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was the political and social movement that consolidated different states of the Italian peninsula into the single state of then kingdom of Italy n the 19th century. Despite a lack of consensus on the exact dates for the beginning and end of this period, many scholars agree that the process began in 1815 with the congress of Vienna and the end of Napoleonic rule, and ended in 1871 when Rome became the capital of the Kingdom of Italy

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Date

1815-1871

Location

Italy

Participants

Italian society, Kingdom of Sardinia, Provisional Government of Milan, Republic of San Marco, Kingdom of Sicily, Roman Republic, Carbonari, French Empire, Red Shirts, Hungarian legion, Southern Army, United Provinces of Central Italy, Kingdom of Italy

Outcome

Italian unification (Italian: Risorgimento , meaning the Resurgence) was the political and social movement that consolidated different states of the Italian peninsula into the single state of the Kingdom of Italy in the 19th century. Despite a lack of consensus on the exact dates for the beginning and end of this period, many scholars agree that the process began in 1815 with the Congress of Vienna and the end of Napoleonic rule, and ended in 1871 when Rome became the capital of the Kingdom of Italy.[1][2] Some of the terre irredente did not, however, join the Kingdom of Italy until after World War I with the Treaty of Saint-Germain. Some nationalists see the November 3, 1918 Armistice of Villa Giusti as the end of unification.[3]

Background

After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, the Roman province of Italy remained united under the Ostrogothic Kingdom and later disputed between the Kingdom of the Lombards and the Byzantine (Eastern Roman) Empire. During the Byzantine Empire crisis and decline, Italy gradually developed into a system of city-states. This system lasted through the Renaissance but began to deteriorate with the rise of modern nation-states in the early modern period. Italy, including the Papal States, then became the site of proxy fights between the major powers, notably the Holy Roman Empire (later Austria) and France. Between the 1300s and 1500s, Italian writers such as Dante Alighieri, Francesco Petrarca, Boccaccio, Niccolò Machiavelli and Francesco Guicciardini had expressed their opposition to foreign domination. For example, Petrarch's Italia Mia stated that the "ancient valor in Italian hearts is not yet dead". Four verses from Italia Mia were quoted in Niccolò Machiavelli's , which looked for a political leader who would unite Italy "to free her from the barbarians".[4] Some historians and scholars consider the Italian states' treaties against foreign domination as the Italic League or the foreign policy of Cosimo De Medici and Lorenzo De Medici a harbinger for a national unity.[5]

A sense of Italian national identity was reflected in Gian Rinaldo Carli's Della Patria degli Italiani,[6] written in 1764, a very famous "much-quoted article telling how a stranger entered a café in Milan and puzzled its occupants by saying that he was neither a foreigner nor a Milanese. 'Then what are you?' they asked. 'I am an Italian,' he explained."[7]

The Italian campaigns of the French Revolutionary Wars destroyed the old structures of feudality in Italy. The new French Republic supported the spread of republican principles. The institution of republican governments promoted citizenship over the rule of the royal families, primarily the Bourbons and Habsburgs, and set the stage for the appearance of nationalist sentiment in Italy, which greatly influenced the course of European history (see 1830 and Revolutions of 1848). The various principalities and states were replaced by sister republics.

As Napoleon's reign began to fail, the rulers he had installed tried to keep their thrones by feeding nationalistic sentiments, setting the stage for the revolutions to come. Among these monarchs were the viceroy of Italy, Lorenzo Ferrero, written to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Italian unification.

Risorgimento, and his vain attempts to retain his social standing.

There are other movies set in this period:

Maps of Italy during Italian unification

Maps of Italy before Italian unification

References

1. ^ Collier, Martin (2003). Italian unification, 1820-71. Heinemann Advanced History (First ed.). Oxford: Heinemann. p. 2.

2. ^ Riall, Lucy (1994). The Italian Risorgimento: state, society, and national unification (First ed.). London: Routledge. p. 1.

3. ^ Arnaldi, Girolamo : Italy and Its Invaders. Harvard University Press, 2005. Page 194. ISBN 0-674-01870-2

4. ^ Machiavelli and Empire - Mikael Hörnqvist - Google Books. Books.google.com. 2004-11-25.

5. ^ Nicassio, Susan Vandiver (2009). Imperial City: Rome Under Napoleon (University of Chicago Press ed.). United States of America:

6. ^ http://www.napoleon.org/en/reading_room/articles/files/hicks_napoleon_kingitaly.asp

7. ^ http://www.italiaunita150.fondazionespirito.it/relazione_breschi.pdf

8. ^ Galt, Anthony (December 1994). "The Good Cousins' Domain of Belonging: Tropes in Southern Italian Secret Society Symbol and Ritual, 1810-1821". Man, New Series 29 (4): 785-807.

9. ^ http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/silvio-pellico/

10. ^ http://www.experiencefestival.com/a/Italian_unification_-_Early_revolutionary_activity_1820_to_1830/id/1517955

11. ^ Full text of the constitution can be found at:
"Costituzione della Repubblica Romana (1849)" (in Italian). Archived from the original on February 9, 2009.

12. ^ Commissione nazionale per la pubblicazione dei carteggi del Conte di Cavour (2005). Camillo Cavour: Epistolario 17. Firenze: Olschki. p. 2944. La Sicilia sarà una delle più belle gemme della sua corona; ed uno degli elementi più vitali della nazione

13. ^ http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/regno-delle-due-sicilie/

14. ^ http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/battaglia-dell-aspromonte_(Dizionario-di-Storia)/

15. ^ G. Thaon di Revel: "La cessione del Veneto - ricordi di un commissario piemontese incaricato alle trattative" (translation: "The cession of Veneto - memories of the piedmontese commissary for the negotiations"). Academic Press, 2002

16. ^ Beggiato, E.: "1866: la grande truffa" (translation: "1866: the great deceit"). Venice Academic Press, 1999

17. ^ Michele Rosi, I Cairoli, L. Capelli Ed., Bologna, 1929, pp. 223-224

18. ^ http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/massimo-d-azeglio/

19. ^ Francesco Saverio Nitti, L'Italia all'alba del secolo XX, Casa Editrice Nazionale Roux e Viarengo, Torino-Roma, 1901

20. ^ Francesco Saverio Nitti, Domenico De Masi, Napoli e la questione meridionale, Guida, Napoli, 2004

21. ^ http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/gaetano-salvemini/

22. ^ http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/antonio-gramsci/

23. ^ http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/risorgimento/

24. ^ irredentismo in Enciclopedia Italiana at treccani.it

25. ^ http://www.treccani.it/scuola/lezioni/storia/la_repubblica_italiana.html

26. ^ Rosa Maria Mazzola, "Rossini, Bellini, Donizetti and the Risorgimento" on www.piranesi150. Retrieved 9 September 2014

27. ^ Paul Halsall, "Modern History Sourcebook: Music and Nationalism", August 1997, revised July 1998 on www.fordham.edu Retrieved 23 December 2009

Bibliography

Beales, Derek; Biagini, Eugenio (2003). The Risorgimento and the Unification of Italy (2nd ed.). Longman.

Davis, John A., ed. (2000). Italy in the nineteenth century: 1796-1900. Short Oxford History of Italy. London: Oxford University Press.

Arcaini, G.B. (6 March 2005). "The Italian Unification". History of Italy.

Arcaini, G.B. (30 November 2003). "Italy's Unity". History of Italy.

Clark, Martin. The Italian Risorgimento (Routledge, 2014)

De Mattei, Roberto. Pius IX (2004)

Hales, E.E.Y. Pio Nono: A Study in European Politics and Religion in the Nineteenth Century. P.J. Kenedy, 1954.

Hales, E.E.Y. The Catholic Church in the Modern World. Doubleday, 1958

Holt, Edgar. The Making of Italy 1815-1870, New York: Atheneum, 1971

Parker, Roger (1998), "Verdi, Giuseppe" in Stanley Sadie, (Ed.), The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, Vol. Four, pp. 932-953. London: MacMillan Publishers, Inc. ISBN 0-333-73432-7 ISBN 1-56159-228-5

Parker, Roger (2007), The New Grove Guide to Verdi and His Operas, Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-53134-7

Patriarca, Silvana, and Lucy Riall, eds. The Risorgimento Revisited: Nationalism and Culture in Nineteenth-century Italy (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011)

Ramm, Agatha. "The Risorgimento in Sicily: Recent Literature," English Historical Review (1972) 87#345 pp. 795-811 in JSTOR

Smith, Denis Mack. Cavour (1985)

Smith, Denis Mack. Mazzini (1996) excerpt and text search

Smith, Denis Mack. Victor Emanuel, Cavour, and the Risorgimento (Oxford University Press, 1971)

Trevelyan, George Macaulay. Garibaldi and the making of Italy (1911) full text online

Woolf, Stuart Joseph. The Italian Risorgimento (1969)

Banti, Alberto Mario. La nazione del Risorgimento: parentela, santità e onore alle origini dell'Italia unita. Torino, Einaudi, 2000

Banti, Alberto Mario. Il Risorgimento italiano. Roma-Bari, Laterza, 2004 (Quadrante Laterza; 125)

Ghisalberti, Carlo. Istituzioni e società civile nell'età del Risorgimento. Roma-Bari, Laterza, 2005 (Biblioteca universale Laterza; 575)

Della Peruta, Franco. L'Italia del Risorgimento: problemi, momenti e figure. Milano, Angeli, 1997 (Saggi di storia; 14)

Della Peruta, Franco. Conservatori, liberali e democratici nel Risorgimento. Milano, Angeli, 1989 (Storia; 131)

De Rosa, Luigi. La provincia subordinata. Saggio sulla questione meridionale, Bari, Laterza, 2004

Guerra, Nicola. Le due anime del processo di unificazione nazionale: Risorgimento e Controrisorgimento. La necessità di un nuovo approccio di ricerca ancora disatteso. Pesaro, Chronica Mundi, October 2011, ISNN: 2239-7515

Riall, Lucy. Il Risorgimento: storia e interpretazioni. Roma, Donzelli, 1997 (Universale; 2)

Romeo, Rosario. Risorgimento e capitalismo. Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1998 (Economica Laterza; 144) (1ª ed. 1959)

Scirocco, Alfonso. L'Italia del risorgimento: 1800-1860. (vol. 1 di Storia d'Italia dall'unità alla Repubblica), Bologna, Il mulino, 1990

Scirocco, Alfonso. In difesa del Risorgimento. Bologna, Il mulino, 1998 (Collana di storia contemporanea)

Tomaz, Luigi. Il confine d'Italia in Istria e Dalmazia, Presentazione di Arnaldo Mauri, Conselve, Think ADV, 2008.

Carlo Cardia, Risorgimento e religione, Giappichelli, Torino, 2011, ISBN 978-88-348-2552-5.

External links

The Risorgimento: A Time for Reunification

Women of the Risorgimento

Garibaldi & The Risorgimento

Cavour and the Unification of Italy

The Resurgence is the subject of an opera,

Giuseppe Verdi chose Il Canto degli Italiani to represent Italy in the London International Exhibition of 1862.[68]

Nevertheless, Chorus of the Hebrew Slaves (known as Va, pensiero) from the third act of the opera was intended to be an anthem for Italian patriots, who were seeking to unify their country and free it from foreign control in the years up to 1861 (the chorus's theme of exiles singing about their homeland, and its lines like O mia patria, si bella e perduta / "O my country, so lovely and so lost" was thought to have resonated with many Italians).[65] Beginning in Naples in 1859 and spreading throughout Italy, the slogan "Viva VERDI" was used as an acronym for D' Italia (Viva Victor Emmanuel King of Italy), referring to Victor Emmanuel II.[66][67]

The relationship between Giuseppe Mazzini tried to use some of Donizetti's works for promoting the Italian cause, Donizetti had always preferred not to get involved in politics.[64]

Vincenzo Bellini was a member of the Carbonari and in his masterpiece I puritani (The Puritans), the last part of Act 2 is an allegory to Italian unification. Another Bellini opera, , was at the center of an unexpected standing ovation during its performance in Milan in 1859: while the chorus was performing Guerra, guerra! Le galliche selve (War, war! The Gallic forests) in Act 2, the Italians began to greet the chorus with loud applause and to yell the word "War!" several times towards the Austrian officers at the opera house.[63]

Risorgimento was characterised by the support of several famous Italian composers. In his L'italiana in Algeri (The Italian Girl in Algiers), Gioachino Rossini expressed his support to the unification of Italy; the patriotic line Pensa alla patria, e intrepido il tuo dover adempi: vedi per tutta Italia rinascere gli esempi d'ardir e di valor / "Think about the fatherland and intrepid do your duty: see for all Italy the birth of the examples of courage and value" was censored in the Kingdom of Two Sicilies.

Risorgimento was also depicted in several famous novels: The Leopard written by Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa, by Edmondo De Amicis and Piccolo mondo antico by Antonio Fogazzaro.[62]

Confessioni d'un italiano; he fought with Giuseppe Garibaldi's Expedition of the Thousand.

The writer and patriot Italian literature at the University of Naples.

Francesco de Sanctis is considered one of the most important scholars of Italian language and literature in the 19th century; he supported the Revolution of 1848 in Naples and for this reason he was imprisoned for three years; his reputation as a lecturer on Dante in Turin brought him the appointment of professor at ETH Zürich in 1856; he returned to Naples as minister of public instruction after the unification of Italy.

Niccolò Tommaseo, the editor of the Italian Language Dictionary in eight volumes, is considered a precursor of the Italian irredentism and his works are a rare examples of a metropolitan culture above nationalism; he supported the liberal revolution headed by Daniele Manin against the Austrian Empire and he will always support the unification of Italy.

Risorgimento.

Milan from September 1818 until October 1819 when it was closed by the Austrian censors; its writers included also Lodovico di Breme, Giuseppe Nicolini and Silvio Pellico.

Vincenzo Monti, known for the Italian translation of the , described in his works both enthusiasms and disappointments of Risorgimento until his death.

Ugo Foscolo describes in his works the passion and love for the fatherland and the glorious history of the Italian people; these two concepts are respectively well expressed in two masterpieces, The Last Letters of Jacopo Ortis and Dei Sepolcri.

Vittorio Alfieri, considered as the founder of a new school in the Italian drama, expressed in several occasions his suffering about the foreign domination's tyranny.

In literature, lots of works were dedicated to Risorgimento since the beginning. The most known writer of Risorgimento is Alessandro Manzoni whose works are a symbol of the Italian unification, both for its patriotic message and because of his efforts in the development of the modern, unified Italian language; he is famous for the novel The Betrothed (orig. Italian: I Promessi Sposi) (1827), generally ranked among the masterpieces of world literature.

Literature

Austro-Hungarian empire while the girl's pale blue dress signifies France, which in 1859 (the year of the painting's creation) made an alliance with the Kingdom of Piedmont and Sardinia enabling the latter to unify the many states of the Italian peninsula into the new kingdom of Italy. Hayez's three paintings on the Sicilian Vespers are an implicit protest against the foreign domination of Italy.

In art, this period was characterised by the Neoclassicism that draws inspiration from the "classical" art and culture of Ancient Greece or Ancient Rome. The main Italian sculptor was Antonio Canova who became famous for his marble sculptures that delicately rendered nude flesh. The mourning Italia turrita on the tomb to Vittorio Alfieri is one of the main works of Risorgimento by Canova.

Culture and Risorgimento

150th Anniversary of Risorgimento

[60]

Anniversary of Risorgimento

After WWII the irredentism movement faded away in Italian politics. Only a few thousand Italians remain in Istria and Dalmatia as a consequence of the Italian defeat in WWII and of the slaughter of few thousands of Italians as reprisals for fascist atrocities and the subsequent choice to keep Italian citizenship by an additional approximately 400,000 people in what became known as the Istrian exodus. However only 350,000 refugees were ethnic Italians (76% of which born in the territories surrendered), the others being ethnic Slovenians, ethnic Croatians, and ethnic Istro-Romanians, choosing to maintain Italian citizenship.[59]

After World War II

For its avowed purpose the movement had the "emancipation" of all Italian lands still subject to foreign rule after Italian unification. The Irredentists took language as the test of the alleged Italian nationality of the countries they proposed to emancipate, which were Trentino, Trieste, Dalmatia, Istria, Gorizia, Ticino, Nice (Nizza), Corsica, and Malta. Austria-Hungary promoted Croat interests in Dalmatia and Istria to weaken Italian claims in the western Balkans before the First World War.[58]

Italian irredentism obtained an important result after the First World War, when Italy gained Trieste, Gorizia, Istria, and the city of Zara. During the Second World War, after the Axis attack on Yugoslavia, Italy created the "Governatorato di Dalmazia" (from 1941 to September 1943), so the Kingdom of Italy annexed temporarily even Split(Italian Spalato), Kotor ( Cattaro), and most of coastal Dalmatia. From 1942 to 1943, even Corsica and Nice (Italian Nizza) were temporarily annexed to the Kingdom of Italy, nearly fulfilling in those years the ambitions of Italian irredentism.

The Kingdom of Italy had declared neutrality at the beginning of the war, officially because the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary was a defensive one, requiring its members to come under attack first. Many Italians were still hostile to Austria's continuing occupation of ethnically Italian areas, and Italy chose not to enter. Austria-Hungary requested Italian neutrality, while the Triple Entente (which included Great Britain, France and Russia) requested its intervention. With the London Pact, signed in April 1915, Italy agreed to declare war against the Central Powers, in exchange for the irredent territories of Friuli, Trentino, and Dalmatia (see Italia irredenta).

Irredentism and the two World Wars

The process of unification of the Italian people in a national State was not completed in the nineteenth century. Many Italians remained outside the borders of the Kingdom of Italy and this situation created the Italian irredentism.

Risorgimento and Irredentism

Denis Mack Smith, Christopher Duggan, and Lucy Riall. Historians have also developed two additional topics: the role of the masonic lodges and foreign powers ( Great Britain and France in particular) and the controversial suppression of brigandage.[56]

The politician, historian and writer Antonio Gramsci criticized Italian Unification for the limited presence of the masses as well as the lack of a modern land reform.[54][55]

Several scholars studied positive and negative aspects of Italian Unification. The economist and politician Francesco Saverio Nitti wrote that the newly created state didn't take in consideration the economic differences between Northern Italy (that already had an advanced free market economy) and Southern Italy (that based its development on the state protectionism of few private initiatives with a limited use of new technologies); when the Kingdom of Italy extended the free market economy to the rest of the country, it was totally helpless for the South as well as destructive for its already weak economy. He thought that this change should have been much more constant in order to allow the birth of an adequate entrepreneurial class able to make strong investments and initiatives in the south. These mistakes were the cause of the economic and social problems known as Southern Question (Questione Meridionale).[52][53]

Italian unification is still a topic of debate. According to Massimo d'Azeglio, centuries of foreign dominations have created remarkable differences in several parts of Italy in terms of society, and the role of the newly formed government is to face these differences and to create a united Italian society. Still today the most famous quote of Massimo d'Azeglio is: "L'Italia è fatta. Restano da fare gli italiani" (literally: Italy has been made. Now it remains to make Italians; but it is often reported more colloquially as: We have made Italy. Now we must make Italians).[51]

Post-Risorgimento problems

For twenty years Napoleon III had been the true sovereign of Rome, where he had many friends and relations.... Without him the temporal power would never have been reconstituted, nor, being reconstituted, would have endured.[50]

The Roman question was the stone tied to Napoleon's feet - that dragged him into the abyss. He never forgot, even in August 1870, a month before Sedan, that he was a sovereign of a Catholic country, that he had been made Emperor, and was supported by the votes of the Conservatives and the influence of the clergy; and that it was his supreme duty not to abandon the Pontiff.[49]

Historian Raffaele de Cesare made the following observations about Italian unification:

The Italian Army, commanded by General Raffaele Cadorna, crossed the papal frontier on 11 September and advanced slowly toward Rome, hoping that a peaceful entry could be negotiated. The Italian Army reached the Aurelian Walls on 19 September and placed Rome under a state of siege. Although now convinced of his unavoidable defeat, Pius IX remained intransigent to the bitter end and forced his troops to put up a token resistance. On 20 September, after a cannonade of three hours had breached the Aurelian Walls at Porta Pia, the Bersaglieri entered Rome and marched down Via Pia, which was subsequently renamed Via XX Settembre. 49 Italian soldiers and four officers, and 19 papal troops died. Rome and Latium were annexed to the Kingdom of Italy after a plebiscite held on 2 October. The results of this plebiscite were accepted by decree of 9 October.

The Pope's reception of San Martino (10 September 1870) was unfriendly. Pius IX allowed violent outbursts to escape him. Throwing the King's letter upon the table he exclaimed, "Fine loyalty! You are all a set of vipers, of whited sepulchres, and wanting in faith." He was perhaps alluding to other letters received from the King. After, growing calmer, he exclaimed: "I am no prophet, nor son of a prophet, but I tell you, you will never enter Rome!" San Martino was so mortified that he left the next day.[47]

In July 1870, the Franco-Prussian War began. In early August, the French Emperor Napoleon III recalled his garrison from Rome, thus no longer providing protection to the Papal State. Widespread public demonstrations illustrated the demand that the Italian government take Rome. The Italian government took no direct action until the collapse of the Second French Empire at the Battle of Sedan. King Victor Emmanuel II sent Count Gustavo Ponza di San Martino to Pius IX with a personal letter offering a face-saving proposal that would have allowed the peaceful entry of the Italian Army into Rome, under the guise of offering protection to the pope. The Papacy, however, exhibited something less than enthusiasm for the plan:

Capture of Rome

In the last moments, he had a vision of Garibaldi and seemed to greet him with enthusiasm. I heard (so says a friend who was present) him say three times: "The union of the French to the papal political supporters was the terrible fact!" he was thinking about Mentana. Many times he called Enrico, that he might help him! then he said: "but we will certainly win; we will go to Rome!"

At the summit of Villa Glori, near the spot where Enrico died, there is a plain white column dedicated to the Cairoli brothers and their 70 companions. About 100 meters to the left from the top of the Spanish Steps, there is a bronze monument of Giovanni holding the dying Enrico in his arm. A plaque lists the names of their companions. Giovanni never recovered from his wounds and from the tragic events of 1867. According to an eyewitness,[46] when Giovanni died on 11 September 1869:

With the Cairoli dead, command was assumed by Giovanni Tabacchi who had retreated back with the remaining volunteers into the villa, where they continued to fire at the papal soldiers, which drew back in the evening and retired to Rome. The survivors retreated to the positions of Garibaldi, the Italian border.[22]

Before the defeat at Mentana, Enrico Cairoli, his brother Giovanni and 70 companions had made a daring attempt to take Rome. The group had embarked in Terni and floated down the Tiber. Their arrival in Rome was to coincide with an uprising inside the city. On 22 October 1867, the revolutionaries inside Rome seized control of the Capitoline Hill and of Piazza Colonna. Unfortunately for the Cairolis and their companions, by the time they arrived at Villa Glori, on the northern outskirts of Rome, the uprising had already been suppressed. During the night of 22 October 1867, the group was surrounded by Papal Zouaves, and Giovanni was severely wounded. Enrico was mortally wounded and bled to death in Giovanni's arms.

The national party, with Garibaldi at its head, still aimed at the possession of Rome, as the historic capital of the peninsula. In 1867 Garibaldi made a second attempt to capture Rome, but the papal army, strengthened with a new French auxiliary force, defeated his badly armed volunteers at Mentana. Subsequently, a French garrison remained in Civitavecchia until August 1870, when it was recalled following the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War.

Mentana and Villa Glori

Austrian forces put up some opposition to the invading Italians, to little effect. Victor Emmanuel entered Venice and Venetian land, and performed an act of homage in the Piazza San Marco.[45]

In the peace treaty of Vienna, it was written that the annexation of Venetia would have become effective only after a referendum-taken on 21 and 22 October-to let the Venetian people express their will about being annexed or not to the Kingdom of Italy. Historians suggest that the referendum in Venetia was held under military pressure,[43] as a mere 0.01% of voters (69 out of more than 642,000 ballots) voted against the annexation.[44] However it should be admitted that the re-establishment of a Republic of Venice orphan of Istria and Dalmatia had little chances to develop.

Meanwhile, Prussian Prime Minister Bismarck saw that his own ends in the war had been achieved, and signed an armistice with Austria on 27 July. Italy officially laid down its arms on 12 August. Garibaldi was called back from his successful march and resigned with a brief telegram reading only " Obbedisco" ("I obey").

Victor Emmanuel hastened to lead an army across the Mincio to the invasion of Venetia, while Garibaldi was to invade the Tyrol with his Hunters of the Alps. The enterprise ended in disaster. The Italian army encountered the Austrians at Custoza on 24 June and suffered a defeat. On 20 July the Regia Marina was defeated in the battle of Lissa. Italy's fortunes were not all so dismal, though. The following day, Garibaldi's volunteers defeated an Austrian force in the battle of Bezzecca, and moved toward Trento.[42]

In the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, Austria contested with Prussia the position of leadership among the German states. The Kingdom of Italy seized the opportunity to capture Venetia from Austrian rule and allied itself with Prussia. Austria tried to persuade the Italian government to accept Venetia in exchange for non-intervention. However, on 8 April, Italy and Prussia signed an agreement that supported Italy's acquisition of Venetia, and on 20 June Italy declared war on Austria. Within the context of Italian unification, the Austro-Prussian war is called Third Independence War, after the First (1848) and the Second (1859).[41]

Third War of Independence (1866)

Meanwhile, Victor Emmanuel sought a safer means to the acquisition of the remaining Papal territory. He negotiated with Napoleon III for the removal of the French troops from Rome through a treaty. They agreed to the September Convention in September 1864, by which Napoleon agreed to withdraw the troops within two years. The Pope was to expand his own army during that time so as to be self-sufficient. In December 1866, the last of the French troops departed from Rome, in spite of the efforts of the pope to retain them. By their withdrawal, Italy (excluding Venetia and Savoy) was freed from the presence of foreign soldiers.[39]

Far from supporting this endeavour, the Italian government was quite disapproving. General Cialdini dispatched a division of the regular army, under Colonel Pallavicino, against the volunteer bands. On 28 August the two forces met in the Aspromonte. One of the regulars fired a chance shot, and several volleys followed, but Garibaldi forbade his men to return fire on fellow subjects of the Kingdom of Italy. The volunteers suffered several casualties, and Garibaldi himself was wounded; many were taken prisoner. Garibaldi was taken by steamer to Varignano, where he was honorably imprisoned for a time, but finally released.

Nonetheless, Garibaldi believed that the government would support him if he attacked Rome. Frustrated at inaction by the king, and bristling over perceived snubs, he came out of retirement to organize a new venture. In June 1862, he sailed from Genoa and landed again at Palermo, where he gathered volunteers for the campaign, under the slogan Roma o Morte ("Rome or Death"). The garrison of Messina, loyal to the king's instructions, barred their passage to the mainland. Garibaldi's force, now numbering two thousand, turned south and set sail from Catania. Garibaldi declared that he would enter Rome as a victor or perish beneath its walls. He landed at Melito on 14 August and marched at once into the Calabrian mountains.

Roman Question

Three months later Cavour, having seen his life's work nearly complete, died. When he was given the last rites, Cavour purportedly said: "Italy is made. All is safe."[37]

The fall of Gaeta brought the unification movement to the brink of fruition - only Rome and Venetia remained to be added. On 18 February 1861, Victor Emmanuel assembled the deputies of the first Italian Parliament in Turin. On 17 March 1861, the Parliament proclaimed Victor Emmanuel King of Italy, and on 27 March 1861 Rome was declared Capital of Italy, even though it was not actually in the new Kingdom.[36]

The progress of the Sardinian army compelled Francis II to give up his line along the river, and he eventually took refuge with his best troops in the fortress of Gaeta. His courage boosted by his resolute young wife, Duchess Marie Sophie of Bavaria, Francis mounted a stubborn defence that lasted three months. But European allies refused him aid, food and munitions became scarce, and disease set in, so the garrison was forced to surrender. Nonetheless, ragtag groups of Neapolitans loyal to Francis fought on against the Italian government for years to come.

Garibaldi distrusted the pragmatic Cavour, particularly due to Cavour's role in the French annexation of Nice, Garibaldi's birthplace. Nevertheless, he accepted the command of Victor Emmanuel. When the king entered Sessa Aurunca at the head of his army, Garibaldi willingly handed over his dictatorial power. After greeting Victor Emmanuel in Teano with the title of King of Italy, Garibaldi entered Naples riding beside the king. Garibaldi then retired to the island of Caprera, while the remaining work of unifying the peninsula was left to Victor Emmanuel.

It was in this situation that a Sardinian force of two army corps, under Fanti and Cialdini, marched to the frontier of the Papal States, its objective being not Rome but Naples. The Papal troops under Lamoricière advanced against Cialdini, but were quickly defeated and besieged in the fortress of Ancona, finally surrendering on 29 September. On 9 October, Victor Emmanuel arrived and took command. There was no longer a papal army to oppose him, and the march southward proceeded unopposed.

Though Garibaldi had easily taken the capital, the Neapolitan army had not joined the rebellion en masse, holding firm along the Volturno River. Garibaldi's irregular bands of about 25,000 men could not drive away the king or take the fortresses of Capua and Gaeta without the help of the Sardinian army.

Defeat of the Kingdom of Naples

Six weeks after the surrender of Palermo, Garibaldi attacked Messina. Within a week, its citadel surrendered. Having conquered Sicily, Garibaldi proceeded to the mainland, crossing the Strait of Messina with the Neapolitan fleet at hand. The garrison at Reggio Calabria promptly surrendered. As he marched northward, the populace everywhere hailed him, and military resistance faded: on 18 and 21 August, the people of Basilicata and Puglia, two regions of the Kingdom of Naples, autonomously declared their annexation to the Kingdom of Italy. At the end of August, Garibaldi was at Cosenza, and, on 5 September, at Eboli, near Salerno. Meanwhile, Naples had declared a state of siege, and on 6 September the king gathered the 4,000 troops still faithful to him and retreated over the Volturno river. The next day, Garibaldi, with a few followers, entered by train into Naples, where the people openly welcomed him.[34]

This resounding success demonstrated the weakness of the Neapolitan government. Garibaldi's fame spread and many Italians began to consider him a national hero. Doubt, confusion, and dismay overtook the Neapolitan court - the king hastily summoned his ministry and offered to restore an earlier constitution, but these efforts failed to rebuild the peoples' trust in Bourbon governance.

With Palermo deemed insurgent, Neapolitan general Ferdinando Lanza, arriving in Sicily with some 25,000 troops, furiously bombarded Palermo nearly to ruins. With the intervention of a British admiral, an armistice was declared, leading to the Neapolitan troops' departure and surrender of the town to Garibaldi and his much smaller army.

Near Salemi, Garibaldi's army attracted scattered bands of rebels, and the combined forces defeated the opposing army at Calatafimi on 13 May. Within three days, the invading force had swelled to 4,000 men. On 14 May Garibaldi proclaimed himself dictator of Sicily, in the name of Victor Emmanuel. After waging various successful but hard-fought battles, Garibaldi advanced upon the Sicilian capital of Palermo, announcing his arrival by beacon-fires kindled at night. On 27 May the force laid siege to the Porta Termini of Palermo, while a mass uprising of street and barricade fighting broke out within the city.

In the meantime, Garibaldi, a native of Nice, was deeply resentful of the French annexation of his home city. He hoped to use his supporters to regain the territory. Cavour, terrified of Garibaldi provoking a war with France, persuaded Garibaldi to instead use his forces in the Sicilian rebellions. On 6 May 1860, Garibaldi and his cadre of about a thousand Italian volunteers (called ), steamed from Quarto near Genoa, and, after a stop in Talamone on 11 May, landed near Marsala on the west coast of Sicily.

Swiss Mercenaries were unexpectedly recalled home under the terms of a new Swiss law that forbade Swiss citizens to serve as mercenaries. This left Francis with only his mostly-unreliable native troops. It was a critical opportunity for the unification movement. In April 1860, separate insurrections began in Messina and Palermo in Sicily, both of which had demonstrated a history of opposing Neapolitan rule. These rebellions were easily suppressed by loyal troops.

Thus, by the spring of 1860, only four states remained in Italy - the Austrians in Venetia, the Papal States (now minus the Legations), the new expanded Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies.[31][32][33]

Cavour, who triumphantly returned to power in January 1860, wished to annex the territories, but realized that French acquiescence was necessary. Napoleon III agreed to recognize the Piedmontese annexation in exchange for Savoy and Nice. On 20 March 1860, the annexations occurred. Now Piedmont controlled most of Northern and Central Italy.[30]

The Piedmontese were outraged at this betrayal. Cavour demanded that the war be carried on regardless and resigned when Victor Emmanuel saw that acquiescence was the only realistic option. But most of the Villafranca agreement would prove a dead letter long before it was formalized by the Treaty of Zürich in November. Sardinian troops occupied the smaller Italian states and the Legations, and France was unwilling to pressure them to withdraw and allow the restoration of the old order, while Austria no longer had the power to compel it. In December, Tuscany, Parma, Modena, and the Legations were unified into the United Provinces of Central Italy, and, encouraged by Britain, began seeking annexation by the Piedmont.

The two agreed on a settlement to the conflict. Austria would retain Venetia, but would cede Lombardy to France, who would then immediately cede it to Piedmont (the Austrians were unwilling to cede the area to Piedmont directly). Otherwise, the Italian borders would remain unchanged. In Central Italy, where the authorities had been expelled following the outbreak of war, the rulers of Tuscany, Modena, and Parma, who had fled to Austria, would be restored, while Papal control of the Legations would be resumed. Because Napoleon had not fulfilled the terms of his agreement with Piedmont, he would not gain Savoy and Nice.

Napoleon III sought peace at this point. Upon touring the Solferino battlefield, he was aghast at the casualties. He feared that a long and bloody campaign would be necessary to conquer Venetia, which, coupled with fear for his position at home, worry about possible intervention by German states, and dislike of a too-powerful Piedmont-Sardinia, led him to look for a way out. On 11 July he met privately with Franz Joseph at Villafranca, without the knowledge of his Piedmontese allies.

The war itself was quite short. The Austrian advance into Piedmont was incompetent, and they were unable to secure the Alpine passes before the arrival of the French army, led personally by Napoleon III. At the Battle of Magenta on 4 June, the French and Piedmontese were victorious over the Austrian army of Count Ferencz Gyulai, leading to Austrian withdrawal from most of Lombardy and a triumphal entry by Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel into Milan. On 24 June a second battle was fought between the two armies at Solferino. This bloody engagement, at which the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph had taken personal command of his troops, saw little skill demonstrated by either emperor, but the French were victorious. The Austrians withdrew behind the Quadrilateral of fortresses on the borders of Venetia. A French and Piedmontese landing force conquered the Island of Lussino (today Losinj).

At first, things did not work out as planned. Austria, ignorant of the Plombières agreement, was surprisingly patient in dealing with the Piedmontese-inspired insurrections. Piedmont's mobilization in March 1859 was something of an admission of defeat, as it appeared that the strategy of provoking Austria into aggression had failed. Without Austrian aggression, France could not intervene; and without French support, Cavour was unwilling to risk war. However, Austria conveniently made their opponents' task easier by sending an ultimatum to Piedmont demanding demobilization. Piedmont could conveniently reject this and, by making Austria seem the aggressor, allowed France to intervene.

Cavour and Napoleon III agreed to a joint war against Austria. Piedmont would gain the Austrian territories of Lombardy and Venetia and some territories of the former Venetian Commonwealth in the Adriatic, as well as the Duchies of Parma and Modena, while France would be rewarded with Piedmont's territories in Savoy and Nice. Central and Southern Italy, being largely under-developed and of little interest to the wealthier north, would remain largely as it was, although there was some talk that the Emperor's cousin Prince Napoleon would replace the Habsburgs in Tuscany. To allow France to intervene without appearing as an aggressor, Cavour was to provoke Austria by encouraging revolutionary activity in Lombardy.[29]

On 14 January 1858 the Italian nationalist Felice Orsini attempted to assassinate the French Emperor Napoleon III. Writing from prison, Orsini did not plead for his life, accepting death for his role in the failed assassination, but rather appealed to Napoleon III to fulfill his destiny by aiding the forces of Italian nationalism. Napoleon, who had belonged to the Carbonari in his youth, and saw himself as in tune with the ideas of the day, became convinced it was his destiny to do something for Italy. In the summer of 1858, Cavour met with Napoleon III at Plombières and the two signed a secret agreement, known as the Patto di Plombières ("Pact of Plombières").[28]

In 1857, Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Pisacane offered himself for the task, and sailed from Genoa with a few followers (including Giovanni Nicotera) on board the steamer on 25 June 1857. They landed on the island of Ponza, where the guards were overpowered and some hundreds of prisoners liberated, and on 28 of the same month arrived at Sapri in Campania and attempted to reach the Cilento. But hardly any assistance from the inhabitants was forthcoming, and the invaders were quickly overpowered at Padula, Pisacane himself being brutally stabbed with a knife then killed at Sanza by angry locals who did not recognise him believing him to be a wandering gypsy who was stealing their food.[27]

Although Charles Albert had been soundly defeated in his bid to drive the Austrians from Italy, the Piedmontese did not abandon all hope of Italian domination. Camillo di Cavour, who became president of the Council of Ministers in 1852, also had expansionist ambitions. Cavour saw that Piedmont would not be able to add to its territory singlehandedly. Instead, he hoped for aid from Britain and France in expelling Austria from Italy. An attempt to gain British and French favour by supporting them in the Crimean War was unsuccessful, as Italian matters were ignored at the Congress of Paris. Nevertheless, the war achieved a useful objective-it left Austria, which had uncomfortably tried a balance between the two sides during the war, dangerously isolated.[26]

The Second Italian Independence War of 1859 and its aftermath

Towards the Kingdom of Italy

There remained the Roman and Venetian Republics. In April, a French force under Charles Oudinot was sent to Rome. Apparently, the French first wished to mediate between the Pope and his subjects, but soon the French were determined to restore the Pope. After a two-month siege, Rome capitulated on 29 June 1849 and the Pope was restored. Garibaldi and Mazzini once again fled into exile - in 1850 Garibaldi went to New York City. Meanwhile, the Austrians besieged Venice defended by a volunteer army led by Daniele Manin and Guglielmo Pepe, which were forced to surrender on 24 August. Pro-independence fighters were hanged en masse in Belfiore, while the Austrians moved to restore order in central Italy, restoring the princes who had been expelled and establishing their control over the Papal Legations. The revolutions were thus completely crushed.[25]

Before the powers could respond to the founding of the Roman Republic, Charles Albert, whose army had been trained by the exiled Polish general Albert Chrzanowski, renewed the war with Austria. He was quickly defeated by Radetzky at Novara on 23 March 1849. Charles Albert abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel II, and Piedmontese ambitions to unite Italy or conquer Lombardy were, for the moment, brought to an end. The war ended with a treaty signed on 9 August. A popular revolt broke out in Brescia on the same day as the defeat at Novara, but was suppressed by the Austrians ten days later.

Initially, Pius IX had been something of a reformer, but conflicts with the revolutionaries soured him on the idea of constitutional government. In November 1848, following the assassination of his Minister Pellegrino Rossi, Pius IX fled just before Giuseppe Garibaldi and other patriots arrived in Rome. In early 1849, elections were held for a Constituent Assembly, which proclaimed a Roman Republic on February 9. On 2 February 1849, at a political rally held in the Apollo Theater, a young Roman priest, the Abbé Arduini, had made a speech in which he had declared that the temporal power of the popes was a "historical lie, a political imposture, and a religious immorality.".[23] In early March 1849, Giuseppe Mazzini arrived in Rome and was appointed Chief Minister. In the Constitution of the Roman Republic,[24] religious freedom was guaranteed by article 7, the independence of the pope as head of the Catholic Church was guaranteed by article 8 of the Principi fondamentali, while the death penalty was abolished by article 5, and free public education was provided by article 8 of the Titolo I.

While Radetzky consolidated control of Lombardy-Venetia and Charles Albert licked his wounds, matters took a more serious turn in other parts of Italy. The monarchs who had reluctantly agreed to constitutions in March came into conflict with their constitutional ministers. At first, the republics had the upper hand, forcing the monarchs to flee their capitals, including Pope Pius IX.

Soon, Charles Albert, the King of Sardinia (who ruled Piedmont and Savoy), urged by the Venetians and Milanese to aid their cause, decided this was the moment to unify Italy and declared war on Austria ( First Italian Independence War). After initial successes at Goito and Peschiera, he was decisively defeated by Radetzky at the Battle of Custoza on 24 July. An armistice was agreed to, and Radetzky regained control of all of Lombardy-Venetia save Venice itself, where the Republic of San Marco was proclaimed under Daniele Manin.[22]

Meanwhile, in Lombardy, tensions increased until the Milanese and Venetians rose in revolt on 18 March 1848. The insurrection in Milan succeeded in expelling the Austrian garrison after five days of street fights -18 March till 22 March- ( Cinque giornate di Milano). An Austrian army under Marshal Josef Radetzky besieged Milan, but due to defection of many of his troops and the support of the Milanese for the revolt, they were forced to retreat.

In February 1848, there were revolts in Tuscany that were relatively nonviolent, after which Grand Duke Ferdinand granted the Tuscans a constitution. A breakaway republican provisional government formed in Tuscany during February shortly after this concession. On 21 February, Pope Pius IX granted a constitution to the Papal States, which was both unexpected and surprising considering the historical recalcitrance of the Papacy. On 23 February 1848, King Louis Philippe of France was forced to flee Paris, and a republic was proclaimed. By the time the revolution in Paris occurred, three states of Italy had constitutions - four if one considers Sicily to be a separate state.

On 5 January 1848, the revolutionary disturbances began with a civil disobedience strike in Lombardy, as citizens stopped smoking and playing the lottery, which denied Austria the associated tax revenue. Shortly after this, revolts began on the island of Sicily and in Naples against King Ferdinand, who conceded as he had in 1821 and granted The Kingdom of Two Sicilies a constitution, as well as releasing political prisoners. In Sicily the revolt resulted in the proclamation of the Kingdom of Sicily with Ruggero Settimo as Chairman of the independent state until 1849 when the Bourbon army took back full control of the island on 15 May 1849 by force.[21]

In 1844, two brothers from Venice, Attilio and Emilio Bandiera, members of the Giovine Italia, planned to make a raid on the Calabrian coast against the Kingdom of Two Sicilies and in name of Italian Unification. They assembled a band of about twenty men ready to sacrifice their lives, and set sail on their venture on 12 June 1844. Four days later they landed near Crotone, intending to go to Cosenza, liberate the political prisoners and issue their proclamations. Tragically for the Bandiera brothers, they did not find the insurgent band they were told awaited them, so they moved towards La Sila. They were ultimately betrayed by one of their party, the Corsican Boccheciampe, and by some peasants who believed them to be Turkish pirates. A detachment of gendarmes and volunteers were sent against them, and after a short fight the whole band was taken prisoner and escorted to Cosenza, where a number of Calabrians who had taken part in a previous rising were also under arrest. The Bandiera brothers and their nine companions were executed by firing squad; some accounts state they cried " Viva l'Italia!" (Long live Italy!) as they fell. The moral effect was enormous throughout Italy, the action of the authorities was universally condemned, and the martyrdom of the Bandiera brothers bore fruit in the subsequent revolutions.[20]

Revolutions of 1848-1849 and First Italian Independence War

In the spring of 1831, the Austrian army began its march across the Italian peninsula, slowly crushing resistance in each province that had revolted. This military action suppressed much of the fledgling revolutionary movement, and resulted in the arrest of many radical leaders.[19]

Insurrected provinces planned to unite as the Province Italiane unite (united Italian Provinces), which prompted Pope Gregory XVI to ask for Austrian help against the rebels. Metternich warned Louis-Philippe that Austria had no intention of letting Italian matters be, and that French intervention would not be tolerated. Louis-Philippe withheld any military help and even arrested Italian patriots living in France.

At the same time, other insurrections arose in the Papal Legations of Bologna, Forlì, Ravenna, Imola, Ferrara, Pesaro and Urbino. These successful revolutions, which adopted the tricolore in favour of the Papal flag, quickly spread to cover all the Papal Legations, and their newly installed local governments proclaimed the creation of a united Italian nation. The revolts in Modena and the Papal Legations inspired similar activity in the Duchy of Parma, where the tricolore flag was adopted. The Parmese duchess Marie Louise left the city during the political upheaval.

During the July Revolution of 1830 in France, revolutionaries forced the king to abdicate and created the July Monarchy with encouragement from the new French king, Louis-Philippe. Louis-Philippe had promised revolutionaries such as Ciro Menotti that he would intervene if Austria tried to interfere in Italy with troops. Fearing he would lose his throne, Louis-Philippe did not, however, intervene in Menotti's planned uprising. The Duke of Modena abandoned his Carbonari supporters, arrested Menotti and other conspirators in 1831, and once again conquered his duchy with help from the Austrian troops. Menotti was executed, and the idea of a revolution centered in Modena faded.

The Duke of Modena, Francis IV, was an ambitious noble, and he hoped to become king of Northern Italy by increasing his territory. In 1826, Francis made it clear that he would not act against those who subverted opposition toward the unification of Italy. Encouraged by the declaration, revolutionaries in the region began to organize.

By 1830, revolutionary sentiment in favour of a unified Italy began to experience a resurgence, and a series of insurrections laid the groundwork for the creation of one nation along the Italian peninsula.

1830 insurrections

In Austrian despotism by indirect educational means. In October 1820, Pellico and Maroncelli were arrested on the charge of carbonarism and conveyed to the Santa Margherita prison. The sentence of death pronounced on them in February 1822 was finally commuted to fifteen and twenty years of jail in harsh condition, and in the following April they were placed in the Spielberg, at Brünn (today's Brno), where they were transferred via Udine and Ljubljana.[18]

The leader of the 1821 revolutionary movement in Piedmont was Santorre di Santarosa, who wanted to remove the Austrians and unify Italy under the House of Savoy. The Piedmont revolt started in Alessandria, where troops adopted the green, white, and red tricolore of the Cisalpine Republic. The king's regent, prince Charles Albert, acting while the king Charles Felix was away, approved a new constitution to appease the revolutionaries, but when the king returned he disavowed the constitution and requested assistance from the Holy Alliance. Di Santarosa's troops were defeated, and the would-be Piedmontese revolutionary fled to Paris.[17]

Piedmont insurrection

In 1820, Spaniards successfully revolted over disputes about their Constitution, which influenced the development of a similar movement in Italy. Inspired by the Spaniards (who, in 1812, had created their constitution), a regiment in the army of the Kingdom of Two Sicilies, commanded by Guglielmo Pepe, a Carbonaro, mutinied, conquering the peninsular part of Two Sicilies. The king, Ferdinand I, agreed to enact a new constitution. The revolutionaries, though, failed to court popular support and fell to Austrian troops of the Holy Alliance. Ferdinand abolished the constitution and began systematically persecuting known revolutionaries. Many supporters of revolution in Sicily, including the scholar Michele Amari, were forced into exile during the decades that followed.[16]

Two Sicilies insurrection

Early revolutionary activity

Two prominent radical figures in the unification movement were (Young Italy) La Giovine Italia. The new society, whose motto was "God and the People", sought the unification of Italy. Garibaldi, a native of Nice (then part of the Kingdom of Sardinia), participated in an uprising in Piedmont in 1834, was sentenced to death, and escaped to South America. He spent fourteen years there, taking part in several wars and learning the art of guerrilla warfare, and returned to Italy in 1848.[15]

Those in favour of unification also faced opposition from the Holy See, particularly after failed attempts to broker a confederation with the Papal States, which would have left the Papacy with some measure of autonomy over the region. The pope at the time, Pius IX, feared that giving up power in the region could mean the persecution of Italian Catholics.[12]

Artistic and literary sentiment also turned towards nationalism; Vittorio Alfieri and Niccolò Tommaseo are generally considered two great literary precursors of Italian nationalism but the most famous of proto-nationalist works was Alessandro Manzoni's I Promessi Sposi (The Betrothed). Some read this novel as a thinly veiled allegorical critique of Austrian rule. The novel was published in 1827 and extensively revised in the following years. The 1840 version of I Promessi Sposi used a standardized version of the Tuscan dialect, a conscious effort by the author to provide a language and force people to learn it.[11]

At the time, the struggle for Italian unification was perceived to be waged primarily against the Austrian Empire and the Habsburgs, since they directly controlled the predominantly Italian-speaking northeastern part of present-day Italy and were, together, the most powerful force against unification. The Austrian Empire vigorously repressed nationalist sentiment growing on the Italian peninsula, as well as in the other parts of Habsburg domains. The Austrian diplomat Klemens von Metternich, an influential diplomat at the Congress of Vienna, stated that the word Italy was nothing more than "a geographic expression".[10]

[9]. In Italy, the Congress restored the pre-Napoleonic patchwork of independent governments, either directly ruled or strongly influenced by the prevailing European powers, particularly Austria. Europe (1815) was convened to redraw the map of Congress of Vienna, the France Following the defeat of Napoleonic [8]

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Date 1815-1871 Location Italy Participants Italian society, Kingdom of Sardinia, Provisional Government of Milan, Republic of San Marco, Kingdom of Sicily, Roman Republic, Carbonari, French Empire, Red Shirts, Hungarian legion, Southern Army, United Provinces of Central Italy, Kingdom of Italy Outcome Italian unification (Italian: Risorgimento , meaning the Resurgence) was the political and social movement that consolidated different states of the Italian peninsula into the single state of the Kingdom of Italy in the 19th century.

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The Italian Unification is a gathering of different states gathered in the Italian peninsula together in the state of Italy. Italy won the battle of Sisley but they weren't unified yet. Rome became the capital of the united Italian states.

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Germans in the west and east of the country persist 30 years after reunification, a range of studies released for the October anniversary show. From wages to childcare, trust in political leaders and state institutions, to the importance of an east or west identity, the gaps are stark, the government ombudsman for the former communist East Germany.

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Major differences between the lives and attitudes of Germans in the west and east of the country persist 30 years after reunification, a range of studies released for the October anniversary show.

From wages to childcare, trust in political leaders and state institutions, to the importance of an east or west identity, the gaps are stark, the government ombudsman for the former communist East Germany (GDR), and author of the main report, said. "I had hoped that in this, the 30thyear after German reunification, we would be further along than we are," Marco Wanderwitz admitted.

The reports' findings make for sobering reading ahead of the key anniversary on 3 October, when the country will celebrate the reunification of the two Germanies divided by 41 years of the GDR and 28 years of the Berlin Wall.

Among the biggest variations between the former east and west are in the workplace. While eastern Germans are less likely to hold leadership positions across Germany, eastern German women are more likely than their western counterparts to have top manager posts. And while western German women earn 21% less than men, in the east it is just 6%.

A year after unification, only 55% of western German women had paid employment, compared with 67% of eastern German women, according to a study by the Hans Böckler foundation of the union DGB. But 30 years on, the number of western German women in jobs is about 72%, and eastern German women 74%.

In both parts of the country, women are responsible for most childcare and housework, and are far more likely to be in part-time jobs than men. But the legacy of state childcare in eastern Germany, which, although it has reduced since the days of the GDR remains largely intact, means 60% of eastern German women feel they have to work part time compared with as many as 80% of western German women.

Whilst the GDP per inhabitant in eastern Germany has risen four-fold since 1990, the average eastern German's wage is still only 88.8% of that of a western German, and the economic power of former communist states is only 73% of those of the former West Germany, failing to reach the level even of Saarland, economically the weakest western German state. Eastern Germany also has more people out of work, lower land prices and less tax income.

Young east Berliners celebrate on top of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Photograph: AFP/Getty

"In an extraordinary manner, in many ways Germany looks like it's still divided," the left-leaning daily TAZ commented. It added that divisive in itself was the fact that three decades after reunification, Wanderwitz "continues to have the name 'government ombudsman for the new states' on his business card", which it said made it sound as if he were "a mentor for problem pupils".

Only broadband connections between the two parts of Germany are on a par.

The government's report expressed concern about the "general lack of satisfaction" of eastern Germans towards politics and its representatives. And while 91% of western Germans think democracy is the "best suited form of government", only 78% of eastern Germans feel the same.

Voting for far-right parties is considerably more prevalent in eastern Germany, where the far-right populist Alternative für Deutschland, the main opposition party in the Bundestag, has made its strongest gains.

Wanderwitz said he found the trend "extremely worrying". "Hate and extremism are more readily found in eastern states, and trust in state institutions is also some cases is at a shockingly low level," he said.

Although the emigration of young workers from eastern Germany, which caused the population there to reduce by 2.2 million, has largely stopped, its ageing population continues to shrink, which Wanderwitz said would continue to be one of eastern Germany's biggest challenges.

Susanne Dähner, of the Berlin Institute for Population and Development and author of the study Diversity of Unification, said: "Despite all the successes in the unification process, the former division is still felt in the lives of people in the east and west."

She said that four in 10 eastern Germans felt treated as second-class citizens and that their origins played a bigger role in their lives than those of western Germans, "even in the generation of those who were born into a united Germany, who will only have learnt about that co-existence from hearing descriptions and from history books", she said.

"Their lives were changed by reunification, their biographies were interrupted and many people had to orientate themselves anew."

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'Germany looks like it's still divided': stark gaps persist 30 years after reunification

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Major differences between the lives and attitudes of Germans in the west and east of the country persist 30 years after reunification, a range of studies released for the October anniversary show.

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A priest named Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla became the father of Mexican independence with a historic proclamation urging his fellow Mexicans to take up arms against the Spanish government.  The Treaty of Córdoba established Mexico as an independent constitutional monarchy under Augustin de Iturbide. Just 18 months later, the republican insurgents Antonio López de Santa Anna and Guadalupe Victoria ousted the emperor and established the first Mexican Republic

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Struggle for Mexican Independence - War, Causes & Effects

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Mexico was first populated more than 13,000 years ago before the Spanish conquered and colonized the country in the 16th century. In 1810, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, a Catholic priest, launched the Mexican War of Independence when he issued his Grito de Dolores, or "Cry of Delores."

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For 3 years the Spaniard rules the Mexicans.  Miguel Hidalgo was fed up and declarerd independence. He was doing a good job but then he was captured and killed. Some kept up the rebellion and got independence from Spain.