moment. I suffer from depression and I'm being assessed for bipolar disorder."

But Hopkins was straight in with an attack designed to reflect all attention, kicking and screaming, back on to her: "Do you not feel like the patron saint of druggies and drop-outs?" she asked Dee, dismissing her claims of being too unwell to work.

The Reverend Steven Chalke added some important insight into the debate, revealing that children at the school seen on Benefits Street have been subjected to abuse from tourists since the series began.

A few other Benefits Street residents were also in the studio, yelling angry but unhelpful snippets along the lines of "My CV is in every single shop!" and "I do not sit on my bum all day!"

The Independent's columnist Owen Jones made an appearance after claiming that shows such as Benefits Street "demonise" those on benefits, but Hopkins took so much airtime from him, Spectator editor Fraser Nelson and poverty campaigner Jack Monroe, that their fact-based arguments were lost to the non-stop barrage of immature tempers.

Host Matthew Wright presented the live shout-off, asking provocative questions such as "What about tax avoidance?" that served more to heighten the noise levels than anything else.

The Big Benefits Row served up another fast-paced debate among celebrities, politicians, journalists and a studio audience.

But was it a meaningful one or a show designed to boost Channel 5's ratings? Regrettably, the latter.

Watch Iain Duncan Smith discuss benefits and Benefits Street

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'The Big Benefits Row became the Katie Hopkins Show'

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With a panel ranging from professional motormouth Katie Hopkins, "White Dee" from the controversial Channel 4 documentary Benefits Street and ex-Tory MP Edwina Currie, The Big Benefits Row: Live was never going to make for a gentle evening's viewing.

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'This Morning' Class and Names disscusion with Katie Hopkins 

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'This Morning' Class and Names disscusion with Katie Hopkins 

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A video showing a small debate on how first names can be be used to define which class a child is from. Katie Hopkins is seen to make a controversial statement emphasising how names of children can be an indicator in which class they are from, she also implies children with 'working class' names are badly behaved.

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U.K. Snob Who Proudly Judges Kids By 'Working Class' Names Torn Apart By Piers Morgan, TV Hosts

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WATCH: U.K. Snob Who Proudly Judges Kids By 'Working Class' Names Torn Apart By Piers Morgan, TV Hosts facebook.com/andrewbsheets