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School Violence is a continued issue that must be addressed across the nation. Daily, students are faced with violence in the school setting and in the community causing stress, fear, and anxiety. Thus, increasing the chances of extreme consequences ranging from dropping out and even death. Current statistics show a decrease in school violence but the problem is major and continues to affect the school setting and our surroundings. It is important to address this issue starting by raising awareness, to avoid trauma and long-term mental health complications. By working together and including our students in the process, we can bring light to the problem. We must continue voicing these concerns to encourage school officials and authorities to take steps to address school violence.

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http://schoolbasedhealthcare.org/key-issues/school-violence

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School violence is violence that occurs in the school setting, such as on school property or on the way to or from school, or during a school-sponsored event or on the way to or from a school-sponsored event. It describes violent acts that disrupt learning and have a negative effect on students, schools, and the broader community (CDC, 2024).

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What is school violence?

School violence is violence that occurs in the school setting, such as on school property or on the way to or from school, or during a school-sponsored event or on the way to or from a school-sponsored event. It describes violent acts that disrupt learning and have a negative effect on students, schools, and the broader community.

Examples of school violence include:

Bullying and cyberbullying.

Fighting (e.g., punching, slapping, kicking).

Weapon use.

Gang violence.

Sexual violence.

Quick facts and stats

In 2019, CDC's nationwide Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) was administered to high school students across the United States. According to YRBS results from 13,677 students:

About one in five high school students reported being bullied on school property in the last year.

8% of high school students had been in a physical fight on school property one or more times during the 12 months before the survey.

More than 7% of high school students had been threatened or injured with a weapon (e.g., a gun, knife, or club) on school property one or more times during the 12 months before the survey.

Almost 9% of high school students had not gone to school at least one day during the 30 days before the survey because they felt they would be unsafe at school or on their way to or from school.

Prevention

All students have the right to learn in a safe school environment. The good news is school violence can be prevented. Many factors contribute to school violence. Preventing school violence requires addressing the factors that put people at risk for or protect them from violence. Research shows that prevention efforts by teachers, administrators, parents, community members, and even students can reduce violence and improve the school environment.

CDC developed Prevention Resources for Action, formerly known as "technical packages," to help communities and states prioritize prevention strategies based on the best available evidence. The strategies and approaches in the Resources for Action are intended to shape individual behaviors as well as the relationship, family, school, community, and societal factors that influence risk and protective factors for violence. They are meant to work together and to be used in combination in a multi-level, multi-sector effort to prevent violence.

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This page defines school violence, presents the latest data, and describes prevention strategies.

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Educating ourselves and our students is the first step to violence prevention. Defining violence is an important aspect to ensure students are able to recognize possible violence and when they are being targeted.

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talking to children about violence 2021 (1)

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Examples of school violence include:

-bullying and cyberbullying

-fighting, punching, slapping, kicking

-weapon use

-gang violence

-sexual violence

https://www.cdc.gov/youth-violence/about/about-school-violence.html

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This training benefits students, parents, and teachers as it provides guidance on how to recognize a possible threat. It emphasizes the importance of reporting the threat and what not to do to avoid consequences including further escalation.

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Students, teachers and staff, members of the LGBT community, parents and guardians, and members of the community can all be affected by school violence. School violence can happen at all levels including elementary, middle and high school. The National Center for Education Statistics revealed that in 2020-2021 middle schools rates of violence were higher than elementary and high schools.

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Press Release - New Schools Data Examine Violent Incidents, Bullying, Drug Possession, 'Restorative'

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Prevention Resource is an initiative by the CDC that uses evidence-based strategies to prevent youth violence. It focuses on developing and promoting family environment that support healthy development. For example, providing quality education in early life and strengthening youth skills (CDC, 2023).

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Every student deserves a healthy learning environment free from distress, danger, and toxicity. Unfortunately, in a survey conducted by the CDC in 2019 to 13,677 students across the U.S., one in five students reported being bullied on school property in the past year.

Also,

8% of high school students had been in a physical fight on school property one or more times during the 12 months before the survey.

More than 7% of high school students had been threatened or injured with a weapon (e.g., a gun, knife, or club) on school property one or more times during the 12 months before the survey.

Almost 9% of high school students had not gone to school at least one day during the 30 days before the survey because they felt they would be unsafe at school or on their way to or from school.

https://www.cdc.gov/youth-violence/about/about-school-violence.html

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
What is school violence?

School violence is violence that occurs in the school setting, such as on school property or on the way to or from school, or during a school-sponsored event or on the way to or from a school-sponsored event. It describes violent acts that disrupt learning and have a negative effect on students, schools, and the broader community.

Examples of school violence include:

Bullying and cyberbullying.

Fighting (e.g., punching, slapping, kicking).

Weapon use.

Gang violence.

Sexual violence.

Quick facts and stats

In 2019, CDC's nationwide Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) was administered to high school students across the United States. According to YRBS results from 13,677 students:

About one in five high school students reported being bullied on school property in the last year.

8% of high school students had been in a physical fight on school property one or more times during the 12 months before the survey.

More than 7% of high school students had been threatened or injured with a weapon (e.g., a gun, knife, or club) on school property one or more times during the 12 months before the survey.

Almost 9% of high school students had not gone to school at least one day during the 30 days before the survey because they felt they would be unsafe at school or on their way to or from school.

Prevention

All students have the right to learn in a safe school environment. The good news is school violence can be prevented. Many factors contribute to school violence. Preventing school violence requires addressing the factors that put people at risk for or protect them from violence. Research shows that prevention efforts by teachers, administrators, parents, community members, and even students can reduce violence and improve the school environment.

CDC developed Prevention Resources for Action, formerly known as "technical packages," to help communities and states prioritize prevention strategies based on the best available evidence. The strategies and approaches in the Resources for Action are intended to shape individual behaviors as well as the relationship, family, school, community, and societal factors that influence risk and protective factors for violence. They are meant to work together and to be used in combination in a multi-level, multi-sector effort to prevent violence.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This page defines school violence, presents the latest data, and describes prevention strategies.

# data[].attributes.body
School violence is a deep life changing experience that happens on a daily. A single event can completely alter our lives, in just one second. The sadness and sorrow that students, teachers, and community members face after a violent event make violence prevention an urgent matter. The most painful aspect of violence is the trickle effects that it has on the young minds. In confronting school violence, prevention must be a key focus. This means, promoting an inclusive environment that focuses on empathy and respect. School violence is a challenge but if we confront it with compassion and determination, we can promote a safe, peaceful, nurturing, and healthy learning environment. The benefit of integrating evidence-based interventions is that they are valuable and effective. Through prevention and intervention, we can teach our students to be observant and proactive.

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Lee E. Effects of School Violence on Depression and Suicidal Ideation in Multicultural Adolescents. Iran J Public Health. 2019 Feb;48(2):262-269. PMID: 31205880; PMCID: PMC6556187.

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Abstract

Background:

This study investigated how experiencing school violence affects depression and suicidal ideation in multicultural adolescents.

Methods:

Overall, 63444 adolescents from grades 7-12 (ages 12-18 yr) who participated in the 11th Korea Youth Risk Behavior Web-based Survey (KYRBS-XI) were enrolled from Jun 1 to Jun 30, 2015. Adolescents with at least one parent of non-Korean nationality were classified as multicultural adolescents. A logistic regression analysis of depression and suicidal ideation on the experience of violence was conducted with age, gender, city size, academic achievement, economic status, and level of stress as control variables.

Results:

Multicultural adolescents were found to have low grades, low economic status, come from smaller cities, and experience more school violence and stress compared to non-multicultural adolescents. Multicultural adolescents who experienced school violence were 5.41 times (95% CI 3.22, 9.11) more likely to be depressed than those who did not experience violence, whereas, non-multicultural adolescents were 3.75 times (95% CI 3.34, 4.20) more likely to be depressed. The effect of school violence on suicidal ideation was also stronger for multicultural adolescents. Multicultural adolescents who experienced school violence were 7.78 times (95% CI 4.34, 13.96) more likely to have suicidal ideation than those who did not experience violence, while non-multicultural adolescents were 4.17 times (95% CI 3.64, 4.78) more likely to have suicidal ideation.

Conclusion:

Adolescents who experience school violence more frequently showed a higher risk for depression and suicidal ideation, and the effect of school violence on depression and suicidal ideation was relatively stronger in multicultural adolescents.

Keywords: School violence, Depression, Suicidal ideation, Multicultural adolescents

Introduction

Multicultural families have become an integral part of society with an increase in the number of international marriages and the influx of foreign workers. The demand for multicultural families to go beyond the basic settlement stage of initial formation towards a more socially and economically integrated settlement is increasing ( 1). According to the National Survey of Multicultural Families 2015, there were 278,036 multicultural households in Korea, and 82,476 adolescents were from multicultural families. This shows a 24.0% increase from the 2012 survey (66,536 adolescents), a trend that reflects the increase in the number of multicultural families.

With an increase in the number of international marriages and the birth and growth of children in multicultural families, children and adolescents reach their potential as important members of society. However, in reality, adolescents from multicultural families discontinue their studies due to difficulties in learning activities, relationships with peers and teachers, and family circumstances, more often than the general population ( 2). As the number of single-parent and dual-income families is increasing, school violence is also increasing owing to the weakened caregiving functions of families. The growing influence of media violence and diminished functions of schools and teachers are other causes of school violence.

There is growing concern over the need for societal measures to be established in response to school violence being raised as a serious juvenile issue. Particularly for multicultural adolescents with distinct physical characteristics or cultural backgrounds, differences in outward appearance can lead to social exclusion, and school adjustment tends to be low when adolescents are aware of these differences ( 3). The proportion of multi-cultural adolescents experienced school violence is 5.0%; 5.3% males and 4.6% females. The rate of school violence decreases with an increase in the age of the students ( 2). When compared to adolescents from typical families, 44.3% of multi-cultural adolescents experienced physical violence and fights, which is higher than the frequency for non-multicultural adolescents (34.2%) ( 4). The resultant stress in adolescents increases the risk of depression ( 5) and suicide ( 6), as well as the risk of deviant behaviors such as smoking and alcohol consumption ( 7). Multicultural adolescents experience not only the difficulties of puberty but also experience adjustment stress that stems from cultural and ethnic differences since culture can intensify the stress experience compared to general kinds of stress ( 8, 9). Gender is another aspect considered when evaluating multicultural adolescents. Although existing studies have examined the mental health of multicultural adolescents ( 10, 11), they offer only a piecemeal view by limiting the scope to multicultural adolescents. No study has explored the relative strength of the relationship among violence, depression, and suicide by making cross-comparisons between multicultural and nonmulticultural adolescents. Thus, the present study examined and compared the effects of experiencing school violence on depression and suicide in multicultural adolescents and non-multicultural adolescents.

Materials and Methods

Multicultural adolescents were identified as having at least one parent of non-Korean nationality. Raw data were obtained from the 11th Korea Youth Risk Behavior Web-based Survey (KYRBS- XI), conducted from Jun 1 to Jun 30, 2015, to investigate the health behaviors of Korean adolescents from grades 7-12 (aged 12-18 yr) ( 12). The participants were middle and high school students from across Korea and were selected in Apr 2014 from a sampling frame based on school type and district area. The 11th (2015) survey included 68,043 students from 797 schools out of a total of 800 schools including 400 middle schools and 400 high schools, and data from 63,444 students were used for the present study after excluding those without parents. The experience of school violence was considered an experience of hospital treatment due to school violence.

The KYRBS-XI consists of 125 items across 14 domains including tobacco use, alcohol use, physical activity, dietary behaviors, obesity and weight control, mental health, unintentional injury behaviors, oral health, personal hygiene, sexual behaviors, atopy and asthma, internet addiction, health equity, violence, and subjective health ( 12). The present study used variables relevant to multicultural family, experience of violence leading to hospital treatment, mental health, and general characteristics.

Stress, depression, and suicidal ideation were variables used in the mental health category. Age, gender, city size, academic achievement, and economic status were used for general characteristics. The study was approved by the university's Institutional Review Board (no. 1041231-150616-HR-028-01).

Statistical analysis

To compare the general characteristics of multicultural and non-multicultural adolescents, a cross-tabulation analysis and the chi-square test of homogeneity were used by SAS (9.2). As age and stress level are quantitative variables, they were analyzed using the independent samples t-test. To examine the relationship between adolescents' experience of school violence and multi-culturalism, holding general characteristics constant, the Cochran-Mantel-Haenszel (CMH) test was conducted ( 13). In addition, to analyze whether the degree of association between experience of school violence and multiculturalism (odds ratio) differs across general characteristics, the Breslow-Day test was used. Of the general characteristics, age and stress level were analyzed as main effects, interaction effects, and confounding effects in the linear model. Lastly, logistic regression was performed for both adolescent groups with experience of school violence as an independent variable, depression and suicidal ideation defined as dependent variables, and general characteristics and stress as control variables. For the logistic regression analysis, 95% confidence intervals were constructed for the odds ratio estimates, and the Wald statistic was used to test for homogeneity in order to compare multicultural and non-multicultural adolescents.

To analyze the effect of experiencing school violence on depression depending on adolescents' multiculturalism, a logistic regression analysis was performed to examine the odds ratios in the four models. In model 1, the independent variable was the experience of school violence and the dependent variable was depression/suicidal ideation. In model 2, stress was added to the first model as a control variable. In model 3, general characteristics like gender, age, academic achievement, economic status, and city size were added to the first model as control variables. In model 4 (saturated model), stress and general characteristics, gender, age, academic achievement, economic status, and city size, were added to the first model as control variables. Among these models, a model with significant and control variables was adopted as the final model.

Results

Of the 68,043 participants in the KYRBS- XI, 63,444 remained after excluding those with both parents absent. Of this, 795 (1.3%) adolescents were from multicultural families, and 62,649 were not. The number of adolescents who experienced school violence was 1,271 (2.0%), and 62,173 had no such experience.

The distribution of the general characteristics in the multicultural and non-multicultural adolescent groups showed statistically significant differences between the two groups, except for gender. For academic achievement and economic status, multicultural adolescents were highly distributed in the average and low range, showing lower figures in both indicators compared to nonmulticultural adolescents. Regarding the size of the cities in which the students resided, a disproportionate number of multicultural adolescents resided in the county areas whereas nonmulticultural adolescents resided in the metropolitan areas. There was a statistically significant difference in the mean ages of the two groups, with the multicultural adolescents being 0.23 yr younger than the non-multicultural adolescents. A large difference was seen in the domain of school violence with 10% of multicultural adolescents having experienced school violence compared to 1.9% for non-multicultural adolescents. That is, more multicultural adolescents were shown to be victims of violence than nonmulticultural adolescents. Multicultural adolescents showed a statistically significant difference in terms of high levels of perceived stress ( Table 1 ).

Table 1:

Variable

Non-multicultural adolescents (%)

Multicultural adolescents (%)

χ², t

P-value

Age (12-18, mean±SD)

14.94±1.74

14.71±1.73

3.660

<.001

Stress (0-5, mean±SD)

3.18±0.94

3.29±1.02

2.880

.004

Table 2 shows the association between adolescents' multiculturalism and experience of school violence after removing the effects of general characteristics. Statistically significant differences were found for all variables (compared using the CMH test). Examining whether the degree of association (odds ratio) between multiculturalism and experience of school violence differs for each item of the general characteristics revealed statistically significant differences for all variables (compared using the Breslow-Day test).

Table 2:

Variable

Non-multicultural adolescents (%)

Multicultural adolescents (%)

Total (%)

CMH Test

Breslow-Day Test

χ²

P-value

χ²

P-value

Total

1.9

10.0

2.0

Gender differences were found among multicultural adolescents, with males experiencing more school violence than females (males 11.3%, females 8.6%). When students with very high or very low academic achievement were multicultural adolescents, the proportion experiencing school violence was higher (24.9% and 12.0%, respectively). Multicultural adolescents with very high or very low economic status had higher rates of experiencing school violence (28.7% and 26.4%, respectively). In other words, multicultural adolescents were more likely to be victims of school violence when their academic achievement or economic status was either very high or very low.

Examining the level of stress depending on adolescents' experience of school violence and multi-culturalism revealed that the interaction between experience of school violence and multiculturalism was statistically significant, but not a large effect. Examining the age differences depending on adolescents' multiculturalism and experience of school violence showed a statistically significant association between age and experience of school violence, as well as multiculturalism. In other words, age differences in the experience of school violence were found between multicultural and non-multicultural adolescents, with multi-cultural adolescents who experienced school violence being relatively older than adolescents from non-multicultural families ( Table 3 ).

Table 3:

Variable

Experience of violence

Non- multicultural adolescents

Multicultural adolescents

Total

P-value

Stress
(0∼5)

Yes

3.43±1.14

3.20±1.40

3.42±1.16

a)  .331
b)  .537
c)  .002

Age
(12∼18)

Yes

14.71±1.70

15.62±1.83

14.73±1.71

a)  .029
b)  .041
c)  <.001

The effect of experiencing school violence on depression was statistically significant and relatively stronger in multicultural adolescents compared to non-multicultural adolescents. The difference between multicultural and nonmulticultural adolescents was statistically significant (compared by test of homogeneity using the Wald statistic) (w=5.380, P=.020). Depression in multicultural adolescents who experienced school violence was 5.41 times (95% CI 3.22, 9.11) higher than those who did not, but, in nonmulticultural adolescents, it was 3.75 higher (95% CI 3.34, 4.20), and this difference was statistically significant. That is, the effect of experiencing school violence on depression was relatively stronger for multicultural adolescents ( Table 4 ). The effect of the experience of school violence on suicidal ideation was statistically significant and relatively stronger in multicultural adolescents compared to non-multicultural adolescents. In the odds ratio test of homogeneity, the difference was statistically significant for the reduced model (model 1; w=10.693, P=.001) and the model controlling for stress (model 2; w=4.906, P=.027). In the model that controlled for stress, suicidal ideation was 7.78 times (95% CI 4.34, 13.96) higher in multicultural adolescents who experienced school violence than those who did not, whereas, in adolescents from non-multicultural families, it was 4.17 times (95% CI 3.64, 4.78) higher, and this difference was statistically significant.

Table 4:

Variable

Odds Ratio (95% CI)

Non-multicultural adolescents (Odds ratio (95% CI))

3.745 (3.342, 4.197)

Wald ( P-value )

5.380 (.020)

Stress (adjusted effect)

3.153 (3.054, 3.255)

Non-multicultural adolescents

4.172 (3.640, 4.781)

Stress (adjusted effect)

2.076 (1.668, 2.583)

Wald ( P-value )

4.906 (.027)

That is, the results show that the effect of experiencing school violence on suicidal ideation is relatively higher in multicultural adolescents ( Table 4 ).

Discussion

The present study investigated whether the effects of experiencing school violence on depression and suicidal ideation differ between multi-cultural and non-multicultural adolescents. Multi-cultural adolescents in Korea, compared to their non-multicultural counterparts, were found to have lower academic achievement and economic status, live in smaller cities, experience school violence and stress more frequently, and display poor quality of life and living environment. These findings are consistent with existing research ( 2, 4, 10). The risk of being exposed to school violence decreases as age increases; as seen in 11.1% elementary school students, 10.0% middle school students, and 4.2% high school students who experienced school violence for the first time ( 14). Our results showed that, for multicultural adolescents, the experience of school violence is more frequent if the students are male, younger, and have a low family income. This finding was consistent with existing research ( 2, 14). However, the finding that students from high-income families frequently experience school violence suggests that an approach that focuses solely on the low income multicultural adolescents may lead to biased results. School violence can be reduced through prevention education, counseling, as well as various intervention programs in schools ( 15, 16). Thus, the Korean government needs to implement various school violence prevention programs and interventions in collaboration with the school and local community to reduce stress in multicultural adolescents and promote successful adjustment and functioning.

In 2015, adolescent suicide was 7.2 per 100,000 population, and the second-largest number of transportation accidents was 4.0 per 100,000 population ( 17). The leading cause of death in adolescents in Korea from 2006 to 2015 was suicide ( 17), and stress and depression have been pointed out as the main causes of suicide ( 10). In particular, research examining adolescents' exposure to violence, as it is related to emotional problems, has found that exposure to violence leads to posttraumatic stress disorder and depression, and is related to a high prevalence of depression and suicidal ideation in adolescents ( 18- 20). In addition, multicultural adolescents experience violence more frequently compared to nonmulticultural adolescents, and that low family income is related to an increase in depression ( 2, 21). This supports the present finding that multi-cultural adolescents are subject to a low quality of life and poor living conditions, and that experience of violence has a relatively strong effect on depression and suicidal ideation under such conditions.

However, this study is limited in that the KYRBS-XI is a cross-sectional study. In addition, this was a secondary analysis and restructuring of data collected in a large-scale survey by a government agency. Therefore, further research on the degree of exposure to violence, type of violence, and perpetrators of violence, will yield more useful data for building programs, for multicultural adolescents designed to prevent school violence, and provide care for victims of violence. As the survey was conducted on an adolescent sample in Korea, the results of the present study cannot be generalized to the whole multicultural adolescent population. However, the data can serve as groundwork for perceiving multicultural adolescents as important members of society and providing policy-level support for them. Since the existing research on the severity of school violence, and the prevention and care programs being implemented target non-multicultural adolescents, there is a need for policies and programs for multicultural adolescents. Qualitative research providing data that are more detailed and research on developing prevention and depression intervention programs are needed.

Conclusion

The experience of school violence in adolescence can lead to depression and suicidal ideation. In particular, this effect was relatively stronger in multicultural adolescents, compared to nonmulticultural adolescents. Gender, age, academic achievement, income, and place of residence were all factors that influenced the experience of school violence in multicultural adolescents. Therefore, national policies and health education programs need to be created to reduce depression and suicidal ideation in adolescents who experience school violence, especially those coming from multicultural families.

Ethical considerations

Ethical issues (plagiarism, informed consent, misconduct, data fabrication and/or falsification, double publication and/or submission, redundancy, etc.) have been considered by the author.

Acknowledgements

The Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention provided the data for this study. This research was supported by the Academic Research Fund of Hoseo University in 2015 (2015-0128).

Footnotes

Conflict of interests
The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

References

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8. Tyson EH. (2004). Ethnic differences using behavior rating scales to assess the mental health of children: a conceptual and psychometric critique. Child Psychiatry Hum Dev, 34: 167-201. [[ PubMed] Google Scholar]

9. Rutter M, Caspi A, Moffitt TE. (2003). Using sex differences in psychopathology to study causal mechanisms: unifying issues and research strategies. J Child Psychol Psychiatry, 44: 1092-115. [[ PubMed] Google Scholar]

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13. Yu B, Gastwirth JL. (2008). A method of assessing the sensitivity of the Cochran-Mantel-Haenszel test to an unobserved confounder. Philos Trans A Math Phys Eng Sci, 366(1874):2377-88. [[ PubMed] PMC free article] [ Google Scholar]

18. Ozer EJ, Weinstein RS. (2004). Urban adolescents' exposure to community violence: the role of support, school safety, and social constraints in a school-based sample of boys and girls. J Clin Child Adolesc Psychol, 33(3): 463-76. [[ PubMed] Google Scholar]

19. Turner HA, Finkelhor D, Shattuck A, Hamby S. (2012). Recent victimization exposure and suicidal ideation in adolescents. Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med, 166(12): 1149-54. [[ PubMed] Google Scholar]

20. Klomek AB, Marrocco F, Kleinman M, et al. (2008). Peer victimization, depression, and suicidiality in adolescents. Suicide Life Threat Behav, 38(2): 166-80. [[ PubMed] Google Scholar]

21. Yu JH, Hwang SY. (2016). Factors affecting depression among adolescents from multicultural families in Korea: a comparison with those from general families. Social Work Practice & Research, 13(1): 115-46. [ Google Scholar]

Articles from Iranian Journal of Public Health are provided here courtesy of Tehran University of Medical Sciences

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Effects of School Violence on Depression and Suicidal Ideation in Multicultural Adolescents

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This study investigated how experiencing school violence affects depression and suicidal ideation in multicultural adolescents.Overall, 63444 adolescents from grades 7-12 (ages 12-18 yr) who participated in the 11th Korea Youth Risk Behavior ...

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http://schoolbasedhealthcare.org/key-issues/school-violence

https://www.cdc.gov/youth-violence/about/about-school-violence.html

https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7g4030nz

https://cops.usdoj.gov/pdf/2024ProgramDocs/svpp/Pre_award_Webinar.pdf

Lee E. Effects of School Violence on Depression and Suicidal Ideation in Multicultural Adolescents. Iran J Public Health. 2019 Feb;48(2):262-269. PMID: 31205880; PMCID: PMC6556187.

Ellington, B., Dunbar, A., & Wachter-Morris, C. (2023). Elevating and Expanding School Counselors’ Roles and Voices in the Prevention of School Violence. Professional School Counseling, 27(1). https://doi-

org.ric.idm.oclc.org/10.1177/2156759X221150003

Biernesser C, Ohmer M, Nelson L, Mann E, Farzan R, Schwanke B, Radovic A. Middle School Students' Experiences with Cyberbullying and Perspectives Toward Prevention and Bystander Intervention in Schools. J Sch Violence. 2023;22(3):339-352. doi: 10.1080/15388220.2023.2186417. Epub 2023 Mar 2. PMID: 37377674; PMCID: PMC10292780.

# data[].attributes.body
Ellington, B., Dunbar, A., & Wachter-Morris, C. (2023). Elevating and Expanding School Counselors’ Roles and Voices in the Prevention of School Violence. Professional School Counseling, 27(1). https://doi-org.ric.idm.oclc.org/10.1177/2156759X221150003

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School Violence Prevention Program (SVPP)

# data[].attributes.subject
School Violence Prevention Program (SVPP)

# data[].attributes.body
Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) is an initiative of the U.S. Department of Justice that, through grants, hires community policing professionals, develop and test policing strategies, provides training and technical assistant to community leaders, local government leaders, and all levels of law enforcement. The goal is to prevent student violence amongst each other and self harm. The program provides training to local law enforcement, metal detectors, locks, lighting, advanced technology for faster authorities notification in emergencies. Eligible entities must meet criterias and apply online.

https://cops.usdoj.gov/pdf/2024ProgramDocs/svpp/Pre_award_Webinar.pdf

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Interested in applying?

Check out our How to Apply page for resources such as frequently asked questions, appendices, additional fact sheets, links to webinars, and more.

OPEN:

The FY 2024 School Violence Prevention Program (SVPP) will close on Monday, June 17, 2024, at 4:59 PM ET.*

*IMPORTANT: Applications will be submitted in a two-step process, each with its own deadline.

STEP 1: Submit an SF-424 and an SF-LLL in Grants.gov.
GRANTS.GOV APPLICATION DEADLINE: TUESDAY, JUNE 11, 2024 (4:59 PM ET).

STEP 2: Submit the full application including attachments in JustGrants.
JUSTGRANTS APPLICATION DEADLINE: MONDAY, JUNE 17, 2024 (4:59 PM ET).

School Violence Prevention Program Informational Webinar

The COPS Office hosted an informational webinar on the School Violence Prevention Program on May 22, 2024.
The presentation is available here.

ABOUT THE SVPP PROGRAM

The Students, Teachers, and Officers Preventing School Violence Act of 2018 (STOP School Violence Act of 2018) gave the COPS Office authority to provide awards directly to States, units of local government, or Indian tribes to improve security at schools and on school grounds in the jurisdiction of the grantee through evidence-based school safety programs and technology.

Who is Eligible?

Local Law Enforcement Agencies

State Law Enforcement Agencies

Units of local government (e.g., counties, cities, school districts)

Federally Recognized Indian tribes and their public agencies

Public Government Agencies

Funding

Up to $73 million in funding is available for FY24 SVPP. Each award is three years (36 months) in duration for a maximum federal share of $500,000 per award. There is a local cash match (cost share) requirement of at least 25 percent.

SVPP funding will provide up to 75% funding for the following school safety measures in and around K-12 ( primary and secondary) schools and school grounds:

"Coordination with law enforcement"

"Training for local law enforcement officers to prevent student violence against others and self"

"Metal detectors, locks, lighting, and other deterrent measures"

"Technology for expedited notification of local law enforcement during an emergency"

"Any other measure that the COPS Office determines may provide a significant improvement in security"

The following school safety measures are available through the Bureau of Justice Assistance's (BJA's) section of the STOP School Violence Act of 2018:

Development and operation of anonymous reporting systems

Hotlines

Internet websites

Mobile telephone applications

Development and operation of a school threat assessment

Specialized training for school officials in responding to mental health crises

Training for school personnel and students to prevent student violence against others and self

Any other measure the BJA determines may provide a significant improvement in security

Please find additional info on the Bureau of Justice Assistance's (BJA's) website.

Funding may also be available through the OJJDP FY 2023 Enhancing School Capacity to Address Youth Violence solicitation.
All awards are subject to the availability of appropriated funds and any modifications or additional requirements that may be imposed by law.

Need more information on how to apply to any of our programs?
For additional assistance we encourage you to visit the How to Apply page, which includes frequently asked questions, appendices, additional fact sheets, links to webinars, and other resources.
The following resources present important lessons learned and other insights into school violence that may aid governments and communities as they develop and refine school safety plans. Applicants seeking SVPP funding may find these and other resources helpful as they prepare their applications.

OTHER GOVERNMENT RESOURCES

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), U.S. Department of Education (ED), U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) created SchoolSafety.gov to share actionable recommendations to keep school communities safe. SchoolSafety.gov aims to help schools prevent, protect, mitigate, respond to, and recover from emergency situations

The Safe School Initiative sought to identify information that could be obtainable, or "knowable," prior to an attack. That information would then be analyzed and evaluated to produce a factual, accurate knowledge base on targeted school attacks. This knowledge could be used to help communities across the country to formulate policies and strategies aimed at preventing school-based attacks.

On July 12, 2018, the U.S. Secret Service National Threat Assessment Center released Enhancing School Safety Using a Threat Assessment Model: An Operational Guide for Preventing Targeted School Violence to provide fundamental direction on how to prevent incidents of targeted school violence. The guide provides schools and communities with a framework to identify students of concern, assess their risk for engaging in violence, and identify intervention strategies to mitigate that risk.

Please follow us on Facebook and Twitter and subscribe to the CP Dispatch, the COPS Office e-newsletter, to learn about current news on awards and projects.

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School Violence Prevention Program (SVPP)

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Interested in applying? Check out our How to Apply page for resources such as frequently asked questions, appendices, additional fact sheets, links to webinars, and more. The FY 2024 School Violence Prevention Program (SVPP) will close on Monday, June 17, 2024, at 4:59 PM ET.* *IMPORTANT: Applications will be submitted in a two-step process, each with its own deadline.

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Biernesser C, Ohmer M, Nelson L, Mann E, Farzan R, Schwanke B, Radovic A. Middle School Students' Experiences with Cyberbullying and Perspectives Toward Prevention and Bystander Intervention in Schools. J Sch Violence. 2023;22(3):339-352. doi: 10.1080/15388220.2023.2186417. Epub 2023 Mar 2. PMID: 37377674; PMCID: PMC10292780.

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J Sch Violence. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2024 Mar 2.

Published in final edited form as:

Candice Biernesser, PhD, ¹ Mary Ohmer, PhD, ² Lisa Nelson, PhD, JD, ³ Elizabeth Mann, MSW, ² Rosta Farzan, PhD, ⁴ Beth Schwanke, JD, ⁵ and Ana Radovic, MD, MSc ⁶

Abstract

Cyberbullying is a growing problem for middle school students. Bystander interventions that train witnesses to positively intervene can prevent cyberbullying. Through six focus groups, we explored forty-six middle school students' experiences with cyberbullying and opportunities for school-based prevention programs to encourage positive bystander behavior. Focus groups were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using content analysis. Students viewed cyberbullying as an important problem with significant consequences. They noted hesitancy in reporting to parents and school personnel and felt more comfortable discussing cyberbullying with a near-peer (e.g., older sibling or friend). Students desired combining school-based and online programming with near-peer mentorship. This study suggests need for targeted prevention programs that center middle school students' lived experiences with cyberbullying and their preferences for learning and utilizing positive bystander strategies.

Keywords: cyberbullying, middle school, bullying prevention, bystander intervention

Introduction

Cyberbullying is a significant problem in the United States. Cyberbullying has been defined as, "the use of digital-communication tools (such as the internet and cell phones) to make another person feel angry, sad, or scared, usually again and again" ( Common Sense Media, 2020). Rates of cyberbullying have increased during the COVID-19 pandemic while other forms of bullying have decreased ( Patchin, 2021). Recent national survey data suggests cyberbullying is highest around the time students are in middle school ( Hinduja, 2021). In the 30 days before being surveyed, one-quarter of youth ages 12-15 reported experiencing cyberbullying ( Hinduja, 2021), and in another survey the same proportion of youth reported witnessing cyberbullying in the past month ( Holfeld & Mishna, 2018). While cyberbullying often co-occurs with traditional bullying ( Tural Hesapcioglu & Ercan, 2017), cyberbullying presents a unique context. The availability, permanence, and anonymity of social media creates added opportunities for bullying and in some cases harsher forms of bullying ( Nesi, Choukas-Bradley, & Prinstein, 2018).

Cyberbullying has many forms that can be overt (e.g., harassment or heated online exchanges) or covert in nature (e.g., social exclusion or isolation; Kowalski, Limber, & Agatston, 2012) and can vary in severity level. Particularly when cyberbullying is overt or severe, such as when important aspects of identity are targeted (e.g., race, ethnicity, gender, or sexuality), it can negatively impact mental health ( Duarte et al, 2018; Tynes et al, 2020). However, even less severe or covert forms of cyberbullying can emotionally impact middle school students, such as through anger, stress, and loneliness ( Ortega et al, 2009).

When cyberbullying occurs at an early age, it is linked with deleterious social, health, and academic impacts ( Kowalski et al, 2014) and is associated with poor outcomes over the life course ( Kim, Boyle, & Georgiades, 2018). Both victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying can contribute to a range of poor outcomes, including mental health impacts (e.g., depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, and suicidality; Kowalski et al., 2014; Kwan et al., 2020). Cybervictimization in particular has shown a robust association to suicidal thoughts and behavior among youth ( Nesi et al., 2021). Given its potentially serious and long-lasting consequences, the prevention of cyberbullying among middle school students is a critical public health need ( National Academies of Sciences & Medicine [NASM], 2016).

School-Based Cyberbullying Prevention Efforts

Existing school-based bullying prevention programs often focus on universal bullying prevention approaches, which combine individual-level prevention (e.g., holding meetings with students involved with bullying) with prevention activities at a classroom, school, and community level ( NASM, 2016). Universal bullying prevention programs on average are associated with a 20-23% decrease in bullying perpetration and a 17-20% decrease in victimization ( Ttofi & D. Farrington, 2011). In other cases, prevention approaches are targeted for youth who are at risk for engaging in or experiencing bullying ( NASM, 2016). Targeted prevention programs for cyberbullying have used strategies such as educational campaigns to improve recognition and response to cyberbullying ( Chisholm, 2014) and empathy training, an approach that challenges normative beliefs of aggression and supports protective online environments ( Ang, 2015). A meta-analysis of cyberbullying prevention programs showed reductions in perpetration of 9-15% and victimization of 14-15% ( Gaffney et al, 2019).

Some school-based programs involve students, a strategy that could extend dialogue beyond parents and school personnel to whom only 38-57% of middle school students disclose cyberbullying ( NCES, 2019). While engaging students must be done carefully to mitigate risks of reinforcing victimization ( Ttofi & D. P. Farrington, 2011), peer-led interventions can be beneficial, especially when students voluntarily agree to participate ( Zambuto et al 2020) and receive sufficient training ( Menesini & Nocentini, 2012). A recent meta-analysis ( Gaffney et al., 2021) found programs that involved students reduced bullying perpetration by 12.5% and victimization by 9%, significantly more than programs that did not involve students. Peer-led interventions offer benefits to peer leaders, such as improvements in self-esteem and social stress ( King & Fazel, 2021) and digital literacy skills ( Agatston et al., 2012) that could aid their response to cyberbullying. Further, utilizing near-peer mentors (e.g., college or high school student mentors for middle or elementary students)shows promise for improving student engagement (Destin et al 2020) and mentees' self-esteem and social relations ( Haft et al, 2019).

Cyberbullying as a Peer-Group Process and Bystander Interventions

Bullying is often conceptualized as a peer-group process, in which students can be involved as perpetrators, victims, or witnesses. Youth who are witnesses or "bystanders" can play a critical role in cyberbullying prevention. Notably, 80% of incidents of bullying involve a witness, and when bystanders intervene there is a 50% chance of stopping bullying behavior ( Polanin, Espelage, & Pigott, 2012). Bystanders may intervene in positive ways by emotionally supporting victims, discouraging bullying behavior, and reporting to a parent or school personnel ( Allison & Bussey, 2016). Youth who use these positive bystander behaviors are sometimes referred to as "upstanders." Upstanders may challenge the bully's status of power over the victim ( Salmivalli, 2010) while ameliorating negative consequences on victims ( Desmet et al., 2012; DeSmet et al, 2019). Conversely, bystanders may also intervene in negative ways, such as encouraging or joining the perpetrator in bullying behavior, which may worsen the severity of the bullying ( Salmivalli, 2010) and its mental health consequences ( DeSmet et al., 2019). Despite their potential influence, most bystanders remain passive when they witness bullying ( Lenhart et al., 2011), often influenced by a lack of skill and confidence in effective response to cyberbullying ( Desmet et al., 2016). In experimental studies, 50-90% of youth did not directly intervene in response to various cyberbullying simulations ( Dillon & Bushman, 2015; Freis & Gurung, 2013; Shultz, Heilman, & Hart, 2014). While passivity may not directly condone cyberbullying, perpetrators may perceive bystanders' inaction as tacit approval of their actions ( Bastiaensens et al., 2014).

Bystander interventions are targeted prevention programs that promote positive bystander behaviors, such as supporting the victim and seeking help from a trusted adult, and target reduction of negative or passive bystander responses that may exacerbate bullying ( Cantone et al., 2015; Polanin et al., 2012). In effective bystander interventions, students learn to recognize bullying through identifying inappropriate behaviors and problem situations, gain skills for intervening, and make a commitment to intervene ( Banyard, Moynihan, & Plante, 2007). School-based bystander interventions often use role play in classrooms to behaviorally enact positive bystander behaviors in response to hypothetical bullying scenarios ( Polanin et al., 2012). Some programs have also used videos to illustrate positive bystander behaviors and technology for tracking and offering feedback to students on bystander behaviors ( Polanin et al., 2012).

School-based prevention programs that encourage positive bystander behaviors have shown promise across a range of outcomes ( Cantone et al., 2015; Torgal et al., 2021) and are considered integral to bullying prevention. For example, Steps to Respect ( Brown, Low, Smith, & Haggerty, 2011; Frey et al, 2009), which promotes positive bystander behaviors as part of a comprehensive bullying prevention program for elementary school children, showed a range of positive effects, including improved school climate and lower perpetration rates. Another intervention, KiVA ( Karna et al., 2011) for elementary and middle school youth, aimed to improve bystander's self-efficacy to intervene on behalf of the victim and reduce negative bystander behavior (e.g., passivity or support of bullying behavior). This program showed an effect in reducing both traditional and cyberbullying and depression and anxiety symptoms ( Karna et al., 2011; Williford et al., 2012).

Study Objectives

While extant bullying prevention programs have contributed to positive gains for youth, less attention has been paid to the specific needs of middle school students impacted by cyberbullying. Middle school students are disproportionately impacted by cyberbullying (Hinduja & Patchin, 2021). They are in a developmental stage when they are still learning to interact safely and responsibly online, which may make them especially vulnerable to cyberbullying's distinct influences on online communication (i.e., potential for harsh communication, misunderstanding, and wide-spread, public dissemination; Nesi et al., 2018), suggesting need for targeted prevention. This study was designed to enhance understanding of the needs of middle school students impacted by cyberbullying and identify opportunities for targeted prevention programming that promotes positive bystander behaviors. Toward these aims, we conducted a qualitative focus group study with middle school students to explore their experiences with cyberbullying, perspectives toward existing school-based cyberbullying prevention programming, and perceptions toward ways to promote positive bystander behaviors to inform future targeted cyberbullying prevention efforts.

Materials and Methods

Data collection occurred between October 2019 and January 2020. Appointments were conducted in-person at students' middle schools. All participants received a $20 incentive. Purposive sampling focused on students within middle schools in the Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania area. Sampling continued until saturation was reached. The study primary investigator sent letters to fifteen middle schools to describe the study. Administrators from three schools responded with interest, after which the research team scheduled appointments to conduct focus groups. Schools varied geographically within urban and suburban settings and were a combination of public and private schools. Students were approached by their school personnel about their interest in participating in a research study, who scheduled a mutually agreeable time for a focus group of interested students. Prior to the focus group, parents provided informed consent and youth provided assent. The informed consent process included discussion of anonymity and the need for confidentiality for the information shared during the focus groups. School personnel were excluded from the focus groups to facilitate open dialogue. Further, as a resource for students who reported personally being negatively impacted by cyberbullying during focus groups, we provided all students with an informational sheet on mental health support and crisis resources. This study was approved by the University of Pittsburgh IRB (STUDY19050147). Reporting of data collection and analytic methods follows the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research ( Tong, Sainsbury, & Craig, 2007).

Following consent, students participated in focus groups led by experienced facilitators (AR, MO, LN, & CB), who were all female researchers at the University of Pittsburgh with MDs or PhDs. Focus groups lasted approximately 90 minutes and were conducted using a semi-structured interview guide that included questions about how cyberbullying should be defined, the degree to which cyberbullying is a problem for middle school students, experiences with cyberbullying and its impact, perceptions toward reporting cyberbullying, and cyberbullying prevention programs and protocols within their school. Additionally, participants were asked to consider their preferences toward school-based programming that would support engagement in positive bystander behaviors. Before eliciting students' perspectives, they were provided a description of bystander interventions. This included description of training on being an upstander, involving support in enacting positive bystander behaviors such as empathizing with the victim, offering support, and aiding report to a trusted adult. Students were asked their perspectives for potential modalities for programming, including through classroom discussion, school assemblies, and an online platform. Further, students were also asked to provide perspectives on engaging near-peers as mentors (e.g., high school or college students), who would facilitate discussion and learning around positive bystander behaviors.

Five out of six focus groups were recorded and transcribed verbatim. The recording for one focus group failed. Thorough field notes were drafted by the facilitator for that focus group (CB) and were reviewed by co-facilitators (AR and EM). A codebook was inductively developed based on the content from the interview script. Two qualitative analysts (CB & EM) independently coded all focus group transcripts using NVivo version 12, and the two coders met to fully adjudicate coding differences. Interrater reliability calculations indicated substantial agreement (kappa = 0.75 - 0.84) ( McHugh, 2012). Coding definitions were reviewed for clarity after coding of the first two focus groups by the two qualitative analysts and senior author (AR), following which all transcripts were adjudicated to full agreement. The primary coder (CB) then used the completed coding to produce a thematic analysis of the interviews. Salient quotes were identified to illustrate the themes/findings. As described by Sandelowski ( Sandelowski, 2000), we culled themes by logically organizing and describing the information presented in the focus groups in a way that best fit the data. Resulting themes were corroborated by the secondary coder (EM) and the other team members as a form of investigator triangulation.

While exploring differences in opinions of students across types of schools was outside of the scope of this study, unique perspectives were observed among students from public and private schools. As such, differences among public and private students were considered during analysis to provide additional context to themes identified across focus groups. Three focus groups took place at one private school, and three focus groups took place at two public schools.

Results

Forty-six middle school students participated in focus groups with between 7 and 10 students in each group. There were 13 males (30%) and 31 (70%) females. Their ages ranged from 11 to 14 years old (average age was 13). All participants were identified by personnel within their schools and were in 6 th to 8 th grade. Students were from two urban schools that each had approximately 36% racial and ethnic minority enrollment and one suburban school with 19% minority enrollment. Five themes were identified regarding the context for cyberbullying experiences and prevention programming within their schools. Two additional themes emerged regarding perspectives toward ways to improve and expand school-based cyberbullying prevention programming and promote positive bystander behaviors.

1. Students thought cyberbullying had unique aspects compared to traditional bullying, including less adult oversight.

Students defined cyberbullying as bullying in an online context, "basically like when they're bullying over the internet and not directly saying it to your face." Like traditional bullying, students described how cyberbullying was often repeated in nature and occurred at different levels of severity. However, they felt bullying that occurred online offered unique context. Participants felt it was easier to be mean online than it was in-person. They explained this was influenced by the ability to communicate anonymously without seeing facial cues or body language that could portray how the victim was feeling. Some thought cyberbullying could be more damaging than traditional bullying, because of the amount of information available online that could be used harmfully. For example, one student described how some people steal passwords to others' social media accounts and add embarrassing or harmful comments. Some students also reflected on how parents or teachers knew much less about bullying that occurred online than at school. As one student commented, the presence of limited adult oversight made them feel like cyberbullying was often left unchecked:

"I think like online it's probably easier to get away with because your parents don't see it then whereas if you do it in-person someone's gonna say something."

2. Many students had personally experienced cyberbullying and thought it was an important problem for middle school students, although students in private school acknowledged being less personally affected than those in public school.

Across focus groups, students felt cyberbullying was a problem for middle school students, some of whom thought the problem was growing. Considering why this may be, they described how many middle school students newly attain smartphones/devices and are still learning about how to use them safely. As one student described:

"I think back then [elementary school] it wasn't really a problem because all our parents were like, because mine was like, 'You don't need a phone. You don't need to go on all that stuff.' But now it's just to the point where you're having bullying at school and it just extends to online, and it just gets worse and worse."

Public school students expressed that cyberbullying happened at their school and was problematic, whereas private school students felt cyberbullying was less of an issue for them. One student noted their exposure to cyberbullying was mostly outside of their community:

"We don't have many issues I would say, but...most of us know people that go to other schools that we've heard stories of people having problems with other people online."

Across focus groups, students made 40 references to witnessing cyberbullying, 24 references to being targeted by cyberbullying, and 3 references to engaging in cyberbullying. Experiences with being a victim ranged from negative comments related to physical appearance, posts that diminished others' reputation, and being rejected from a peer group. While fewer students reported personal experiences engaging in cyberbullying, one described a time they unintentionally hurt someone who took offense to a joke they made. Many students acknowledged witnessing others being cyberbullied, more so than they experienced it themselves. When asked what they considered to be severe cyberbullying, they described attempts at digital harm like hacking or stealing private information and disparaging comments toward someone's race, religion, or body image. Students within one focus group described how threats of suicide could be used as a severe form of cyberbullying. While they thought that online communication about suicide was sometimes intended seeking help or support, at times they felt the intent was to threaten suicide as a way of exerting influence on others:

"Like a person saying they were going to commit suicide if that person didn't do something that they wanted to do, like drugs or drink, anything like that real."

3. Students identified a variety of impacts of cyberbullying for victims and perpetrators and felt empathy for youth who were more vulnerable to cyberbullying.

Students were aware of consequences to victims' mental health (i.e., lowered self-esteem, feeling down, or having suicidal thoughts) and social lives. As one student described, sometimes cyberbullying contributed to withdrawing from others or feeling trust among friends was broken:

"It could make you like lose trust in your friends, cause maybe your friends believe that too, so you could start like blocking yourself out from the rest of like your friend group or whoever you hang out with and kind of like push yourself into a corner."

Students observed consequences for perpetrators of being removed from social media accounts or groups chats, or the potential for disciplinary action at school. One participant offered an example of a student in their school who made a racial slur and subsequently was "asked to leave," referring to their school's process for expelling someone. Students described how some youth may be more vulnerable to experiencing cyberbullying, such as those with a lower maturity level who may not take steps to defend themselves. Further, they felt a desire to change one's reputation, challenging home environments, or life stress could contribute to students engaging in cyberbullying. As one student described:

"You don't know what they're going through. Like people can be getting like hurt by their parents or something. They could be like, they're just like, someone could be dying in their family. Like you never know."

4. Students considered talking with parents, same-age friends, and school personnel about cyberbullying with some hesitation and had most comfort with older friends or relatives.

When asked who students would reach out to about cyberbullying, most responded that they would talk with a parent (referenced 35 times). They agreed parents were trusted sources of support and understanding, some of whom sought parents for advice about reporting cyberbullying on social media. However, some students feared disclosing cyberbullying to a parent could result in restrictions to their social media use. Students were divided on their comfort level in talking with a friend. Students felt it would be helpful to talk with someone close to their age who could relate (referenced 18 times). Others worried friends would share their discussion with other peers without their permission.

Students' comfort in talking with school personnel professionals varied, in part based on if cyberbullying pertained to school. While some trusted their teachers and administrators to help (referenced 7 times), others expressed concern (referenced 16 times), worrying they would break their confidentiality, not understand, take disciplinary action, or be unhelpful in their response. Comfort talking with school mental health professionals varied based on whether students had an established relationship with them. In one focus group, students who had a limited relationship with their school counselor felt it would be "kind of awkward if you're forced to talk with them [about cyberbullying]." However, in another focus group in which students described knowing their guidance counselor, they said they trusted their counselor, because they "take everything serious no matter what it is" and "know how to handle the situation."

By contrast, students who talked about cyberbullying with a high school or college-aged friend or relative (referenced 11 times) expressed being more comfortable talking with them than other sources of support. They felt youth in this age range could relate to their experience and be helpful. Several students cited examples of helpful guidance they received from a sibling or cousin about cyberbullying. One student described seeking support from her 18-year-old brother:

"My brother always writes me stuff about like, cause he's learned and he's like one time he gave me like these eight things to go off of and use. One of them was like...your friends might leave you but just remember that you have yourself and that's what really counts... But like I always look back and it always does help me."

The most common factors reported by middle school students that would influence their decision making about whether to reach out for help in response to cyberbullying included availability of someone that they trust (referenced 22 times), fear of rumors or being referred to as a "snitch" or a "tattletale" (referenced 20 times), concerns about confidentiality (referenced 17 times), and belief that they need help or support (referenced 17 times).

5. Students felt their school's response to cyberbullying was useful in some contexts, albeit existing cyberbullying prevention programs were not always taken seriously.

When asked to describe when their school responded to cyberbullying, students perceived that their schools stepped in when cyberbullying involved the school, (e.g., took place in a group chat of students who mentioned the school by name) and when it was serious and overt in nature, whereas covert forms of cyberbullying were less frequently discussed. Students found their school's response to cyberbullying helpful when the school took reports seriously and addressed their conversations with students calmly and rationally. Responses that seemed out of proportion for the situation or when inconsiderate of the context for what was happening were seen as unhelpful. One student described how teachers can respond without understanding the situation:

"But like they don't, they're not going to ask for context, they're going to see the text and they're going to go with what they saw or who it's from."

When asked about their school's existing programs for cyberbullying, students reflected on how discussion of cyberbullying was incorporated into their curriculum and through school-wide prevention programs. Students found programming helpful when it created a comfortable environment for discussion that felt authentic and relatable. Students had experience with Rachel's Challenges (a violence prevention program), which they found compelling because it centered the voice of a Columbine High School shooting survivor to consider how to make their school a safer place. They were also aware of Safe2Say (a Pennsylvania violence prevention program), which they thought was helpful because it offered an anonymous means to report cyberbullying. However, there were concerns that prevention programs were sometimes treated as a topic of jokes, which they felt could undermine their benefit. As one student described:

"Yeah, I feel upset sometimes because people make fun of those kind of things. Like, Safe2Say - people will take something like insignificant and then like joke around like what other people say."

6. Students felt targeted prevention programming that involved near-peer mentors would be an acceptable way to learn how to respond to cyberbullying they experienced or witnessed.

When asked about perceptions toward mentors near to them in age, participants reflected such mentors would be ideally placed to offer feedback about cyberbullying, because they are mature and experienced with effective response. They posited that near-peer mentors would be relatable because they experienced similar trends in cyberbullying and social media use to what they have. When considering the age group ideally suited to act as mentors, students' preferences varied between high school and college students. In several focus groups, students reflecting on the importance of mentors' experience more so than their age:

"Maybe like a mix of both...like I would say I lean mostly to high schoolers or like freshmen or sophomores in college because I feel that even though high schoolers will be-will have-will be like experiencing it, I feel that college students have-they have experienced some of the worst stuff that happens because they've been in high school."

Students from public schools reflected on how the severity of bullying could vary in different places and preferred mentors from within their school district or community, who they thought would have perspectives that felt relatable to their experiences. By contrast, private school students desired diverse perspectives through extending mentorship across communities. When asked about mentorship preferences within or outside their school, students from an urban private school described wanting inclusion from "not just like the couple little private schools around, you could [have a] couple with the public schools too." They noted interest in hearing perspectives from a range of schools, large and small in size and from urban and rural areas.

7. Students thought combining school-based programming with an online platform that offered education and connection could be helpful, for students and parents alike.

When asked to consider modes for prevention programming, students noted value in discussing cyberbullying at school. Some thought role playing during school assemblies could be effective in communicating the seriousness of cyberbullying, if it were done in a way that met students' comfort levels for talking in front of groups. They emphasized the importance of using scenarios about cyberbullying that felt authentic to middle school students, so the program is taken seriously, "not just some printed story, you can tell it's fake...something relatable."

Students agreed that an online platform would be a useful way to extend the content of school-based programming and could provide an added venue for connection among students and mentors to discuss and seek advice about cyberbullying they experienced or witnessed. They had a strong preference for communication on the platform to be anonymous to guard their confidentiality. Some students thought an online platform should also have resources for parents, to help parents understand social media use among middle school students, which would make it easier to talk with their parents about cyberbullying. As students in one focus group described:

Student 1: "There should be some information ... that kind of makes parents feel safer about letting their kid use social media."

Student 2: "An organization that's giving the pros and cons, why or why not you should let your child, what's the safest app to let them use if you want to try social media."

Discussion

Thematic analysis of focus groups with middle school students shed light on their cyberbullying experiences and suggested opportunities for targeted prevention. Students viewed cyberbullying as a problem for young people their age who are newly learning to use phones and other devices safely and felt it could have serious consequences. While students thought it could be beneficial to confide in parents or school personnel after cyberbullying, they also acknowledged barriers that contributed to hesitation in reporting and desired opportunities to report cyberbullying in a manner that protected their privacy. Students acknowledged comfort in talking with an older sibling, family member, or friend, who they felt would understand their experience while still having enough maturity to offer helpful advice. They valued existing prevention programming in their schools when cyberbullying was taken seriously, and at the same time recognized limitations when programming felt inauthentic. Students recognized potential benefits of incorporating near-peer mentors, who they felt would be relatable and helpful, within an intervention that promoted positive bystander behavior. They thought combining school-based programming with an online educational platform could extend opportunities for connection among students and mentors while also offering beneficial information for students and parents in preventing and responding to cyberbullying.

Implications for School Mental Health Professionals Engaged in Cyberbullying Prevention

A range of school mental health professional organizations have released policy and position statements recognizing the importance and ethical priority of cyberbullying prevention. The National Association of Social Work (NASW; Issurdatt, 2010) suggests school social workers both engage in direct services for bullied youth within schools and advocate for change within institutions to combat bullying's negative effects. The American School Counselor Association (ASCA; ASCA 2012, 2014) calls counselors to be change agents in developing and delivering bullying prevention programming within small groups and classrooms and to individual students. The National Association of School Psychologists ( NASP; NASP, 2012) calls for school psychologists to take a leadership role in developing and implementing universal and targeted prevention efforts. NASP has pointed to the importance of creating school cultures where students feel safe and that they belong, which importantly includes empowering students who witness bullying to stop harassment and intimidation. They suggest focus on bystanders to promote safe schools and engaging youth to be a part of the solution, an approach that can foster ownership and relevancy and give youth a voice ( Cassidy, Faucher, & Jackson, 2013).

Data from these focus groups contributes to knowledge for how school mental health professionals can involve and empower students to engage in cyberbullying prevention programming using strategies that are desirable to middle school students. Specifically, our data suggests considerations for the delivery, scope, and relatability of prevention programming to ideally meet middle school students' needs. Figure 1 depicts the needs identified by middle school students and corresponding considerations for prevention programming.

Delivery.

Students in our focus groups felt programming at their schools was helpful but not always delivered in a way they found to be authentic or impactful, which in some cases contributed to them not taking it seriously. Authentic programming was exemplified through the inclusion of real-life examples of cyberbullying and young people who were passionate toward a cause. Inauthentic programming was exemplified by omission of youth voice and not understanding and accurately reflecting students' experiences. School mental health professionals have an important role in advocating for curriculum to be delivered in a way that effectively reaches students and inspires buy in to the importance of prevention. Research supports involving and empowering students is critical to students' engagement ( Cassidy et al., 2013). Likewise, students recommended identifying student volunteers who were emboldened and passionate to lead assemblies and classroom programs, as well as using student-led role plays as a strategy for experiential learning about positive bystander behaviors.

Scope.

Prevention programming within participants' schools predominantly focused on overt cyberbullying, whereas covert examples of cyberbullying (e.g., social rejection and exclusion) were often not addressed. Notably, both overt and covert aggression can contribute to poor mental health outcomes ( Prinstein, Boergers, & Vernberg, 2001). Further, during early adolescence, a time when youth are growing in their socioemotional abilities and especially vulnerable to peer influence, covert aggression is common ( Casas & Bower, 2018). This suggests need to aid middle school students in recognizing, understanding, and responding to not only overt but also covert forms of cyberbullying.

Furthermore, students desired the scope of school-based programming to be expanded to include an online educational platform that offered opportunity for connection among students and mentors. This suggestion is consistent with a growing body of literature citing benefits of incorporating technology into cyberbullying prevention. In fact, a recent meta-analysis ( Chen et al., 2022) found that digital health interventions showed significant reductions in cyberbullying with critical components of effective interventions including training and skill-building to support positive bystander behaviors. An online platform for students and mentors could also extend support to students outside of the classroom, where much of cyberbullying occurs ( Kowalski & Limber, 2007). Nonetheless, incorporating such an approach requires careful consideration of ethical and legal complexities associated with schools' involvement with cyberbullying that may occur off of school grounds ( Hinduja & Patchin, 2011).

Relatability.

Existing programs primarily rely on students to report cyberbullying, despite data indicating a majority of students do not report cyberbullying to a trusted adult ( NCES, 2019). These focus groups echoed these findings, indicating a variety of barriers to reporting cyberbullying to parents, school personnel, and even to their friends. A key aspect that motivates adolescents to disclose cyberbullying is the belief that the person to whom they intend to report cyberbullying will be understanding and helpful. Incorporating best practices for nurturing positive school climates and educating parents to effectively and supportively respond to cyberbullying ( NASM, 2016) could foster students' openness in disclosure. Educational resources, such as the Cyberbullying Research Center ( www.cyberbullying.org) and Common Sense Media ( www.commonsensemedia.org), could aid these pursuits through offering information on social media use and cyberbullying among youth and age-appropriate guidance for monitoring. Utilizing near-peers as mentors could also offer benefit for providing a comfortable space for middle school students to discuss and seek guidance about cyberbullying. Importantly such approaches require training for peer mentors, including on confidentiality and empathic communication, and availability of professional support for situations that rise beyond a level student mentors can address on their own ( King & Fazel, 2021).

Limitations.

This study was limited by the use of a purposive sample within the Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania area, which prohibits generalizability to a larger population or to schools within other geographic regions. While differences among private- and public-school students were noted, only one private school was included within this sample in which three focus groups were conducted. This may bias findings, which may not be representative of students' experiences within private middle schools in general. Further, few students in focus groups reported cyberbullying others, which may have been due to discomfort disclosing this in a group context. Even though youth were assured of the confidentiality of focus groups were done not in the presence of school personnel, youth may still have been concerned about disciplinary action. Individual interviews may have been more likely to elicit more personal experiences. We chose focus groups to encourage group discussion and consensus, particularly regarding recommendations for prevention.

Conclusions.

Our findings provide valuable insights toward middle school students' experiences with cyberbullying and existing school-based cyberbullying prevention programs and policies. These data suggest need for school mental health professionals to recognize the unique problem of cyberbullying among middle school students and to involve students in the solution through targeted, youth engaged and empowered prevention programming.

Acknowledgements.

The authors are grateful to the students and schools who engaged with this study, without whom this work would not have been possible.

Declaration of Interest Statement.

The authors report there are no competing interests to declare. This work was supported by AT&T and the National Institute of Mental Health under Grants T32 MH189051 and K23 MH111922.

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# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Middle School Students' Experiences with Cyberbullying and Perspectives Toward Prevention and Bystander Intervention in Schools

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Cyberbullying is a growing problem for middle school students. Bystander interventions that train witnesses to positively intervene can prevent cyberbullying. Through six focus groups, we explored forty-six middle school students' experiences ...

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This study evaluates how Cognitive-Behavioral Intervention helps decrease aggression amongst students.