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Why Muslim Women Should Never Have to Apologize for Terrorism

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Picture this: You wake up in the morning to hear your wife screaming at you because it's pouring rain outside. She hates the rain and now her day is ruined because of you. You go downstairs only to hear your children yell at you because they broke the toaster. They can't have waffles now and it's all your fault. On the way to work, you stop and fill up gas only to hear everyone at the gas station curse you out because gas prices have risen. You arrive at work only to see all your coworkers gathered around your desk demanding that you apologize for the printer being jammed. On the way home from work, everyone on the highway screams at you because they are upset with the rush hour traffic.

Quite a ridiculous scenario, right? Can you imagine always being blamed for things that you have absolutely no control over? Can you imagine always being asked to apologize for these things? Can you imagine being hated whether or not you do apologize? This is what being a Muslim in America today feels like.

I am a proud American, raised in Texas. I'm a college student. I'm a humanitarian. I'm an aspiring physician. I'm someone who hopes to revolutionize access to medicine and healthcare in the United States and in war-torn countries across the world. I also am a M-u-s-l-i-m, one of over 1.6 billion who are blamed whenever an act of terrorism occurs as if we are nothing more than this 6-letter word hijacked by those who wrongly use our religion to justify their heinous crimes.

As a Muslim American who continually strives to do everything I can for the betterment of my community and this nation, I am tired of being asked to apologize and condemn terrorism that I have absolutely nothing to do with.

Here Are Five Reasons Why Muslims Should Never Have To Apologize for Terrorism:

1) It's ridiculous to ask us to apologize.
As a practicing Muslim, I know that my religion teaches peace. I am so certain of this fact that I will award anyone $10,000 if they can find me a verse in the Quran that says it's ok to kill innocent people or to commit acts of terror. This is an open offer that will never expire.

I also know that Muslims, as a religious group, are not terrorists. I have factually proved this. I also have factually proved that you are more likely to be struck by lightening, crushed to death by a couch, or killed by a toddler, than to be killed by a Muslim.

This being said, why should I have to apologize for a violence that I have no connection to? A violence my religion blatantly stands against.

Ask yourself: Should car manufacturers have to apologize when drunk drivers kill people using their vehicles? Should you be required to apologize to the police if your sibling gets a speeding ticket because you share the same last name? Should every single gun owner in America have to apologize whenever someone is killed by a firearm? Should weathermen have to apologize for cloudy days? Should pharmacists have to apologize for your allergies? Should I have to apologize for the typos of another writer?

Unless you can find that $10,000 verse or unless you blatantly hear a Muslim explicitly supporting terrorism, please understand that asking us, both individually and collectively, to apologize for terrorism would be just as ridiculous as the questions above.

2) It should be obvious by now that Muslims condemn terrorism.
By now, it should be very clear that Muslims condemn terrorism. All it takes is a simple Google search of any terrorist attack to find the plethora of Muslims publicly condemning it. Try it out. For example, here are over 40 examples of Muslims condemning the Charlie Hebdo attacks. And here is an example of how Muslims all across the world condemned the Paris attacks.

Muslims condemn terrorism, we always have. This is a fact. And just as I shouldn't have to reassure you each morning that the sky is still blue, Muslims should not have to reassure you that we still condemn terrorism every single time a terrorist attack occurs.

And frankly, if you don't already believe that Muslims condemn terrorism by now, then no apology or repeated broken-record condemnation from any Muslim or Muslim organization will help cure your intolerant hatred.

3) Muslims are at the very forefront of combating terrorism.
The only thing more ridiculous than asking people to apologize for something they have no connection to is to make people apologize for something they are working so hard to combat.

Muslims want to defeat terrorism just as much as any other American, if not more. This is why we have Muslim women like Niloofar Rahmani and Kubra Khademi who are at the very frontlines fighting terrorists. This is why millions of Muslim youth are taking a stand against ISIS. This is why tons of Muslim groups and scholars repeatedly issue statements condemning ISIS, many even being beheaded by ISIS for doing so.

This is why more than 120 Muslim scholars from around the world joined together to write an open letter to ISIS, denouncing them as un-Islamic by using Islamic terms. This is why Muslims are being killed by ISIS for publicly opposing this terrorist group's persecution of Christians.

For the same reasons that firemen don't apologize for fires and doctors don't apologize for heart disease, Muslims should not be expected or asked to apologize for something they are working so hard to combat.

4) Muslims are the largest victims of terrorism.
According to the Counter Terrorism Center at the United States Military Academy at West Point, Al-Qaeda kills over seven times more Muslims than non-Muslims. According to the UN, Muslims are the largest victims of ISIS. According to the State Department, Muslims are the largest victims of terrorism in general. No matter where you look, you will find that the strongest association between Muslims and terrorism is one in which Muslims are victims of it.

There is a sad irony in how Muslims are the largest victims of terrorism yet also receive the most hatred for it. Just as it would be wrong to blame African Americans for slavery, starving children for world hunger, and toddlers for school shootings, it is equally wrong to blame Muslims for terrorism when we are always the victims of it.

Want me to call the leader of ISIS and tell him to stop committing terror? Give me his contact information; I'd be happy to. Any Muslim would. But just know that the conversation would begin with us, ISIS's largest victims, telling him to stop hijacking our religion to justify killing Muslims who actually follow it.

5) If we have to apologize for terrorism, then so should everyone else.
This last point is especially important. Why are Muslims the only group that are required to apologize for and condemn the actions of criminals that associate with their group?

To put things into perspective, ask yourself: Why aren't all white males asked to apologize for the slavery that white males endorsed less than two centuries ago? The slavery in which one third of slaves were Muslims. Why aren't all Buddhists asked to apologize for the radical Buddhist monks in Mynammar that are violently attacking Muslims? Why aren't all policemen asked to apologize for the racist cops that are dropping the bodies of unarmed blacks like leaves in the autumn?

You must understand that just as you are detached from the heinous crimes mentioned above, I am just as detached from the terrorism that so many keep trying to link me with for no other reason than me being a Muslim.

You must understand that by asking me whether I condemn terrorism, you are questioning my humanity.

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Why Muslims Should Never Have To Apologize for Terrorism

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Picture this: You wake up in the morning to hear your wife screaming at you because it's pouring rain outside. She hates the rain and now her day is ruined because of you. You go downstairs only to hear your children yell at you because they broke the toaster.

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A Muslim Woman's Fight Against Radical Islam

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A Muslim Woman's Fight Against Radical Islam

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A Muslim Woman's Fight Against Radical Islam

If one were to find a single question that defines the geo-politics of our age, it might well be the question Farhana Qazi has been asking herself for almost 20 years: why do so many Muslims kill in the name of their religion?

If she has not found all the answers, Qazi has done much to facilitate our understanding of the issues, primarily as they relate to Muslim women and the rise in women extremists. A Muslim herself, she has worked largely behind the scenes: at the Counter-Terrorism Center in Washington, D.C.; at the Rand Corporation think tank; as an instructor on terrorism for the U.S. military; and as an author. Her work has taken her back to her native Pakistan, where she has immersed herself in the lives of Muslim extremist women, met with the mothers of suicide bombers, come to know women who have endured imprisonment, and shared stories with women who, in her words, "have tried to break the barriers of patriarchy and patrilineal traditions."

Born in Lahore, Pakistan, Qazi came to America with her mother at the age of 1, joining her father who was already working in Tennessee. Soon after, the family moved to Austin, Texas, which Qazi considers her hometown. Her work since then, both in the service of her country and as a beacon for moderate Muslims seeking to reconcile their beliefs with the violent extremism facing the world, has received lavish praise and numerous awards. She is now working on a book that examines why Muslims turn violent, and the ways in which recent political events contribute to violent extremism.

She told us her story in a recent interview, and shared her crucial insights on radical Islam, women terrorists, and where we stand now in the face of the radical Islamist threat.

Abigail R. Esman: Why did your family move to the U.S., and how old were you at the time?

Farhana Qazi: My father came to the U.S. because it was his dream since he was a child. He admired Western values and later, he worked with American clients when he was a young accountant in Lahore, Pakistan. He came to the U.S. (to the rolling hills of Tennessee to pursue an MBA), and thanks to Al Gore, my father was allowed to stay in this country to work after his student visa expired. Gore wrote a letter on my father's behalf. I was a year old when I moved here with my mother. I barely remember my birth city, Lahore - the cultural nerve of Pakistan. I lived in a small town in Tenn. before moving to the capital city of Austin, Texas, my childhood home.

ARE: How important was religion to you growing up?

FQ: My parents were born Muslim but their practice was liberal, almost secular. My father is an intellectual and philosopher who admires all religions; he values the Ten Commandments that came from Moses. He idolizes the principles of Buddhism and he believes in the Christian concept of charity. My father has raised me to be a "humanist" rather than a Muslim. I embraced Sunni Islam later in life

ARE: Many women in Pakistan face oppression, forced marriage, and family violence. How do you explain the freedom you have had in your life?

FQ: I am blessed to be an American Muslim woman. My father often tells me he came to the U.S. for me; because I am a girl from a middle-class family in Pakistan who would not have had the same opportunities in life had I lived in a country with patriarchal norms, age-old customs, and traditions, most of which deny girls and women their basic rights in Islam. Culture trumps religion in Pakistan. But it's not true in America, where I can practice faith openly or privately. Because I am free in America, I chose a male-dominated field - in the 1990s, counter-terrorism work was dominated and dictated by men mostly. Often, I was the only female speaker at international conferences and addressed why Muslims kill in the name of my religion. Now, there are more women in the CT field, but at the time, I was not only female, American, but also Muslim - the combination of the three made me stand alone, which is a blessing in disguise. I welcome the opportunity (and attention) for speaking on a subject that I understood. And that's how my father raised me: to be a bridge between the East and the West. To learn from both worlds, both cultures and to close the gap of misunderstanding.

ARE: Was having that freedom part of what has guided you in your work?

FQ: Yes, my unique cultural and linguistic background made me marketable for the intelligence community. There were no female Muslims in the Counter-Terrorism Center. I believe I was hired to help the Center understand the extremists' narrative, rhetoric, and recruitment patterns. Later, upon leaving the Center, I joined the RAND Corp as a policy analyst-researcher and traveled to the Muslim world to engage local communities. Because I understand both cultures, I have been able to speak to women who might have not been accessible to other American men or women. When I trained the U.S. forces as a senior instructor, I received the highest honor - the 21st Century Leader Award from The National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) in 2012 for my service as an American Muslim woman - when I was presented with the award, I was told that because I knew how to serve the U.S. government as a woman and Muslim is the reason why I was chosen for the award.

ARE: You in fact began working in the area of counterterrorism and issues surrounding the lives of Muslim women very early in your career. What motivated this?

FQ: My mother is a war hero to me. She joined the Pakistani Army when she was barely 20 years old to fight for Kashmir. In the 1960s, Pakistan was at war with India for the second time to fight for the valley of Kashmir. My mama, barely five feet tall and a petite frame, volunteered for the Army and trained at Qaddafi stadium in Lahore, holding a British .303 rifle which was taller than she was. She often told me, "I wanted to prove to my country that women can fight, too." She was raised in a country at a time when women and girls had few career choices and were often bound by familial responsibilities. But not my mother, who dreamed of being a politician had she not married my father and then settled in the U.S.

ARE: Mostly, you've focused your work on women.

FQ: I'd say my work focuses on understanding radical Islam and the divisions in the Muslim world today - a broken mass of billions blinded by age-old customs, traditions, and patriarchal norms steeped in ancient cultures. I'm trying to understand the way that Islam has been destroyed by splinter groups, religious fanatics, and hardline conservatives, issuing fatwas that oppose women's rights. I've come to learn has that while terrorists claim to empower women, the reality is that women are cannon fodder or a 'riding wave of terrorists' success.' In the end, women don't matter, which begs the question: why do they join?

ARE: Then for many years you worked at Rand. What did you do there?

FQ: Research on Al Qaeda networks and the female suicide trend that began to capture headlines in the conflict in Iraq. I was the first to predict that there would be a series of bombings by women - I wrote my first op-ed on the subject in The Baltimore Sun, predicting more attacks. Women were an anomaly so no one paid attention, until females strapped on the bomb. And then a Newsweek piece caught the attention of multi-national forces in Iraq and the U.S. embassy. Suddenly, we began to pay attention to a trend that would continue to this day, though I have been saying this for the past 17 years: women are deadly, too.

ARE: And the Counter-Terrorism Center.

FQ: I was the first American Muslim girl to be hired. I was 25 years old.

ARE: How serious is the problem of Muslim women extremists right now? Is it a threat that is growing?

FQ: This is an ongoing threat that is shielded by men. We don't hear of attacks by women because it is unreported. For example, I know from my U.S. military contacts that there were a number of Afghan women strapping on the bomb and I am writing about this in a chapter for my next book on female terrorists, but that phenomenon was not reported. Because we don't hear of it in the news doesn't mean it's not happening. The real concern is women who support extremist men - women have done this since the Afghan jihad. Women write in jihadi magazines. Women raise their children to be terrorists. And women stand by their radical men. This is nothing new.

ARE: Are Muslim women in the West generally more or less likely to radicalize than their counterparts in the Islamic world?

FQ: Western women have different challenges; the main concern for a Muslim girl or woman in the West has to do with identity. Often, girls who join ISIS are trapped between two opposing cultures and societies - the life at home and their life outside the home (at school, for example).

One of my chapters in my new book is called "The Denver Girls" - I remember visiting with the community that was affected by the three East African girls who boarded a plane to join ISIS but were brought back home (the father of one of the girls reported his daughter missing). A Sudanese woman I interviewed told me that ISIS empowers our girls, and I can see why. Because many Muslim girls living in the West are still bound by cultural (read controlled) rules and have little freedom outside of their home environment; they aren't allowed to 'hang out' with Western friends and these girls certainly don't have the same opportunities as their brothers or male cousins. In these cases, girls look for alternatives, which terrorism provides.

Further, I believe the teachings of Islam (which I live by: peace, compassion and mercy) are not preached or taught at home. When Muslims have spiritual pride and believe that God's love is only for the select few, then this teaching restricts children in many ways: they are unable to cope in a Western society and compelled to stay within their own communities, which makes girls more vulnerable to extremist recruitment and makes them feel they do not belong.

ARE: What are some of the major reasons you've found that explain the phenomenon of female Muslim terrorists?

FQ: No two Muslim female terrorists are alike. And while the motives will vary, I do believe that patterns don't lie. Contextual clues are important indicators for violence, and by context, this would include a girl's home (private) and public life; her exposure to violence or trauma or abuse; her access to violent messaging online and the time she spends reading and engaging with violent individuals in the digital space; a personal tragedy (did she lose someone to violence?); and much more. I've learned that there is no "aha" moment or trigger point but a sequence of triggers and "aha" moments that lead to the path of violence.

ARE: Based on your expertise, what do you think of Trump's "Muslim ban" or travel ban?

FQ: The travel ban may have the adverse effect. I believe in protecting our country from external threats. What worries me is that the threat is already here. If we look back at attacks or attempted attacks over the past decade, radical Muslims have been living in our midst. [Orlando shooter] Omar Mateen, [San Bernardino killers] Syed and Tashfeen Farook, [Chattanooga shooter] Muhammad Youssef Abdulazeez, [Fort Hood shooter] Nidal M. Hassan, and more. Many of these terrorists were not from the countries listed in the travel ban. What we need is greater civic involvement and community policing.

ARE: Have you experienced threats of any kind in relation to your work?

FQ: I have been warned to change careers and not talk about Muslim terrorists. But to do that would be to ignore the realities of our time. As a devout Muslim woman, who still believes in Islam's core message of peace, I have to acknowledge that there are Muslims who kill in the name of Islam, manipulating the faith for political or personal reasons. And these individuals, male or female, need to be stopped and countered by Muslims, too.

ARE: In the now-infamous words of Mitch McConnell, "she persisted." Why do you persist?

FQ: My father taught me the word "persistence' when I was a young girl in Texas. He often said, "every challenge is an opportunity," which made the word "persist' a positive term in my mind. To persist is to succeed and to succeed is to make a difference. I live by the maxim: lead a life of service - and the only way to do that is to persist.

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A Muslim Woman's Fight Against Radical Islam

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If one were to find a single question that defines the geo-politics of our age, it might well be the question Farhana Qazi has been asking herself for almost 20 years: why do so many Muslims kill in the name of their religion?

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Women Freedom Fighters or Terrorist?

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Moudjahidate - Teaser - The commitment of women in the struggle for Algerian Independence

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Download movie and informations : www.moudjahidate.com The documentary retraces the participation of women in the struggle for Algerian independence through the accounts of former female combatants in the FLN--ALN (National Liberation Front--National Liberation Army). They planted bombs, arranged secret liaisons, served as nurses, fought as soldiers in the maquis, and lived in solidarity as the wives of political prisoners.

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Women fulfilled a number of different functions during the Algerian War (1954-1962), Algeria's war for independence. The majority of Muslim women who became active participants did so on the side of the National Liberation Front (FLN).

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Muslim Women freedom fighter's not conforming to typical gender roles no matter the risk in order to fight for a free nation

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Muslim Women freedom fighter's not conforming to typical gender roles no matter the risk in order to fight for a free nation

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Women Freedom Fighter's Role in The Battle of Algiers 

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Women Freedom Fighter's Role in The Battle of Algiers 

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3 April 2009
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=viM2D2hW2O4&feature=related http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1KgbWjYeIAQ&feature=related
The Battle of Algiers, directed by Gillo Pontecorvo, tells the story of the French foreign legion's involvement in the Algerian fight for independence in 1954. The movie is filmed in a documentary style, attempting to maintain a nonbiased representation of both parties involved. One particular scene in the movie is especially striking and deals with a topic that has been discussed before in our panels. Three women from the Algerian party, called the National Liberation Front, go on a mission to plant three bombs in the European part of the city, two in cafes and another in the Air France office. This scene deals with both racial and gender representation in direct relationship with war technology.

Directly before this scene occurs the Algerian Casbah has just been bombed by the French. The members of the NLF and the occupants of the Casbah are furious and what revenge on the French. The leader of the NLF, Djafar, stops the people from revolting immediately, telling them that the NLF will avenge them. The scene then immediately cuts to a room where three women are taking off their burkhas and examining themselves in the mirror. The youngest of the three tries to tie her hair back but after much deliberation simply decides to cut off her long braids before beginning to bleach it. The three women change into more European looking clothing as they also attempt to 'Europeanize' their appearances. The music accompanying this otherwise soundless scene is a heavy and fast paced drum beat, that adds chaos and tension to the scene. Djafar enters the room with another member of the NLF, Ali La Pointe, and looks over each other women. He looks at the third women, the oldest, the longest and is unsure of whether her new appearance will be acceptable. She replies that she will bring her son with her as a precaution and he tells her to use a specific checkpoint because it will be easier there. Djafar then explains that the women will have to get through different military checkpoints before meeting up with a man in the fish market. Each of the women is handed a bag which contains a bomb that the man from the fish market will activate for them. The women successfully make it through each checkpoint where the French soldiers flirt with the younger of the two women. There is a direct contrast at one of the checkpoints when a man is stopped because he has forgotten his papers and is forced to enter a holding facility. The women enter their assigned places and drop the bombs successfully, each woman is able to get away unnoticed and the NLF's plan goes as expected.

What is so striking about this scene is the women's 'Europeanization' to make it through the checkpoints. The women strip themselves of their typical Muslim garb and change into more European clothes, clothes that are less conservative. The youngest woman makes a large sacrifice when she cuts off her long braids and then bleaches her hair lighter. The oldest woman has the most difficult time and Djafar is worried about whether she will make it through the checkpoint safely. This is because she is the most 'ethnic' looking since she is darker than the younger two girls and she has her longer hair. It may also be because she looks older than the other two, who get through the checkpoints easily and flirt with the French soldiers. These women make personal sacrifices for the NLF's cause which leads into a class discussion on female suicide bombers.

While the women in The Battle of Algiers were not suicide bombers, they did use their femaleness as an advantage. In class we discussed why more and more women are becoming suicide bombers. One of the most glaringly obvious reasons is that the women are not supposed to be touched and therefore are able to slip through checkpoints without being patted down. Their traditional burkhas are also an advantage which they use to hide the bombs they wear. In the film, the women carry the bombs in their purses and simply leave them pushed under tables or seats. The women in the film, like the female suicide bombers, use their femaleness to their advantage. The women are depicted as more 'Europeanized' Algerians and therefore go through the checkpoints easily and without a hassle. These women are seen as unsuspecting and docile, the French could not imagine that they would be carrying explosives in their bags. The film represents these women as cunning and fearless and the French as easily fooled by a pretty 'Europeanized' face.

This film depicts a trend that is becoming more and more popular today, female bombers. Women are often seen as peace keepers, as passive and meek; no one suspects a pretty girl. However, the women in this film make immense sacrifices for their cause by cutting and dying their hair and taking on a more 'European' look. While the film attempts to remained unbiased, it manages to shine a bright light on this women and makes it easy for the audience to identify with them or at least makes it easier for the audience to cheer them on towards victory.

Works Cited

La Battaglia di Algeri (The Battle of Algiers) . Dir. Gillo Pontecorvo. Perf. Brahim Hadjadj,

Jean Martin, and Yacef Saadi. Igor Film. 1967.

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3 April 2009 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=viM2D2hW2O4&feature=related http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1KgbWjYeIAQ&feature=related The Battle of Algiers, directed by Gillo Pontecorvo, tells the story of the French foreign legion's involvement in the Algerian fight for independence in 1954. The movie is filmed in a documentary style, attempting to maintain a nonbiased representation of both parties involved.