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The Summer 2024 project concerns the preparation for an online exhibition about the home of Themis Ragias, a collector of art and curiosities based in Athens. More specifically, interns will prepare a detailed prospectus for SNFPHI’s web developers and graphic designers describing the online exhibition and its scope and goals and detailing the intended user experience.

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Fashion
Decoding the 'it' factor with Abbey Lee

In an exclusive digital interview for Document's Spring/Summer 2024 issue, the cover star details how she found acting and a new sense of creative fulfillment

Literature
Fine Print: In the labyrinth of the no

In his monthly column, Drew Zeiba considers the creative merits of giving up through tales of defiant scriveners, starving artists, and painters fluent in refusal

New Red Order blends satire and sincerity to deconstruct empire

For Document's Spring/Summer 2024 issue, the public secret society and art collective mobilizes a campaign for returning land to Indigenous Americans

The Structural Analysis of Narrative

Photographer Joshua Woods and fashion editor Gabriella Karefa-Johnson collaborate on this fashion portfolio for Document's Spring/Summer 2024 issue

Text by
William E Jones

Photography by
William E Jones

Artist and filmmaker William E. Jones reflects upon the complicated, seductive legacy of a legendary personality for Document's Spring/Summer 2017 issue.

Alexander Iolas lived in a very large house in the Athens suburb of Agia Paraskevi. It was on a wooded plot of land- a retreat from the congestion of the city. People have written about Villa Iolas, but as far as I can remember, I never called it that; it was simply Iolas's house.

The first time I met Iolas, he was in bed. As I entered his room, I saw him rising and fixing his hair. A handsome young man was also in the bedroom. I assumed they had slept together. On either side of the bed were bronze horses wrapped in a fabric that matched the drapes in the room. There was a chandelier overhead. Behind the bed I saw a painting by Harold Stevenson depicting a man with his legs spread wide. In place of his penis there was a big, erect classical column. Iolas and his friend spoke to each other in Greek. When Iolas saw me, he looked me up and down and said "He is tall" in French. He continued to speak French; perhaps he assumed I understood, or he wanted me to understand nothing. Iolas was in his 70s at the time but looked younger. From a distance I could tell that he had had some work done on his face, and his hair was dyed a color that could not have been natural.

Iolas's sister, Niki (my friend's grandmother) came into the room and translated a bit of what was said. She introduced the other man as Iorgos and said he was Iolas's chauffeur. Iolas had just come back to Athens from Milan, and he was tired. He approached and uttered the first words he ever spoke to me in English: "Do you know the poetry of Constantine Cavafy?" He looked at me intently and said, "He is one of us."

"Iolas invented himself in defiance of convention. He lived his life as a performance."

I found out later that when Iolas was a teenager, he had met Cavafy, who was then in his 60s and living above a brothel in the center of Alexandria. His family had come down in the world, and he had been employed as a clerk in the Third Circle of Irrigation of the Ministry of Public Works. He printed his poetry in small editions circulated among friends. Around 1911, he began writing frankly homosexual poems, which were in advance of anything written in Europe or America around that time. These poems attracted attention abroad, particularly in England, where he had lived for a few years as a child. Cavafy also wrote historical poems, some of them imbuing figures from antiquity with an eroticism that seemed contemporary. His foreign readers were struck by what they took to be his fatalism, without grasping that optimism and faith in human progress are the prerogatives of conquerors. Cavafy lived most of his life in Egypt, from which almost everything had been stolen except the looted Pyramids; he wrote poetry in Alexandria, where the greatest library the world had ever known burned to the ground. He understood that nothing- no empire, political system, or religion-was permanent.

Iolas asked Iorgos to take us on a trip to Delphi. He had something to attend to, and he would be available later. Iorgos drove us through the wonderful Greek countryside to the site where the sibyls delivered their prophesies in ancient times. Iorgos seemed to have little enthusiasm for the place. I got no sense of what he was like as a person, aside from the physical attractiveness in which he took obvious pride. Soon after we arrived at Delphi, Iorgos went off to the nearby public toilets. I suppose if I had followed him I would have learned a thing or two, but I had the ruins to see.

The second time I visited Iolas's house, I met an older man who looked at me with distrust, clicked his tongue, and said "oxi"-no in Greek. I never found out what question he was answering in the negative. His entire function in Iolas's household was to tell fortunes by reading coffee grounds. Iolas was afraid of being alone and craved entertainment. Niki perceived the men around Iolas as a bunch of parasites, and she said as much. Iolas paid no attention; he seemed to indulge more or less anyone as long as he was interesting company.

I also saw someone who called himself Maria Kallas- after the Greek-American soprano. Once Kallas was one of the most famous people in the world, but, by the time of her death, she had not sung for years. Rumor had it that her voice was in ruins. Somehow Iolas had acquired a collection of her dresses. These dresses fit the man to whom I spoke-I never saw him wear them. I have no picture of him, either. He was the one person in Iolas's household who refused to be photographed. This "Maria Kallas" was a delicate young man with curly brown hair, pale skin, and freckles. He seemed to be constantly on the verge of fainting. He didn't so much meet people as throw himself at them. I wasn't exactly sure what game he was playing. His intentions became clear a couple of years later. He sold stories to a Greek tabloid about Iolas smuggling antiquities, dealing drugs, and holding orgies with underage boys. The articles ruined Iolas's reputation, and, as a result, he became embroiled in a number of court cases.

Iolas was one of the first people in Greece to contract A.I.D.S., and he became an object of ridicule in the press. The tabloid that led the attack was controlled by P.A.S.O.K., the Greek Socialist Party that had governed Greece since the military dictatorship. Iolas, who was known as a right winger, took a position on the question of sex much more radical than the so called socialists. He took pride in his diagnosis, because A.I.D.S. was the proof that he had been sexually active well into his old age.

Iolas invented himself in defiance of convention. He lived his life as a performance, and a combination of eccentricity and cunning saw him through many trying times. He moved from North Africa to Europe during a period of economic hardship and political chaos. During his time in Germany, a group of young Nazis beat him up. He left for France, and arrived to see right wing thugs rioting in Paris. Iolas was vulnerable as a flamboyant gay man of Mediterranean descent. He spoke several languages, most of them imperfectly, and he had a name few could pronounce. He wasn't the sort of person anyone would go out of his way to defend in a crisis. He was a dancer, but he didn't have the kind of talent that made absolutely anything possible. As Iolas saw it, the surest way to save his skin was by emigrating to the United States. To this end, he sought the help of rich and influential Americans. He ingratiated himself with whomever he could, not by telling an earnest tale of woe, but by charming everyone in his path.

"He circulated at the very top and the very bottom of society...The middle May 1982-Athens never held any interest for him."

I didn't stay in Iolas's house, but with Niki, who lived nearby, and I saw a lot of her during my trip to Greece. Niki had a habit of giving people nicknames, which were easier for her to remember than their actual names. I think she took an immediate liking to me; she called me Lord Byron. I gathered that, like Iolas, Niki was very good at making her way in the world, but there seemed to be resentments simmering between them due to things that happened long ago. Iolas spent most of World War II in New York, surrounded by gay artists, mainly dancers, and the aristocrats who loved them. Niki and her young daughter spent the war in Alexandria, which was under constant bombardment until 1942. After the war, Niki married Arthur Stifel, a rich industrialist from Wheeling, West Virginia. Stifel's money came in handy some years later when Iolas's galleries ran into financial difficulties.

I didn't discuss politics with Niki, but she once asked me in all seriousness, "With the Socialists in power, do you think it's safe for me to wear my jewelry in the street?" Niki had moved around quite a bit, not always under peaceful circumstances. She told a story of baking gold jewelry into kourabiedes, a dense Greek pastry, so it would not be found by thieves or customs officials-there was little distinction in her mind between the two. The latter gave Niki many more worries once she moved to Athens. She visited the United States often and did not come empty handed. I once saw her trying to scrape a museum number off an ancient Greek pot that she wanted to give away as a present. She was irrepressible, and her odd pronouncements disarmed the people she met. When Niki flew to the United States, her tactic upon arrival was to find a black customs inspector and to announce with a flourish, "I, too, am from Africa."

Niki and Iolas were both naturalized American citizens. Neither of them saw Greece until they were adults, and they frequently complained about how the Greeks were ruining their country. The two spoke Greek as their native language, but they considered themselves part of no particular community. Although Niki and Iolas were at pains to cultivate their sense of uniqueness, their origins could most accurately be described as bourgeois. Their parents were members of a comfortable merchant class whose source of income was the cotton trade. This was the case with most foreigners living in Alexandria before World War I.

Iolas was evasive when discussing himself, probably because he wished to hide the less exotic aspects of his origins. Among the people he knew, it was desirable to be very poor (like the beautiful men in Cavafy's poems) or aristocratic (like Cavafy's homely but well bred mother). Iolas spoke often about his mother Persephone, a blonde whose seductiveness he sought to imitate, but rarely about his father, whose job was to evaluate the quality of cotton in the fields of Upper Egypt. To be the son of a businessman had no cachet.

Mr. Coutsoudis hoped in vain that his only son would take an interest in the family business and settle down in a sensible career; instead the boy changed his name and moved far away. He was drawn to Berlin and Paris, which were not only centers of classical music and dance, but also hotbeds of underground gay culture. He relied upon surreptitious handouts from his mother. All of this met with disapproval from the elder Coutsoudis, who could only guess how his effeminate young son was making ends meet. Eventually, Iolas founded his own business in New York. Less than 30 years after his departure from Alexandria, the rest of his family was compelled to leave Egypt and never return. In the end, Iolas might have been the one who made the most sensible decisions.

As an art dealer Iolas sought to attract aristocratic clients. He was notorious for snubbing collectors who had a lot of money but vulgar taste. He circulated at the very top and the very bottom of society; the former for business, the latter for pleasure. The middle never held any interest for him.

I asked Iolas if I could photograph his house while he was away, and he graciously said yes. More like a showroom than a private residence, the house was ideal for throwing parties and showing off a splendid combination of classical antiquities, Byzantine icons, Baroque furniture, and modern art. The collection was that of a dealer, not a collector. Iolas always saved the finest pieces for his clients, especially John and Dominique de Menil, the aristocratic patrons to whom he sold many artworks which are now on view in the museum that bears their name.

Iolas had offered to give his great-niece one piece of art from his collection. She didn't know which one to choose and wanted my advice. After looking at the collection carefully and photographing it, I suggested that she ask for a painting by Giorgio de Chirico from 1916, before he repudiated the metaphysical style that made him famous.

Walking through Iolas's deserted house while I took pictures, I thought of a fragment of prose by de Chirico: "There is a room whose shutters are always closed. In one corner there is a book no one has ever read. And there on the wall is a picture one cannot see without weeping."

This text is an adaptation of William E. Jones's script for "Fall into Ruin." The photographs that appear beside it will be on view in exhibition alongside the film at The Modern Institute, Glasgow, in March 2017 and at David Kordansky Gallery, Los Angeles, in July 2017.

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The lost glamour of historic-art collector Alexander Iolas

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Artist and filmmaker William E. Jones reflects upon the complicated, seductive legacy of a legendary personality for Document's Spring/Summer 2017 issue.

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The Spanish Cloister at the Gardner Museum

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The Spanish Cloister at the Gardner Museum

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The Spanish Cloister at the Gardner Museum features colorful tiles, ancient sarcophagi, and architectural fragments and John Singer Sargent’s iconic painting El Jaleo, setting the stage for a unique and sensory museum experience.

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Framed by a rhythmic procession of colorful tiles, ancient sarcophagi, and architectural fragments, the Spanish Cloister reaches its crescendo in one of the Gardner Museum's most iconic and enchanting paintings: John Singer Sargent's El Jaleo. This work, often the first painting encountered by visitors, dramatically sets the stage for a walk through the Gardner, boldly proclaiming that this will not be a regular museum experience. Rather, a veritable feast for the senses is in store.

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Framed by a rhythmic procession of colorful tiles, ancient sarcophagi, and architectural fragments, the Spanish Cloister reaches its crescendo in one of the Gardner Museum's most iconic and enchanting paintings: John Singer Sargent's El Jaleo. This work, often the first painting encountered by visitors, dramatically sets the stage for a walk through the Gardner, boldly proclaiming that this will not be a regular museum experience.

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Am I in Somebody's House? The Robert Lehman Collection

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Am I in Somebody's House? The Robert Lehman Collection

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Robert Lehman, inspired by Renaissance princes, combined various materials and forms in the fine and decorative arts. The collection of works in the Lehman townhouse at 7 West Fifty-fourth Street in New York created a contemplative mood with an elegance reminiscent of Renaissance-style town palaces. The décor portrayed the lifestyle of a wealthy sixteenth-century family, enhanced with modern conveniences such as electric lighting for illuminating paintings. This display context was largely influenced by England, particularly by William Beckford and his contemporaries, as well as by France in the second half of the nineteenth century, drawing inspiration from collections in Paris to create atmospheric and romantic interior settings.

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#MetKids—Am I in Somebody's House? The Special Rooms of The Robert Lehman Collection

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how does the trader joe's vision connect to something like this display of historical photographs, a mural within a cafe in Exarchia?

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Πολυκατοικία Μιχαηλίδη Στουρνάρη και Ζαίμη

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Αρχιτεκτονική Ανάλυση Πολυκατοικίας Μιχαηλίδη

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"trader joe's aesthetic" - black and white drawings/etchings

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By Laws & Regulations // Privacy Policy // Copyright 2024 American School of Classical Studies at Athens

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Have you ever wondered how Byzantine art stepped onto the catwalk? It all started with Empress Theodora and a Byzantine-inspired piece of jewelry from the 1930s - the Ravenna cuff owned by Coco Chanel. The great mosaics of the Byzantine Empire were a source of inspiration throughout the centuries for many artists and creators (Gustav Klimt's golden paintings are the most obvious example of such inspiration). Let's see what happens when Byzantine art meets high fashion, shall we?
1. Alexander McQueen

Fall 2010 Ready-to-Wear

In the fall of 2010, Alexander McQueen presented what turned out to be his last collection, inspired by the Middle Ages. In this collection, among dresses inspired by Hieronymus Bosch's paintings, we find Byzantine-inspired long gowns - bejeweled and embroidered with gold (some of them also with a floor-length cape inspired by a paludamentum) - truly worthy of an empress.

2. Chanel

Pre-Fall 2011 "Paris-Byzance"

"Coco Chanel is the new Theodora"- said Karl Lagerfeld, the creative director of the fashion house Chanel, when he introduced the Pre-Fall 2011 collection inspired by the Byzantine Empress.

Theodora was a circus artist who became an empress, like Chanel, who was a little singer and became a fashion empress.
Karl Lagerfeld (attr.)

Rich colors, contrasted with gold, colorful gems, and mosaic embroidery reminds us of Byzantine splendor. This elegant collection is a tribute to Coco Chanel, who initiated the trend of Byzantine influence in modern fashion.

The resemblance to the Empresses Theodora and Irene can be seen in the model's hair pinned up high, with tiara-like headbands and jewelry.

Chanel, Pre-Fall 2011 collection. Chanel's website.

3. Dolce & Gabbana

Fall/Winter 2013 Ready-to-Wear

For me personally, the most memorable fashion show inspired by Byzantine art is Dolce & Gabbana FW 2013. Take a look at those stunning golden mosaics from Sicily printed on the clothes, embroidered dresses decorated with cabochons and gems!

In their ready-to-wear collection, Domenico Dolce and Stefano Gabbana represented mosaics from the Santa Maria Nuova Cathedral constructed in the late 12th and 13th centuries. They had 6,340 square meters of mosaics to choose from as their inspiration! (As some of you might know, Monreale Cathedral's mosaic decoration is the largest mosaic decoration in Italy).

On these short dresses, we have a fragment from the dedication mosaic representing King Willhelm II offering the Virgin Mary a model of the church. The same motif can be seen on the short sleeve shirt.

As we can see, the designers truly covered everything and gave us a real head-to-toe look. Looks were topped with crowns, accessories - earrings, cross pendants (also seen back in 1988 in Christian Lacroix's fall collection), belts, handbags, and oh my gosh those shoes...

4. Valentino

Spring 2016 Couture

Yet another great example of Byzantine revival in fashion is Valentino's collection for spring 2016. Designers Maria Grazia Chiuri and Pierpaolo Piccioli stated that their inspiration for this collection were velvet gowns created at the beginning of the 20th century by Mariano Fortuny.

Fortuny, in his model gowns: Delphos and Eleonora, recreated ancient Greek chiton and Byzantine tunica. He also incorporated a long cape into his designs as well as shawls (inspired by lorum) and collars modeled by superhumeral.

From left to right: Mariano Fortuny, Delphos dress; Eleonora gown. Photo by Françoise Cochennec; Coat. National Gallery of Victoria.

The rich colors of the gowns, long capes, golden accessories, and mosaic-like ornaments definitely have a Byzantine touch to them.

Valentino, Spring 2016 Couture collection. Photos by Yannis Vlamos.

Jewelry

And don't forget that over the years Byzantine influence was present in jewelry. Fulco Santostefano della Cerda, Duke of Verdura, later the "American jeweler," revolutionized jewelry with his Byzantine designs; the first of them being the Theodora and Ravenna brooches and costume jewelry line created for Coco Chanel. The inspiration for the iconic pieces were mosaics from San Vitale Basilica in Ravenna, which he had seen during his trip to Italy with Coco.

Nowadays, Byzantine-influenced pieces are still present at Verdura, Givenchy, Yves Saint Laurent, and all of the listed above.

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Dress Like a Byzantine Empress - Byzantine Art in Fashion Collections

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Byzantine art was a source of inspiration throughout the centuries to many artists and fashion designers. Read more about their collections!

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Seeing comes before words. The child looks and recognizes before it can speak.

But there is also another sense in which seeing comes before words. It is seeing which establishes our place in the surrounding world; we explain that world with words, but words can never undo the fact that we are surrounded by it. The relation between what we see and what we know is never settled. Each evening we see the sun set. We know that the earth is turning away from it. Yet the knowledge, the explanation, never quite fits the sight. The Surrealist painter Magritte commented on this always-present gap between words and seeing in a painting called The Key of Dreams.

The way we see things is affected by what we know or what we believe. In the Middle Ages when men believed in the physical existence of Hell the sight of fire must have meant something different from what it means today. Nevertheless their idea of Hell owed a lot to the sight of fire consuming and the ashes remaining - as well as to their experience of the pain of burns.

When in love, the sight of the beloved has a completeness which no words and no embrace can match : a completeness which only the act of making love can temporarily accommodate.

Yet this seeing which comes before words, and can never be quite covered by them, is not a question of mechanically reacting to stimuli. (It can only be thought of in this way if one isolates the small part of the process which concerns the eye's retina.) We only see what we look at. To look is an act of choice. As a result of this act, what we see is brought within our reach - though not necessarily within arm's reach. To touch something is to situate oneself in relation to it. (Close your eyes, move round the room and notice how the faculty of touch is like a static, limited form of sight.) We never look at just one thing; we are always looking at the relation between things and ourselves. Our vision is continually active, continually moving, continually holding things in a circle around itself, constituting what is present to us as we are.

Soon after we can see, we are aware that we can also be seen. The eye of the other combines with our own eye to make it fully credible that we are part of the visible world.

If we accept that we can see that hill over there, we propose that from that hill we can be seen. The reciprocal nature of vision is more fundamental than that of spoken dialogue. And often dialogue is an attempt to verbalize this - an attempt to explain how, either metaphorically or literally, 'you see things', and an attempt to discover how 'he sees things'.

In the sense in which we use the word in this book, all images are man-made.

An image is a sight which has been recreated or reproduced. It is an appearance, or a set of appearances, which has been detached from the place and time in which it first made its appearance and preserved - for a few moments or a few centuries. Every image embodies a way of seeing. Even a photograph. For photographs are not, as is often assumed, a mechanical record. Every time we look at a photograph, we are aware, however slightly, of the photographer selecting that sight from an infinity of other possible sights. This is true even in the most casual family snapshot. The photographer's way of seeing is reflected in his choice of subject. The painter's way of seeing is reconstituted by the marks he makes on the canvas or paper. Yet, although every image embodies a way of seeing, our perception or appreciation of an image depends also upon our own way of seeing. (It may be, for example, that Sheila is one figure among twenty; but for our own reasons she is the one we have eyes for.)

Images were first made to conjure up the appearances of something that was absent. Gradually it became evident that an image could outlast what it represented; it then showed how something or somebody had once looked - and thus by implication how the subject had once been seen by other people. Later still the specific vision of the image-maker was also recognized as part of the record. An image became a record of how X had seen V. This was the result of an increasing consciousness of individuality, accompanying an increasing awareness of history. It would be rash to try to date this last development precisely. But certainly in Europe such consciousness has existed since the beginning of the Renaissance.

No other kind of relic or text from the past can offer such a direct testimony about the world which surrounded other people at other times. In this respect images are more precise and richer than literature. To say this is not to deny the expressive or imaginative quality of art, treating it as mere documentary evidence; the more imaginative the work, the more profoundly it allows us to share the artist's experience of the visible.

Yet when an image is presented as a work of art, the way people look at it is affected by a whole series of learnt assumptions about art. Assumptions concerning

Beauty

Truth

Genius

Civilization

Form

Status

Taste,

etc.

Many of these assumptions no longer accord with the world as it is. (The world-as-it-is is more than pure objective fact, it includes consciousness.) Out of true with the present, these assumptions obscure the past. They mystify rather than clarify. The past is never there waiting to be discovered, to be recognized for exactly what it is. History always constitutes the relation between a present and its past. Consequently fear of the present leads to mystification of the past. The past is not for living in; it is a well of conclusions from which we draw in order to act. Cultural mystification of the past entails a double loss. Works of art are made unnecessarily remote. And the past offers us fewer conclusions to complete in action.

When we 'see' a landscape, we situate ourselves in it. If we 'saw' the art of the past, we would situate ourselves in history. When we are prevented from seeing it, we are being deprived of the history which belongs to us. Who benefits from this deprivation? In the end, the art of the past is being mystified because a privileged minority is striving to invent a history which can retrospectively justify the role of the ruling classes, and such a justification can no longer make sense in modern terms. And so, inevitably, it mystifies.

Let us consider a typical example of such mystification. A two-volume study was recently published on Frans Hals.' It is the authoritative work to date on this painter. As a book of specialized art history it is no better and no worse than the average.

The last two great paintings by Frans Hals portray the Governors and the Governesses of an Alms House for old paupers in the Dutch seventeenth-century city of Haarlem. They were officially commissioned portraits. Hals, an old man of over eighty, was destitute. Most of his life he had been in debt. During the winter of 1664, the year he began painting these pictures, he obtained three loads of peat on public charity, otherwise he would have frozen to death. Those who now sat for him were administrators of such public charity.

The author records these facts and then explicitly says that it would be incorrect to read into the paintings any criticism of the sitters. There is no evidence, he says, that Hals painted them in a spirit of bitterness. The author considers them, however, remarkable works of art and explains why. Here he writes of the Regentesses:

Each woman speaks to us of the human condition with equal importance. Each woman stands out with equal clarity against the enormous dark surface, yet they are linked by a firm rhythmical arrangement and the subdued diagonal pattern formed by their heads and hands. Subtle modulations of the deep, glowing blacks contribute to the harmonious fusion of the whole and form an unforgettable contrast with the powerful whites and vivid flesh tones where the detached strokes reach a peak of breadth and strength. (our italics)

The compositional unity of a painting contributes fundamentally to the power of its image. It is reasonable to consider a painting's composition. But here the composition is written about as though it were in itself the emotional charge of the painting. Terms like harmonious fusion, unforgettable contrast, reaching a peak of breadth and strength transfer the emotion provoked by the image from the plane of lived experience, to that of disinterested 'art appreciation'. All conflict disappears. One is left with the unchanging 'human condition', and the painting considered as a marvellously made object.

Very little is known about Hals or the Regents who commissioned him. It is not possible to produce circumstantial evidence to establish what their relations were. But there is the evidence of the paintings themselves: the evidence of a group of men and a group of women as seen by another man, the painter. Study this evidence and judge for yourself.

The art historian fears such direct judgement:

As in so many other pictures by Hals, the penetrating characterizations almost seduce us into believing that we know the personality traits and even the habits of the men and women portrayed.

What is this 'seduction' he writes of ? It is nothing less than the paintings working upon'us. They work upon us because we accept the way Hals saw his sitters. We do not accept this innocently. We accept it in so far as it corresponds to our own observation of people, gestures. faces, institutions. This is possible because we still live in a society of comparable social relations and moral values. And it is precisely this which gives the paintings their psychological and social urgency. It is this - not the painter's skill as a 'seducer' - which convinces us that we can know the people portrayed.

The author continues: In the case of some critics the seduction has been a total success. It has, for example, been asserted that the Regent in the tipped slouch hat, which hardly covers any of his long, lank hair, and whose curiously set eyes do not focus, was shown in a drunken state.

This, he suggests, is a libel. He argues that it was a fashion at that time to wear hats on the side of the head. He cites medical opinion to prove that the Regent's expression could well be the result of a facial paralysis. He insists that the painting would have been unacceptable to the Regents if one of them had been portrayed drunk. One might go on discussing each of these points for pages. (Men in seventeenth-century Holland wore their hats on the side of their heads in order to be thought of as adventurous and pleasure-loving. Heavy drinking was an approved practice. Etcetera.) But such a discussion would take us even farther away from the only confrontation which matters and which the author is determined to evade.

In this confrontation the Regents and Regentesses stare at Hals, a destitute old painter who has lost his reputation and lives off public charity; he examines them through the eyes of a pauper who must nevertheless try to be objective, i.e., must try to surmount the way he sees as a pauper. This is the drama of these paintings. A drama of an ' unforgettable contrast '.

Mystification has little to do with the vocabulary used. Mystification is the process of explaining away what might otherwise be evident. Hals was the first portraitist to paint the new characters and expressions created by capitalism. He did in pictorial terms what Balzac did two centuries later in literature. Yet the author of the authoritative work on these paintings sums up the artist's achievement by referring to

Hals's unwavering commitment to his personal vision, which enriches our consciousness of our fellow men and heightens our awe for the ever-increasing power of the mighty impulses that enabled him to give us a close view of life's vital forces.

That is mystification.

In order to avoid mystifying the past (which can equally well suffer pseudo-Marxist mystification) let us now examine the particular relation which now exists, so far as pictorial images are concerned, between the present and the past. If we can see the present clearly enough, we shall ask the right questions of the past.

Today we see the art of the past as nobody saw it before. We actually perceive it in a different way.

This difference can be illustrated in terms of what was thought of as perspective. The convention of perspective, which is unique to European art and which was first established in the early Renaissance, centres everything on the eye of the beholder. It is like a beam from a lighthouse - only instead of light travelling outwards, appearances travel in. The conventions called those appearances reality. Perspective makes the single eye the centre of the visible world. Everything converges on to the eye as to the vanishing point of infinity. The visible world is arranged for the spectator as the universe was once thought to be arranged for God.

According to the convention of perspective there is no visual reciprocity. There is no need for God to situate himself in relation to others: he is himself the situation. The inherent contradiction in perspective was that it structured all images of reality to address a single spectator who, unlike God, could only be in one place at a time.

After the invention of the camera this contradiction gradually became apparent.

This quotation is from an article written in 1923 by Dziga Veritov, the revolutionary Soviet film director

I'm an eye. A mechanical eye. I, the machine, show you a world the way only I can see it. I free myself for today and forever from human immobility. I'm in constant movement. I approach and pull away from objects. I creep under them. i move alongside a running horse's mouth. I fall and rise with the falling and rising bodies. This is I, the machine, manoeuvring in the chaotic movements, recording one movement after another in the most complex combinations. Freed from the boundaries of time and space, I co-ordinate any and all points of the universe, wherever I want them to be. My way leads towards the creation of a fresh perception of the world. Thus I explain in a new way the world unknown to you.*

The camera isolated momentary appearances and in so doing destroyed the idea that images were timeless. Or, to put it another way, the camera showed that the notion of time passing was inseparable from the experience of the visual (except in paintings). What you saw depended upon where you were when. What you saw was relative to your position in time and space. It was no longer possible to imagine everything converging on the human eye as on the vanishing point of infinity.

This is not to say that before the invention of the camera men believed that everyone could see everything. But perspective organized the visual field as though that were indeed the ideal. Every drawing or painting that used perspective proposed to the spectator that he was the unique centre of the world. The camera - and more particularly the movie camera - demonstrated that there was no centre.

The invention of the camera changed the way men saw. The visible came to mean something different to them. This was immediately reflected in painting.

For the Impressionists the visible no longer presented itself to man in order to be seen. On the contrary, the visible, in continual flux, became fugitive. For the Cubists the visible was no longer what confronted the single eye, but the totality of possible views taken from points all round the object (or person) being depicted.

The invention of the camera also changed the way in which men saw paintings painted long before the camera was invented. Originally paintings were an integral part of the building for which they were designed. Sometimes in an early Renaissance church or chapel one has the feeling that the images on the wall are records of the building's interior life, that together they make up the building's memory - so much are they part of the particularity of the building.

The uniqueness of every painting was once part of the uniqueness of the place where it resided. Sometimes the painting was transportable. But it could never be seen in two places at the same time. When the camera reproduces a painting, it destroys the uniqueness of its image. As a result its meaning changes. Or, more exactly, its meaning multiplies and fragments into many meanings.

This is vividly illustrated by what happens when a painting is shown on a television screen. The painting enters each viewer's house. There it is surrounded by his wallpaper, his furniture, his mementoes. It enters the atmosphere of his family. It becomes their talking point. It lends its meaning to their meaning. At the same time it enters a million other houses and, in each of them, is seen in a different context. Because of the camera, the painting now travels to the spectator rather than the spectator to the painting. In its travels, its meaning is diversified.

One might argue that all reproductions more or less distort, and that therefore the original painting is still in a sense unique. Here is a reproduction of the Virgin of the Rocks by Leonardo da Vinci.

Having seen this reproduction, one can go to the National Gallery to look at the original and there discover what the reproduction lacks. Alternatively one can forget about the quality of the reproduction and simply be reminded, when one sees the original, that it is a famous painting of which somewhere one has already seen a reproduction. But in either case the uniqueness of the original now lies in it being the original of a reproduction. It is no longer what its image shows that strikes one as unique; its first meaning is no longer to be found in what it says, but in what it is.

This new status of the original work is the perfectly rational consequence of the new means of reproduction. But it is at this point that a process of mystification again enters. The meaning of the original work no longer lies in what it uniquely says but in what it uniquely is. How is its unique existence evaluated and defined in our present culture? It is defined as an object whose value depends upon its rarity. This value is affirmed and gauged by the price it fetches on the market. But because it is nevertheless 'a work of art' - and art is thought to be greater than commerce - its market price is said to be a reflection of its spiritual value. Yet the spiritual value of an object, as distinct from a message or an example, can only be explained in terms of magic or religion. And since in modern society neither of these is a living force, the art object, the 'work of art', is enveloped in an atmosphere of entirely bogus religiosity. Works of art are discussed and presented as though they were holy relics: relics which are first and foremost evidence of their own survival. The past in which they originated is studied in order to prove their survival genuine. They are declared art when their line of descent can be certified.

Before the Virgin of the Rocks the visitor to the National Gallery would be encouraged by nearly everything he might have heard and read about the painting to feel something like this: 'I am in front of it. I can see it. This painting by Leonardo is unlike any other in the world. The National Gallery has the real one. If I look at this painting hard enough, I should somehow be able to feel its authenticity. The Virgin of the Rocks by Leonardo da Vinci: it is authentic and therefore it is beautiful.'

To dismiss such feelings as naive would be quite wrong. They accord perfectly with the sophisticated culture of art experts for whom the National Gallery catalogue is written. The entry on the Virgin of the Rocks is one of the longest entries. It consists of fourteen closely printed pages. They do not deal with the meaning of the image. They deal with who commissioned the painting, legal squabbles, who owned it, its likely date, the families of its owners. Behind this information lie years of research. The aim of the research is to prove beyond any shadow of doubt that the painting is a genuine Leonardo. The secondary aim is to prove that an almost identical painting in the Louvre is a replica of the National Gallery version.

French art historians try to prove the opposite.

The National Gallery sells more reproductions of Leonardo's cartoon of The Virgin and Child with St Anne and St John the Baptist than any other picture in their collection. A few years ago it was known only to scholars. It became famous because an American wanted to buy it for two and a half million pounds.

Now it hangs in a room by itself. The room is like a chapel. The drawing is behind bullet-proof perspex. It has acquired a new kind of impressiveness. Not because of what it shows - not because of the meaning of its image. It has become impressive, mysterious, because of its market value.

The bogus religiosity which now surrounds original works of art, and which is ultimately dependent upon their market value, has become the substitute for what paintings lost when the camera made them reproducible. Its function is nostalgic. It is the final empty claim for the continuing values of an oligarchic, undemocratic culture. If the image is no longer unique and exclusive, the art object, the thing, must be made mysteriously so.

The majority of the population do not visit art museums. The following table shows how closely an interest in art is related to privileged education.

The majority take it as axiomatic that the museums are full of holy relics which refer to a mystery which excludes them: the mystery of unaccountable wealth. Or, to put this another way, they believe that original masterpieces belong to the preserve (both materially and spiritually) of the rich. Another table indicates what the idea of an art gallery suggests to each social class.

In the age of pictorial reproduction the meaning of paintings is no longer attached to them; their meaning becomes transmittable: that is to say it becomes information of a sort, and, like all information, it is either put to use or ignored; information carries no special authority within itself. When a painting is put to use, its meaning is either modified or totally changed. One should be quite clear about what this involves. It is not a question of reproduction failing to reproduce certain aspects of an image faithfully; it is a question of reproduction making it possible, even inevitable, that an image will be used for many different purposes and that the reproduced image, unlike an original work, can lend itself to them all. Let us examine some of the ways in which the reproduced image lends itself to such usage.

Reproduction isolates a detail of a painting from the whole. The detail is transformed. An allegorical figure becomes a portrait of a girl.

When a painting is reproduced by a film camera it inevitably becomes material for the film-maker's argument.

A film which reproduces images of a painting leads the spectator, through the painting, to the film-maker's own conclusions. The painting lends authority to the film-maker.

This is because a film unfolds in time and a painting does not.

In a film the way one image follows another, their succession, constructs an argument which becomes irreversible.

In a painting all its elements are there to be seen simultaneously. The spectator may need time to examine each element of the painting but whenever he reaches a conclusion, the simultaneity of the whole painting is there to reverse or qualify his conclusion. The painting maintains its own authority.

Paintings are often reproduced with words around them.

This is a landscape of a cornfield with birds flying out of it. Look at it for a moment. Then turn the page.

It is hard to define exactly how the words have changed the image but undoubtedly they have. The image now illustrates the sentence.

In this essay each image reproduced has become part of an argument which has little or nothing to do with the painting's original independent meaning. The words have quoted the paintings to confirm their own verbal authority. (The essays without words in this book may make that distinction clearer.)

Reproduced paintings, like all information, have to hold their own against all the other information being continually transmitted.

Consequently a reproduction, as well as making its own references to the image of its original, becomes itself the reference point for other images. The meaning of an image is changed according to what one sees immediately beside it or what comes immediately after it. Such authority as it retains, is distributed over the whole context in which it appears.

Because works of art are reproducible, they can, theoretically, be used by anybody. Yet mostly - in art books, magazines, films or within gilt frames in living-rooms - reproductions are still used to bolster the illusion that nothing has changed, that art, with its unique undiminished authority, justifies most other forms of authority, that art makes inequality seem noble and hierarchies seem thrilling. For example, the whole concept of the National Cultural Heritage exploits the authority of art to glorify the present social system and its priorities.

The means of reproduction are used politically and commercially to disguise or deny what their existence makes possible. But sometimes individuals use them differently.

Adults and children sometimes have boards in their bedrooms or living-rooms on which they pin pieces of paper: letters, snapshots, reproductions of paintings, newspaper cuttings, original drawings, postcards. On each board all the images belong to the same language and all are more or less equal within it, because they have been chosen in a highly personal way to match and express the experience of the room's inhabitant. Logically, these boards should replace museums.

What are we saying by that? Let us first be sure about what we are not saying.

We are not saying that there is nothing left to experience before original works of art except a sense of awe because they have survived. The way original works of art are usually approached - through museum catalogues, guides, hired cassettes, etc. - is not the only way they might be approached. When the art of the past ceases to be viewed nostalgically, the works will cease to be holy relics - although they will never re-become what they were before the age of reproduction. We are not saying original works of art are now useless.

Original paintings are silent and still in a sense that information never is. Even a reproduction hung on a wall is not comparable in this respect for in the original the silence and stillness permeate the actual material, the paint, in which one follows the traces of the painter's immediate gestures. This has the effect of closing the distance in time between the painting of the picture and one's own act of looking at it. In this special sense all paintings are contemporary. Hence the immediacy of their testimony. Their historical moment is literally there before our eyes. Cézanne made a similar observation from the painter's point of view. 'A minute in the world's life passes! To paint it in its reality, and forget everything for that! To become that minute, to be the sensitive plate . . . give the image of what we see, forgetting everything that has appeared before our time . . .' What we make of that painted moment when it is before our eyes depends upon what we expect of art, and that in turn depends today upon how we have already experienced the meaning of paintings through reproductions.

Or are we saying that all art can be understood spontaneously. We are not claiming that to cut out a magazine reproduction of an archaic Greek head, because it is reminiscent of some personal experience, and to pin it on to a board beside other disparate images, is to come to terms with the full meaning of that head.

The idea of innocence faces two ways. By refusing to enter a conspiracy, one remains innocent of that conspiracy. But to remain innocent may also be to remain ignorant. The issue is not between innocence and knowledge (or between the natural and the cultural) but between a total approach to art which attempts to relate it to every aspect of experience and the esoteric approach of a few specialized experts who are the clerks of the nostalgia of a ruling class in decline. (In decline, not before the proletariat, but before the new power of the corporation and the state.) The real question is: to whom does the meaning of the art of the past properly belong? To those who can apply it to their own lives, or to a cultural hierarchy of relic specialists?

The visual arts have always existed within a certain preserve; originally this preserve was magical or sacred. But it was also physical: it was the place, the cave, the building, in which, or for which, the work was made. The experience of art, which at first was the experience of ritual, was set apart from the rest of life - precisely in order to be able to exercise power over it. Later the preserve of art became a social one. It entered the culture of the ruling class, whilst physically it was set apart and isolated in their palaces and houses. During all this history the authority of art was inseparable from the particular authority of the preserve.

What the modem means of reproduction have done is to destroy the authority of art and to remove it - or, rather, to remove its images which they reproduce - from any preserve. For the first time ever, images of art have become ephemeral, ubiquitous, insubstantial, available, valueless, free. They surround us in the same way as a language surrounds us. They have entered the mainstream of life over which they no longer, in themselves, have power.

Yet very few people are aware of what has happened because the means of reproduction are used nearly all the time to promote the illusion that nothing has changed except that the masses, thanks to reproductions, can now begin to appreciate art as the cultured minority once did. Understandably, the masses remain uninterested and sceptical.

If the new language of images were used differently, it would, through its use, confer a new kind of power. Within it we could begin to define our experiences more precisely in areas where words are inadequate. (Seeing comes before words.) Not only personal experience, but also the essential historical experience of our relation to the past: that is to say the experience of seeking to give meaning to our lives, of trying to understand the history of which we can become the active agents.

The art of the past no longer exists as it once did. Its authority is lost. In its place there is a language of images. What matters now is who uses that language for what purpose. This touches upon questions of copyright for reproduction, the ownership of art presses and publishers, the total policy of public art galleries and museums. As usually presented, these are narrow professional matters. One of the aims of this essay has been to show that what is really at stake is much larger. A people or a class which is cut off from its own past is far less free to choose and to act as a people or class than one that has been able to situate itself in history. This is why - and this is the only reason why - the entire art of the past has now become a political issue.

Any of the ideas in the preceding essay have been taken from' another, written over forty years ago by the German critic and philosopher Walter Benjamin.

His essay was entitled The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. This essay is available in English in a collection called Illuminations (Cape, London 1970).

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In chapter 1 of Ways of Seeing, Berger, borrowing from the ideas of Walter Benjamin, argues that our ability to reproduce art on a mass scale has fundamentally altered how we encounter it in the world.

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