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Basilica di San Francesco d'Assisi, Piazza Inferiore di San Francesco, Assisi, PG

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Basilica di San Francesco d'Assisi, Piazza Inferiore di San Francesco, Assisi, PG

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Basilica di San Francesco d'Assisi, Piazza Inferiore di San Francesco, Assisi, PG

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It's the mother church of the Roman Catholic Order of Friars Minor Conventual in Assisi, a town in the Umbria region in central Italy, where Saint Francis was born and died. It is a papal minor basilica and one of the most important places of Christian pilgrimage in Italy.

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The Colosseum is a historical and touristic monument in the center of Rome visited by many tourists from all over the world. It is probably the most impressive building-ruin of the Roman Empire. It was the largest construction of its time after the pyramids and today is the largest ancient amphitheater that can be visited in Italy.

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Wujek Coal Mine, Pola, Katowice, Polonia

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Wujek Coal Mine, Pola, Katowice, Polonia

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Wujek Coal Mine, Pola, Katowice, Polonia

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The Wujek Coal Mine, located in Katowice, Poland, played a significant role in the Solidarity Movement. In December 1981, during martial law, it witnessed a brutal government crackdown on striking miners, resulting in several deaths. This event became a symbol of resistance against authoritarian rule in Poland.

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Wujek Coal Mine around 2011

Wujek Coal Mine ( Polish: Kopalnia Wujek, full name in Polish: Kopalnia Węgla Kamiennego „Wujek"; German: Oheim) is a coal mine in Katowice, Poland. It is widely known in Poland as the place of the massacre of striking miners in 1981 (most often referred to by the euphemism 'Pacification'), as well as being the site of a deadly mining accident in 2009.

Mining operations began in the vicinity as early as the 16th century. The present mine, Oheim, was established in 1899 by a merger of six mining operations existing in Silesia (then a part of Germany). The peak Polish production was in 1979 (3.88 million tons that year).

Currently[when? ], the Wujek mine produces sub-bituminous coal with a typical energy content of 30000-35000 kJ/kg, volatile content of 30-31%, ash content of less than 5%, and sulfur content of less than 0.6%.

On 1 April 2017, the Wujek mine was taken over by Polska Grupa Górnicza , and in 2021, it was connected to the Murcki-Staszic Coal Mine (pl:Kopalnia Węgla Kamiennego „Murcki-Staszic") via an underground passageway. Since then, both formerly independent mines are now operated as a single entity called Staszic-Wujek Coal Mine (pl:Kopalnia Węgla Kamiennego „Staszic-Wujek").

The name "Wujek" means "Uncle" in Polish.

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Wujek Coal Mine ( Polish: Kopalnia Wujek, full name in Polish: Kopalnia Węgla Kamiennego „Wujek"; German: Oheim) is a coal mine in Katowice, Poland. It is widely known in Poland as the place of the massacre of striking miners in 1981 (most often referred to by the euphemism 'Pacification'), as well as being the site of a deadly mining accident in 2009.

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this ghetto was for aadults and childs, who have been forced to stay here, after that they were send to extermination camp.

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The Wołyń Massacre, occurring from 1943-1945, was a horrific ethnic conflict in Eastern Poland, now Western Ukraine. It resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of ethnic Poles by Ukrainian nationalists. This brutal episode marked a tragic chapter in the history of inter-ethnic violence during World War II.

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The massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia ( Polish: rzeź wołyńska, 'Volhynian slaughter'; Ukrainian: Волинська трагедія, Volynska trahediia, 'Volyn tragedy') were carried out in German-occupied Poland by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) with the support of parts of the local Ukrainian population against the Polish minority in Volhynia, Eastern Galicia, parts of Polesia and Lublin region from 1943 to 1945. The ruling Germans also actively encouraged both Ukrainians and Poles to kill each other.The peak of the massacres took place in July and August 1943. The massacres were exceptionally brutal and affected primarily women and children. The UPA's actions resulted in up to 100,000 deaths. Other victims of the massacres included several hundred Armenians, Jews, Russians, Czechs, Georgians, and Ukrainians who were part of Polish families or opposed the UPA and sabotaged the massacres by hiding Polish escapees.

The ethnic cleansing was a Ukrainian attempt to prevent the post-war Polish state from asserting its sovereignty over Ukrainian-majority areas that had been part of the pre-war Polish state. The decision to force the Polish population to leave the areas considered by the Banderite faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B) to be Ukrainian took place at a meeting of military referents in the autumn of 1942, and it was planned to liquidate the leaders of the Polish community and those who would resist. Local UPA commanders in Volhynia, joining the armed uprising against the Germans, began attacking the Polish population, carrying out massacres in many villages. Encountering resistance, UPA commander in Volhynia Dmytro Klyachkivsky "Klym Savur" issued an order in June 1943 for the "general physical liquidation of the entire Polish population". The largest wave of attacks took place in July and August 1943, the assaults in Volhynia continued until the spring of 1944, when the Red Army arrived in Volhynia and the Polish underground, which had hitherto organised self-defences, formed the 27th AK Infantry Division. Approximately 50,000-60,000 Poles died as a result of the genocide in Volhynia, while up to 2,000-3,000 Ukrainians died as a result of Polish retaliatory actions.

At the 3rd OUN Congress in August 1943, Mykola Lebed criticised the Ukrainian Insurgent Army's actions in Volhynia as "bandit". The majority of delegates, however, opposed his assessment and the congress decided to carry the anti-Polish action into Galicia. However, it took a different course; by the end of 1943, it was limited to killing the leaders of the Polish community and exhorting Poles to flee to the west under the threat of looming genocide. In March 1944, the UPA command, headed by Roman Shuchevych, issued an order to drive Poles out of Eastern Galicia, first by warning and then by raiding villages, murdering men and burning buildings. A similar order was issued by the UPA commander in Eastern Galicia, Vasyl Sydor "Shelest". This order was often not obeyed and entire villages were slaughtered. In Eastern Galicia between 1943 and 1946, the OUN-B and the UPA killed 20,000-25,000 Poles. 1,000-2,000 Ukrainians were killed by the Polish underground.

Some Ukrainian religious authorities, institutions and leaders protested against the slayings of Polish civilians but without achieving much. In 2008, the Polish Parliament adopted a resolution defining the UPA's crimes against Poles as "crimes bearing the hallmarks of genocide". In 2013, it passed a resolution that it was "ethnic cleansing with the hallmarks of genocide". On 22 July 2016, the Sejm established 11 July as National Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists against the citizens of the Second Polish Republic. This classification is disputed by Ukraine and some non-Polish historians, who use the term " ethnic cleansing".

Background

Interwar period in Second Polish Republic

Map of Wołyń (Volhynia) and Eastern Galicia in 1939

Ukrainian radical nationalism

In 1920, exiled Ukrainian officers, mostly former Sich Riflemen and veterans of Polish-Ukrainian War, founded the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), an underground military organization with the goals of continuing the armed struggle for independent Ukraine. Already in the second half of 1922 UVO organized a wave of sabotage actions and assassination attempts on Polish officials and moderate Ukrainian activists. In 1929, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) was formed in Vienna, Austria, and was the result of a union between several radical nationalist and extreme right-wing organisations with UVO. Members of the organization carried out several acts of terror and assassinations in Poland, but it was still rather fringe movement, condemned for its violence by figures from mainstream Ukrainian society such as the head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Andriy Sheptytsky. The most popular political party among Ukrainians was in fact the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO), which was opposed to Polish rule but called for peaceful and democratic means to achieve independence from Poland.

By the beginning of the Second World War, the membership of OUN had risen to 20,000 active members, and the number of supporters was many times as many.

Polish policy towards Ukrainian minority

Polish census of 1931

Original map showing the distribution of native languages spoken in Poland during the 1931 census.

The policy of the Polish authorities towards the Ukrainian minority was changeable throughout the interwar period, varying between attempts at assimilation, conciliation and a policy of repression.

For example in 1930 terror campaign and civil unrest in the Galician countryside resulted in Polish police exacting a policy of collective responsibility on local Ukrainians in an effort to "pacify" the region. Ukrainian parliamentarians were placed under house arrest to prevent them from participating in elections, with their constituents terrorized into voting for Polish candidates. Beginning in 1937, the Polish government in Volhynia initiated an active campaign to use religion as a tool for Polonization and to convert the Orthodox population to Roman Catholicism. Over 190 Orthodox churches were destroyed and 150 converted to Roman Catholic churches.

On the other hand just before the war, Volhynia was "the site of one of eastern Europe's most ambitious policies of toleration". Through supporting Ukrainian culture and religious autonomy and the Ukrainization of the Orthodox Church, the Sanacja regime wanted to achieve Ukrainian loyalty to the Polish state and to minimise Soviet influences in the borderline region. That approach was gradually abandoned after Józef Piłsudski's death in 1935. Practically all government and administrative positions, including the police, were assigned to Poles.

Harsh policies implemented by the Second Polish Republic were often a response to OUN-B violence, but contributed to a further deterioration of relations between the two ethnic groups. Between 1921 and 1938, Polish colonists and war veterans were encouraged to settle in the Volhynian and Galician countrysides, their number reached 17,700 in Volhynia in 3,500 new settlements by 1939. Between 1934 and 1938, a series of violent and sometimes-deadly attacks against Ukrainians were conducted in other parts of Poland. Volhynia was a place of increasingly violent conflict, with Polish police on one side and Western Ukrainian communists supported by many dissatisfied Ukrainian peasants on the other. The communists organized strikes, killed at least 31 suspected police informers in 1935-1936, and assassinated local Ukrainian officials for "collaboration" with the Polish government. The police conducted mass arrests, reported the killing of 18 communists in 1935, and killed at least 31 people in gunfights and during arrest attempts in 1936.

Second World War

Ukrainian diversion in September 1939

After the first Polish setbacks in the defensive war against Germany, there were acts of diversion, attacks on Polish troops and inhabitants mainly in the areas of Eastern Galicia. The first attacks took place on the night of 12-13 September 1939 in Stryj, and then in every district of mixed ethnicity. This first wave of diversions was not massive and was quickly, often brutally, suppressed by Polish forces. It was only after 17 September that there were anti-Polish incidents on a much larger scale, organized by the OUN and communists, in which some 2,000 Poles were killed in Eastern Galicia and 1,000 in Volhynia. The largest massacres took place in the villages of Sławentyn, Koniuchy and Potutory. According to the OUN, they attacked 183 villages throughout September. In total, several thousand people took part in anti-Polish actions. The Polish side responded with pacifications, in which probably several hundred people were killed.

Soviet occupation of Volhynia and Eastern Galicia

In September 1939, Poland was invaded by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Eastern part of Poland was annexed by the Soviet Union, Volhynia and Eastern Galicia were attached to the Ukrainian SSR. Upon the annexation, the Soviet NKVD started to eliminate the predominantly Polish middle and upper classes, including social activists and military leaders. Between 1939 and 1941, 200,000 Poles were deported to Siberia. The deportations and murders deprived the Poles of their community leaders.

During the Soviet occupation, Polish members of the local administration were replaced by Ukrainians and Jews, and the Soviet NKVD subverted the Ukrainian independence movement. All local Ukrainian political parties were abolished. Between 20,000 and 30,000 Ukrainian activists fled to German-occupied territory; most of those who did not escape were arrested. For example, Dmytro Levytsky, the head of the UNDO was arrested with many of his colleagues, and never heard from again. The elimination by the Soviets of the moderate or liberal political leaders within Ukrainian society allowed the extremist underground OUN, to be the only group with a significant organizational presence among western Ukrainians.

OUN activities 1939-1941

In Kraków on 10 February 1940 a revolutionary faction of the OUN emerged, called the OUN-R or, after its leader Stepan Bandera, the OUN-B ( Banderites). This was opposed by the current leadership of the organization, so it split, and the old group was called OUN-M after the leader Andriy Melnyk (Melnykites).

On 22 June 1941, the Soviet Union was attacked by Germany, the Soviets quickly withdrew eastward and Volhynia. OUN supported Germans and seized about 213 villages and organized diversion in the rear of the Red Army. The OUN-B formed Ukrainian militias that, displaying exceptional cruelty, carried out antisemitic pogroms and massacres of Jews. The biggest pogroms carried out by the Ukrainian nationalists took place in Lviv resulting in the massacre of 6,000 Polish Jews. The involvement of OUN-B is unclear, but certainly OUN-B propaganda fuelled antisemitism. The vast majority of pogroms carried out by the Banderites occurred in Eastern Galicia and Volhynia. Several hundred Poles were also killed at the hands of Ukrainian nationalists at the time, and a group of about a hundred Polish students were murdered in Lviv.

On 30 June 1941, the OUN-B proclaimed the establishment of Ukrainian State in Lviv, in response to the declaration, OUN-B leaders and associates were arrested and imprisoned by the Gestapo (ca.1500 persons). The OUN-M continued to operate openly, collaborating with the Germans and taking over local administration, but its leaders also began to be arrested and the organisation's influence curtailed by the Germans in early 1942. Meanwhile OUN-B unwilling and unable to openly resist the Germans started to methodically set about creating a clandestine organization, engaging in propaganda work, and building weapons stockpiles. A major aspect of its programme was the infiltration of the local collaborationist police. They were trained in the use of weapons so they could assist the German SS in the murder of approximately 200,000 Volhynian Jews, Ukrainian police learned how to make use of genocidal techniques from the Germans.

Polish underground in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia

Polish-Ukrainian antagonism

Both the Polish government-in-exile and the underground state and the Ukrainian OUN-B considered the possibility that in the event of mutually exhaustive attrition warfare between Germany and the Soviet Union, the region would become a scene of conflict between Poles and Ukrainians. In early 1943, the Polish underground considered the possibility of rapprochement with Ukrainians, which proved fruitless since neither side was willing to sacrifice their claims.

Only one faction of Ukrainian nationalists, OUN-B under Mykola Lebed and then Roman Shukhevych, was committed to the ethnic cleansing of Volhynia. Taras Bulba-Borovets, the founder of the Ukrainian People's Revolutionary Army, rejected the idea and condemned the anti-Polish massacres when they started. The OUN-M leadership did not believe that such an operation was advantageous in 1943.

Creation of UPA and the Ukrainian anti-German uprising

By the late 1942 the OUN-B in Volhynia was avoiding conflict with the German authorities and working with them, resistance to the Germans was limited to Soviet partisans on the extreme northern edge of Volhynia, to small bands of OUN-M fighters, and to a group of guerillas knowns as the UPA or the Polessian Sich, unaffiliated with the OUN-B and led by Taras Bulba-Borovets of the exiled Ukrainian People's Republic. Soviet partisans raided local settlements in search for supplies. Soon Germans began "pacifying" entire villages in Volhynia in retaliation for real or alleged support for the Soviet partisans. they were often conducted by Ukrainian auxiliary police units under the direct supervision of Germans. One of the best-known examples was the pacification of Obórki, a village in Lutsk County, on 13-14 November 1942.

In October 1942 OUN-B decided to form its own partisans, called OUN Military Detachments. Individual units entered active combat in February 1943 (first was sotnia of Hryhoriy Perehinyak attack on German police station in Volodymyrets on 7 February). At the third OUN-B conference (17-23 February 1943) it was decided to launch an anti-German uprising in order to liberate as much territory as possible before the arrival of the Red Army. The uprising was to break out first in Volhynia, for which purpose the formation of a partisan army called the Ukrainian Liberation Army began there. The uprising broke out in mid-March, with Dmytro Klyachkivsky and Vasyl Ivakhiv leading it, and Klyachkivsky alone after Ivakhiv death in May that year. It was also at that time that the name Ukrainian Liberation Army was abandoned and the name Ukrainian Insurgent Army, hijacked from Bulba-Borovets, began to be used, thus impersonating it. The new army basis were Ukrainian policemen, who deserted en masse (about 5,000) between March and April 1943 and men absorbed from Bulba-Borovets and OUN-M units. By July 1943 the UPA had twenty thousand soldiers. According to Timothy Snyder, in their struggle for dominance, OUN-B forces would kill tens of thousands of Ukrainians for supposed links to Melnyk or Bulba-Borovets.

First massacres

Dmytro Klachkivsky, commander of UPA units in Volhynia, who ordered the genocide of Poles in the region

Between 1939 and 1943, the share of Polish population in Volhynia had dropped to about 8% (approximately 200,000 inhabitants). Volhynian Poles were dispersed across rural areas, Soviet deportations stripped them of their community leaders, and they had neither own local partisan army nor state power (with exception of the German occupants) to turn to for protection.

On 9 February 1943, a UPA group, commanded by Hryhory Perehyniak, pretended to be Soviet partisans and assaulted the Parośle settlement in Sarny county. It is considered a prelude to the massacres and is recognized as the first mass murder committed by the UPA in the area. Estimates of the number of victims range from 149 to 173.

Throughout Volhynia, individuals, often with their families, began to be killed, while in the Kostopol and Sarny counties in the northeastern part of Volhynia, where Ivan Lytvynchuk "Dubovy" was in command, the UPA proceeded to systematically murder Poles. They attacked dozens of villages, the largest massacre of which took place in Lipniki, where one of the first Polish self-defences was established, but despite resistance during the attack on the night of 26-27 March, the "Dubovy" unit murdered 184 people. About 130 people were murdered in Brzezina on 8 April 1943. Then the massacres began to be carried out in the westward located counties, mainly in the Lutsk county. According to Timothy Snyder, in late March and early April 1943, the UPA forces killed 7,000 Polish civilians.

Wave of massacres during Holy Week of 1943

The OUN-B and UPA leadership chose Holy Week (18-26 April) as the period for an organised attack on the Polish population, which was to include the western counties of Równo and Krzemieniec, where Petro Oilynyk "Eney" was in command.

Several villages was attacked, but the most bloody was the massacre of the night of 22-23 April in Janowa Dolina, where UPA unit commanded by Ivan Lytvynchuk "Dubovy" killed 600 people and burned down the entire village. In another massacre, according to the UPA reports, the Polish colonies of Kuty, in the Szumski region, and Nowa Nowica, in the Webski region, were liquidated for co-operation with the Gestapo and the other German authorities. According to Polish sources, the Kuty self-defense unit managed to repel a UPA assault, but at least 53 Poles were murdered. The rest of the inhabitants decided to abandon the village and were escorted by the Germans who arrived at Kuty, alerted by the glow of fire and the sound of gunfire.

Polish proposals for a truce

The local Home Army command, under Col. Kazimierz Bąbiński "Luboń", responded to the attacks by organising local self-defences, of which about 100 were formed by July 1943, in a bid to protect the population and prevent them from fleeing to the cities. It was determined to fight the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), not believing there was any possibility of an agreement, but at the same time it was obliged to carry out the plan of an anti-German general uprising, which ordered it to spare its forces until the Soviet-German front arrived. On the opposite side was the local Government Delegate, Kazimierz Banach "Jan Linowski", who still believed in the plan agreed with headquarters and Home Army commander General Rowecki to reach an agreement with the Ukrainians, which he had been trying to implement since 1942.

July wave of massacres

The Soviet victories acted as a stimulus for the escalation of massacres in July 1943, when the ethnic cleansing reached its peak. In the 1990s, a citation from an alleged "secret directive" by Dmytro Klyachkivsky (head-commander of the UPA-North) was published by Polish historian Władysław Filar:

We should make a large action of the liquidation of the Polish element. As the German armies withdraw, we should take advantage of this convenient moment for liquidating the entire male population in the age from 16 up to 60 years. We cannot lose this fight, and it is necessary at all costs to weaken Polish forces. Villages and settlements lying next to the massive forests, should disappear from the face of the earth.

The Kisielin massacre was a slaughter of Polish worshippers on 11 July 1943 during a Sunday mass

Full text of the "secret order" was never published and its authenticity is questioned.

The UPA command decided to extend the genocidal action to the western areas of Volhynia, the districts of Horochów, Kowel and Vladimir, an area more densely populated by Poles. The action was to be coordinated to exploit the element of surprise to the maximum. The day after murder of Polish emissaries, 11 July 1943, was the start of the operation and is regarded as the bloodiest day of the massacres, with many reports of UPA units marching from village to village and killing Polish civilians. On that day, UPA units surrounded and attacked Polish 96 villages and settlements located in counties Horochów, and Włodzimierz Wołyński, and 3 in Kowel county. Fifty villages in the first two counties were attacked the following day.

In the Polish village of Gurów, out of 480 inhabitants, only 70 survived; in the settlement of Orzeszyn, the UPA killed 306 out of 340 Poles; in the village of Sadowa out of 600 Polish inhabitants, only 20 survived. In Zagaje 260 Poles was killed. The wave of massacres lasted five days until July 16. The UPA continued the ethnic cleansing, particularly in rural areas, until most Poles had been deported, killed or expelled. The thoroughly-planned actions were conducted by many units and were well-coordinated. In August 1943, the Polish village of Gaj, near Kovel, was burned and some 600 people were massacred, and 438 people were killed, including 246 children, in Ostrówki. In July 1943, a total of 520 Polish villages were attacked, killing 10,000-11,000 Poles. At the same time, the killings in the eastern part of the county continued.

August wave of massacres

During the night of August 30 Ivan Klimchak "Lysiy" unit surrounded the village of Kąty, where Poles were murdered farm by farm, killing 180-213 people. Then, on August 31, the unit killed 86-87 people in the village of Jankowce. On the same day they surrounded the village of Ostrówek. The population was gathered in the school and church, valuables were taken away. Then the men were killed with blunt tools in three different places. The rest of the population was shot in the cemetery. A total of 476 to 520 people were killed. Another unit entered the village of Wola Ostrowiecka on the morning of 30 August. Children were treated with candy, and a speech was made to the population calling for a joint fight against the Germans, then the entire population was gathered in the school. Men were led outside and killed with axes and blunt tools, then the school, with women and children inside, was set on fire and pelted with grenades. Overall 572-520 people were killed. In total, several hundred Polish villages were attacked in August 1943.

In the eastern part of Volhynia the slaughter of the Polish population continued, the attacks were generally not coordinated, the UPA units attacking those Polish villages that still survived. Many of them had been turned into self-defence points, so the massacres were often preceded by fights, sometimes the defenders managed to repel the UPA units.

Polish self-defence and reprisal

The last wave of massacres in Volhynia in the winter of 1943-1944

The UPA's command decided to take advantage of the coming Soviet offensive to launch a final liquidation action against the Polish population. It was decided to attack those villages from which German or Hungarian units had already withdrawn and the Soviets had not yet entered. Many partisan units also undertook offensive actions against the Germans, making it impossible for them to protect the civilian population. The attacks began on 7 December with assaults on the villages of Budki Borowskie, Dołhań and Okopy. Most assaults took place right before Christmas. The attacks continued until March. One of the bloodiest massacres took place in Wiśniowiec, in February 1944, when the OUN SB units managed to capture the Monastery of the Discalced Carmelites, which had been attacked several times during 1943. Almost all of the 300-400 Poles hiding there, including monks, were killed, as well as 138 people in neighbouring Wiśniowiec Stary.

Operations of the 27th Volhynian Infantry Division of the Home Army

In January 1944, at the same time as the UPA was carrying out its last wave of massacres of the Polish population, the units of the Home Army in Volhynia embarked on the implementation of Operation Tempest, i.e. an anti-German uprising. To this end, AK units from across Volhynia were to assemble in western Volhynia to form the 27th Volhynian Infantry Division. However, some units, mainly those forming part of self-defences, refused to carry out the order, not wanting to leave the civilian population at the mercy of the UPA. Despite this, the division was formed and managed to capture a part of Volhynia between Kovel and Volodymyr-Volynskyi. Fearful of being surrounded by UPA units, the division began fighting them. From 11 January to 18 March 1944, the division fought sixteen major clashes with the Ukrainians, coming out mostly successful. The Ukrainian population was expelled from the captured villages in the area of Svynaryn forest and its surroundings. Ukrainian sources state that the division's soldiers committed atrocities in some Ukrainian villages, the greatest of which would be the crime in Ochniwka, where, according to Yaroslav Tsaruk ( Ukrainian: Ярослав Царук), 166 people were allegedly killed.

After the battles with the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the division fought almost exclusively against the Germans, soon withdrawing from Volhynia to the Lublin region.

Reactions of other Ukrainian organisations

Eastern Galicia

Polish-Ukrainian tension in Eastern Galicia

The Polish underground stood firm on the integrity of the pre-war borders, but was prepared to make certain concessions to the Ukrainians. At the same time, it was convinced that the OUN, faced with a choice between western Ukraine belonging to the USSR or Poland, would ultimately opt for Poland. However, the OUN rejected these proposals, issuing statements accusing the Polish population of collaboration with the Germans and Soviets. In this atmosphere, and against the backdrop of the ongoing ethnic cleansing of the Polish population in Volhynia, talks between the Polish underground and the OUN Central Provision had been taking place since the summer of 1943 on a possible agreement. The last meeting took place on 8 March 1944.

Decision to carry out anti-Polish action in Eastern Galicia

Roman Shukhevych, since mid-1943 the UPA's main commander, gave the order to extend the ethnic cleansing of Poles to Eastern Galicia

At the 3rd OUN Congress in August 1943, Mykola Lebed and Mykhailo Stepaniak criticised the UPA's actions in Volhynia as "bandit". The majority of delegates, however, opposed his assessment and opted for transferring the Volhynian actions against Poles into Galicia. It is not clear when the final decision was made, it was probably made by Shuchevych, at that time already the commander of the OUN-B and UPA, after inspecting Volhynia and seeing the effects of the action in the region.

Ethnic cleansing

In late 1943 and early 1944, after most Poles in Volhynia had either been murdered or had fled the area, the conflict spread to the neighboring province of Galicia, where most of the population was still Ukrainian, but the Polish presence was strong. Unlike in the case of Volhynia, where Polish villages were usually destroyed and their inhabitants murdered without warning, in eastern Galicia, Poles were sometimes given the choice of fleeing or being killed. An order by a UPA commander in Galicia stated, "Once more I remind you: first call upon Poles to abandon their land and only later liquidate them, not the other way around". The choice of other tactics, combined with better Polish self-defence and a demographic balance more favorable to Poles, resulted in a significantly lower death toll among Poles in Galicia than in Volhynia.

The methods used by Ukrainian nationalists in this area were the same: rounding up and killing all the Polish residents of the villages and then looting the villages and burning them to the ground. On 28 February 1944, in the village of Korosciatyn 135 Poles were murdered; the victims were later counted by a local Roman Catholic priest, Mieczysław Kamiński. Jan Zaleski (father of Tadeusz Isakowicz-Zaleski) who witnessed the massacre, wrote in his diary: "The slaughter lasted almost all night. We heard terrible cries, the roar of cattle burning alive, shooting. It seemed that Antichrist himself began his activity!" Kamiński claimed that in Koropiec, where no Poles were actually murdered, a local Greek Catholic priest, in reference to mixed Polish-Ukrainian families, proclaimed from the pulpit: "Mother, you're suckling an enemy - strangle it." Among the scores of Polish villages whose inhabitants were murdered and all buildings burned are places like Berezowica, near Zbaraz; Ihrowica, near Ternopil; Plotych, near Ternopil; Podkamien, near Brody; and Hanachiv and Hanachivka, near Przemyślany.

Bullet marks on the tower of the Podkamień Abbey, where many Poles sought refuge, which was stormed by the UPA on 12 March 1944

One of the most infamous massacres took place on 28 February 1944 in the Polish village of Huta Pieniacka, with over 1,000 inhabitants. The village had served as a shelter for refugees including Polish Jews as well as a recuperation base for Polish and communist partisans. One AK unit was active there. In the winter of 1944, a Soviet partisan unit numbering 1,000 was stationed in the village for two weeks. Huta Pieniacka's villagers, although poor, organized a well-fortified and armed self-defense unit, which fought off a Ukrainian and German reconnaissance attack on 23 February 1944. Two soldiers of the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS Galicia (1st Ukrainian) Division of the Waffen-SS were killed and one wounded by the villagers. On February 28, elements of the Ukrainian 14th SS Division from Brody returned with 500-600 men, assisted by a group of civilian nationalists. The killing spree lasted all day. Kazimierz Wojciechowski, the commander of the Polish self-defense unit, was drenched with gasoline and burned alive at the main square. The village was utterly destroyed and all of its occupants killed. The civilians, mostly women and children, were rounded up at a church, divided and locked into barns, which were set on fire. Estimates of casualties in the Huta Pieniacka massacre vary and include 500 (Ukrainian archives), over 1,000 ( Tadeusz Piotrowski), and 1,200 (Sol Littman). According to IPN investigation, the crime was committed by the 4th battalion of the Ukrainian 14th SS Division supported by UPA units and local Ukrainian civilians.

A military journal of the Ukrainian 14th SS Division condemned the killing of Poles. In a 2 March 1944 article addressed to the Ukrainian youth, which was written by military leaders, Soviet partisans were blamed for the murders of Poles and Ukrainians, and the authors stated, "If God forbid, among those who committed such inhuman acts, a Ukrainian hand was found, it will be forever excluded from the Ukrainian national community". Some historians deny the role of the Ukrainian 14th SS Division in the killings and attribute them entirely to German units, but others disagree. According to Yale historian Timothy Snyder, the Ukrainian 14th SS Division's role in the ethnic cleansing of Poles from western Ukraine was marginal.

The village of Pidkamin (Podkamień), near Brody, was a shelter for Poles, who hid in the monastery of the Dominicans there. Some 2,000 persons, mostly women and children, were living there when the monastery was attacked in mid-March 1944 by the UPA units, which Polish Home Army accounts accused of co-operating with the Ukrainian SS. Over 250 Poles were killed. In the nearby village of Palikrovy, 300 Poles were killed, 20 in Maliniska and 16 in Chernytsia. Armed Ukrainian groups destroyed the monastery and stole all valuables. What remained was the painting of Mary of Pidkamin, which now is kept in St. Wojciech Church in Wrocław. According to Kirichuk, the first attacks on the Poles took place there in August 1943 and were probably the work of the UPA units from Volhynia. In retaliation, Poles killed important Ukrainians, including a Ukrainian doctor from Lviv, called Lastowiecky and a popular football player from Przemyśl, called Wowczyszyn.

By the end of the summer, mass acts of terror aimed at Poles were taking place in Eastern Galicia to force Poles to settle on the western bank of the San River under the slogan "Poles behind the San". Snyder estimates that 25,000 Poles were killed in Galicia alone, and Grzegorz Motyka estimated the number of victims at 30,000-40,000.

The slaughter did not stop after the Red Army entered the areas, with massacres taking place in 1945 in such places as Czerwonogrod (Ukrainian: Irkiv), where 60 Poles were murdered on February 2, 1945, the day before they were scheduled to depart for the Recovered Territories.

By Autumn 1944, anti-Polish actions stopped, and terror was used only against those who co-operated with the NKVD, but in late 1944-early 1945, the UPA performed a last massive anti-Polish action in Ternopil region. On the night of 5-6 February 1945, Ukrainian groups attacked the Polish village of Barysz, near Buchach; 126 Poles were massacred, including women and children. A few days later, on 12-13 February, a local group of OUN under Petro Khamchuk attacked the Polish settlement of Puźniki, killed around 100 people and burned houses. Most of those who survived moved to Niemysłowice near Prudnik, Silesia.

Approximately 150-366 Ukrainian and a few Polish inhabitants of Pawłokoma were killed on 3 March 1945 by a former Polish Home Army unit, aided by Polish self-defense groups from nearby villages. The massacre is believed to be an act of retaliation for earlier alleged murders by UPA of 9 or 11 Poles in Pawłokoma and unspecified number of Poles killed by the UPA in the neighboring villages.

Atrocities

Attacks on Poles during the massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia were marked with extreme sadism and brutality. Rape, torture and mutilation were commonplace. Poles were burned alive, flayed, impaled, crucified, disembowelled, dismembered and beheaded. Women were gang raped and had their breasts sliced off, children were hacked to pieces with axes, babies were impaled on bayonets and pitchforks or bashed against trees.

According to a document provided by the Polish underground, the crimes were atrocious:

In all villages, settlements and colonies, without exception, the Ukrainians carried out the operation of murdering Poles with monstrous cruelty. Women - even pregnant ones - were nailed to the ground with bayonets, children were ripped apart by their legs, others were impaled on pitchforks and thrown over fences, members of intelligentsia were tied with barbed wire and thrown into wells, arms, legs and heads were chopped off with axes, tongues were cut out, ears and noses were cut off, eyes were gouged, genitals were butchered, bellies ripped open and entrails pulled out, heads were smashed with hammers, living children were thrown inside burning houses. The barbaric frenzy reached a point that people were sawed apart alive, women had their breasts severed; others were impaled or beaten to death with sticks. Many people were killed - after a death sentence - by having their hands and feet chopped off, and only then their heads.

The atrocities were carried out indiscriminately and without restraint. The victims, regardless of their age or gender, were routinely tortured to death. Norman Davies in No Simple Victory gives a short but shocking description of the massacres:

Villages were torched. Roman Catholic priests were axed or crucified. Churches were burned with all their parishioners. Isolated farms were attacked by gangs carrying pitchforks and kitchen knives. Throats were cut. Pregnant women were bayoneted. Children were cut in two. Men were ambushed in the field and led away. The perpetrators could not determine the province's future. But at least they could determine that it would be a future without Poles.

An OUN order from early 1944 stated:

Liquidate all Polish traces. Destroy all walls in the Catholic Church and other Polish prayer houses. Destroy orchards and trees in the courtyards so that there will be no trace that someone lived there.... Pay attention to the fact that when something remains that is Polish, then the Poles will have pretensions to our land".

UPA commander's order of 6 April 1944 stated: "Fight them [the Poles] unmercifully. No one is to be spared, even in case of mixed marriages".

Timothy Snyder describes the murders: "Ukrainian partisans burned homes, shot or forced back inside those who tried to flee, and used sickles and pitchforks to kill those they captured outside. In some cases, beheaded, crucified, dismembered, or disemboweled bodies were displayed, in order to encourage remaining Poles to flee". A similar account has been presented by Niall Ferguson, who wrote: "Whole villages were wiped out, men beaten to death, women raped and mutilated, babies bayoneted". The Ukrainian historian Yuryi Kirichuk described the conflict as similar to medieval peasant uprisings.

Even though it may be an exaggeration to say that the massacres enjoyed the general support of the Ukrainians, it has been suggested that without wide support from local Ukrainians, they would have been impossible. The Ukrainian peasants who took part in the killings created their own groups, the SKV or Samoboronni Kushtchovi Viddily (Самооборонні Кущові Відділи, СКВ). Many of their victims who were perceived as Poles, even despite not knowing the Polish language, were murdered by СКВ along with the others.

The violence reached its peak on 11 July 1943 known to many Poles as "Bloody Sunday" when the UPA carried out attacks on 100 Polish villages in Volhynia burning them to the ground and slaughtering some 8,000 Polish men, women and children including patients and nurses at a hospital. These attacks as well as others could have been stopped at anytime by the Germans who in some cases were stationed in garrisons in or near the villages that were attacked. German soldiers however were given orders not to intervene. In some cases individual German soldiers and officers made deals with the UPA to give weapons and other materials to them in exchange for a share of the loot taken from Poles.

Ukrainians in ethnically mixed settlements were offered material incentives to convince them to assist in the attacks on their Polish neighbors or warned by the UPA's security service ( Sluzhba Bezbeky) to leave by night, and all remaining inhabitants were murdered at dawn. Many Ukrainians risked and in some cases lost their lives for trying to shelter or warn Poles. Such activities were treated by the UPA as collaboration with the enemy and severely punished. In 2007, the Polish Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) published a document, Kresowa Księga Sprawiedliwych 1939 - 1945. O Ukraińcach ratujących Polaków poddanych eksterminacji przez OUN i UPA ("Borderland's Book of the Righteous. About Ukrainians saving Poles from extermination of OUN and UIA"). The author of the book, IPN's historian Romuald Niedzielko, documented 1341 cases in which Ukrainian civilians helped their Polish neighbours, which caused 384 Ukrainians to be executed by the UPA.

According to Ukrainian sources, in October 1943 the Volhynian delegation of the Polish government estimated the number of Polish casualties in Sarny, Kostopol, Równe and Zdołbunów counties to exceed 15,000. Timothy Snyder estimates that in July 1943, the UPA actions resulted in the deaths of at least 40,000 Polish civilians in Volhynia (in March 1944, another 10,000 were killed in Galicia), causing additional 200,000 Poles to flee west before September 1944 and 800,000 afterward.

Self-defence organizations

I forbid the use of the methods utilized by the Ukrainian butchers. We will not burn Ukrainian homesteads nor kill Ukrainian women and children in retaliation. The self-defence network must protect itself from the aggressors or attack the aggressors but leave the peaceful population and their possessions alone.

On 20 July 1943, Polish self-defense units were ordered to subordinate themselves to the Home Army's control. Ten days later, the Home Army declared itself in support of an independent Ukrainian state that would encompass non-Polish inhabited areas, and made an appeal to end the civilian bloodshed.

The 27th Home Army Infantry Division was established in January 1944 with the purpose of fighting the UPA and later the German forces.

German involvement

While Germans actively encouraged the conflict, they tried not to get directly involved. Special German units formed from the collaborationist Ukrainian and later the Polish auxiliary police were deployed in pacification actions in Volhynia, and some of their crimes were attributed to the Home Army or to the UPA.

According to Yuriy Kirichuk the Germans actively prodded both sides of the conflict against each other. Erich Koch once said: "We have to do everything possible so that a Pole meeting a Ukrainian, would be willing to kill him and conversely, a Ukrainian would be willing to kill a Pole". Kirichuk quotes a German commissioner from Sarny who responded to the Polish complaints: "You want Sikorski, the Ukrainians want Bandera. Fight each other".

The Germans replaced Ukrainian policemen who deserted from the German service with Polish policemen. Around 1,200 local Poles joined the police, mainly out of desire to avenge UPA atrocities and to obtain means to defend themselves. German policy called for the murder of the family of every Ukrainian police officer who deserted and the destruction of the village of any Ukrainian police officer who deserted with his weapons. Those retaliations were carried out using newly recruited Polish policemen. Polish participation in the German police followed UPA attacks on Polish settlements, but it provided Ukrainian nationalists with useful sources of propaganda and was used as a justification for the ethnic cleansing. The OUN-B leader summarized the situation in August 1943 by saying that the German administration "uses Polaks in its destructive actions. In response we destroy them unmercifully". Despite the desertions in March and April 1943, Ukrainian policemen continued to comprise a significant part of the auxiliary police forces and to pacify Polish and other villages under German orders.

On 25 August 1943, the German authorities ordered all Poles to leave the villages and settlements and to move to larger towns.

Soviet partisan units in the area were aware of the massacres. On 25 May 1943, the commander of the Soviet partisan forces of the Rivne area stressed in his report to the headquarters that Ukrainian nationalists did not shoot the Poles but cut them dead with knives and axes, with no consideration for age or gender.

Number of victims

According to historian George Liber,

the range of these estimates is very broad and must be treated with considerable caution... It is tempting to split the difference between the high and low estimates or to use the highest number of civilian victims to rationalize claims of ethnic cleansing or genocide...

Polish casualties

The death toll among civilians murdered during the Volhynia Massacre is still being researched. At least 10% of ethnic Poles in Volhynia were killed by the UPA, according to Ivan Katchanovski, and thus "Polish casualties comprised about 1% of the prewar population of Poles on territories where the UPA was active and 0.2% of the entire ethnically Polish population in Ukraine and Poland". Łossowski emphasizes that documentation is far from conclusive, as in numerous cases, no survivors were later able to testify.

The Soviet and German invasions of prewar eastern Poland, the UPA massacres, and the postwar Soviet expulsions of Poles contributed to the virtual elimination of a Polish presence in the region. Those who remained left Volhynia, mostly for the neighbouring province of Lublin. After the war, the survivors moved further west to the territories of Lower Silesia. Polish orphans from Volhynia were kept in several orphanages, with the largest of them around Kraków. Several former Polish villages in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia no longer exist, and those that remain are in ruins.

The Institute of National Remembrance estimates that 100,000 Poles were killed by the Ukrainian nationalists (40,000-60,000 victims in Volhynia, 30,000-40,000 in Eastern Galicia and at least 4,000 in Lesser Poland, including up to 2,000 in the Chełm region). For Eastern Galicia, other estimates range between 20,000 and 25,000, 25,000 and 30,000-40,000. Niall Ferguson estimated the total number of Polish victims in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia to be between 60,000 and 80,000, and G. Rossolinski-Liebe estimated 70,000-100,000. John P. Himka says that "perhaps a hundred thousand" Poles were killed in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia . According to Motyka, from 1943 to 1945 in all territories covered by the conflict, approximately 100,000 Poles were killed. Ivan Katchanovski, a Ukrainian political scientist writes that, according to Polish and Western estimates, 35,000-60,000 Poles were killed by the UPA in Volhynia alone; he states: "the lower bound of these estimates [35,000] is more reliable than higher estimates which are based on an assumption that the Polish population in the region was several times less likely to perish as a result of Nazi genocidal policies compared to other regions of Poland and compared to the Ukrainian population of Volhynia". Władysław Siemaszko and his daughter Ewa have documented 33,454 Polish victims, 18,208 of whom are known by surname. (in July 2010, Ewa increased the accounts to 38,600 documented victims, 22,113 of whom are known by surname). At the first-ever joint Polish-Ukrainian conference in Podkowa Leśna, organized on June 7-9, 1994 by Karta Centre, and subsequent Polish-Ukrainian historian meetings, with almost 50 Polish and Ukrainian participants, an estimate of 50,000 Polish deaths in Volhynia was settled on, which they considered to be moderate. According to the sociologist Piotrowski, the UPA actions resulted in an estimated number of 68,700 deaths in Wołyń Voivodeship. Per Anders Rudling states that the UPA killed 40,000-70,000 Poles in the area. Some extreme estimates place the number of Polish victims as high as 300,000. Also, the numbers include Polonized Armenians killed in the massacres, such as in Kuty. The studies from 2011 quote 91,200 confirmed deaths, 43,987 of which are known by name.

Ukrainian casualties

After the initiation of the massacres, Polish self-defense units responded in kind. All conflicts resulted in Poles taking revenge on Ukrainian civilians. A. Rudling estimates Ukrainian casualties which were caused by Polish retribution at 2,000-3,000 in Volhynia. G. Rossolinski-Liebe puts the number of Ukrainians, both OUN-UPA members and civilians, killed by Poles during and after World War II to be 10,000-20,000. According to Kataryna Wolczuk, for all of the areas affected by conflict, the Ukrainian casualties range from 10,000 to 30,000 between 1943 and 1947. According to Motyka, the author of a fundamental monograph about the UPA, estimations of 30,000 Ukrainian casualties are unsupported; his estimates are 2,000-3,000 Ukrainians killed in Volhynia and 10,000-15,000 in all of the territories covered by the conflict in 1943-1947. He states that most of the Ukrainian casualties occurred within the post-war Polish borders (8,000-10,000, including 5,000-6,000 Ukrainians killed in 1944-1947).

Responsibility

The OUN adopted in 1929 the Ten Commandments of the Ukrainian Nationalists to which all of its members were expected to adhere. They stated, "Do not hesitate to carry out the most dangerous deeds" and "Treat the enemies of your nation with hatred and ruthlessness".

The decision of ethnic cleansing of the area east of the Bug River was taken by the UPA early in 1943. In March 1943, the OUN(B) (specifically Mykola Lebed) imposed a collective death sentence of all Poles living in the former east of the Second Polish Republic, and a few months later, local units of the UPA were instructed to complete the operation soon. The decision to eliminate the territory's Poles determined the course of future events. According to Timothy Snyder, the ethnic cleansing of the Poles was exclusively the work of the extremist Bandera faction of the OUN, rather than its Melnyk faction or other Ukrainian political or religious organizations. Polish investigators claim that the OUN-B central leadership decided in February 1943 to drive all Poles out of Volhynia to obtain an "ethnically pure territory" in the postwar period. Among those who were behind the decision, Polish investigators singled out Dmytro Klyachkivsky, Vasyl Ivakhov, Ivan Lytvynchuk and Petro Oliynyk.

Ethnic violence was exacerbated with the circulation of posters and leaflets inciting the Ukrainian population to murder Poles and "Judeo-Muscovites" alike.

Taras Bulba-Borovets, the founder of the UPA, criticized the attacks as soon as they began:

The axe and the flail have gone into motion. Whole families are butchered and hanged, and Polish settlements are set on fire. The "hatchet men", to their shame, butcher and hang defenceless women and children.... By such work Ukrainians not only do a favor for the SD [German security service], but also present themselves in the eyes of the world as barbarians. We must take into account that England will surely win this war, and it will treat these "hatchet men" and lynchers and incendiaries as agents in the service of Hitlerite cannibalism, not as honest fighters for their freedom, not as state-builders.

According to prosecutor Piotr Zając, the Polish Institute of National Remembrance in 2003 considered three different versions of the events in its investigation:

The Ukrainians at first planned to chase the Poles out, but events got out of hand over time.

The decision to exterminate the Poles came directly from the OUN-UPA headquarters.

The decision to exterminate the Poles can be attributed to some of the leaders of the OUN-UPA in the course of an internal conflict in the organisation.

The IPN concluded that the second version to be the most likely.

Reconciliation

The question of official acknowledgment of the ethnic cleansing remains a matter of discussion between Polish and Ukrainian historians and political leaders. Efforts are ongoing to bring about reconciliation between Poles and Ukrainians regarding the events. The Polish side has made steps towards reconciliation; in 2002 President Aleksander Kwaśniewski expressed regret over the resettlement program, known as Operation Vistula: "The infamous Operation Vistula is a symbol of the abominable deeds perpetrated by the communist authorities against Polish citizens of Ukrainian origin." He stated that the argument that "Operation Vistula was the revenge for the slaughter of Poles by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army" in 1943-1944 to be "fallacious and ethically inadmissible" by invoking "the principle of collective guilt". The Ukrainian government has not yet issued an apology.

Between 2015 and 2018 a Forum of Polish and Ukrainian Historians was jointly researching archival documents, including new archives declassified by Ukrainian government. Another joint effort resulted in publishing multi-volume book "Poland and Ukraine in the 1930s-1940s: Unknown documents from the secret service archives" first volume of which was published in 1998 and 10th in 2020. The cooperation is led on government level by Institute of National Remembrance (Poland) and Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine (HDA SBU).

In 2016 Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko visited Warsaw and paid tribute to the victims at the Volhynia monument.

In 2018, Polish president Andrzej Duda refused to participate in a joint ceremony commemorating the 75th anniversary of the massacres with the Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and instead travelled to Lutsk to hold a separate event.

In May 2023, Ukraine's Rada chairman Ruslan Stefanchuk spoke in front of the Polish Sejm, where he expressed sympathy to the victims of the massacre, their families and descendants and called for reconciliation. Stefanchuk promised continued joint work on explaining the details of the tragedy. The speech was described as Polish minister of foreign affairs Zbigniew Rau as "promising".

In June 2023 archeological excavations started in a former village of Puzhniki in Volhynia by a group of Polish scientists to identify possible mass graves of the massacre victims.

In July 2023, Polish president Andrzej Duda and Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky jointly paid tribute to the victims in Lutsk, administrative capital of the Volhynia region, attended a mass in local church on the 80th anniversary of the tragedy. A joint declaration on the need of reconciliation was also signed by heads of Roman Catholic Church in Poland, archbishop Stanisław Gądecki, and Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church Sviatoslav Shevchuk. Polish Sejm adopted a resolution commemorating the victims, blaming OUN and UPA, praising rescue offered to the Poles by some Ukrainian individuals, calling for reconciliation recognizing guilt of the perpetrators and highlighting the need for exhumations.

Classification as genocide

According to Ivan Katchanovski, the mass killings of Poles in Volhynia by the UPA cannot be classified as a genocide because there is no evidence that the UPA intended to annihilate entire or significant parts of the Polish nation, the UPA action was mostly limited to a relatively small area and the number of Poles killed was quite a small fraction of the prewar Polish population in both the territories in which the UPA operated and of the entire Polish population in Poland and Ukraine.

Historian Antony Polonsky, who is an expert on the Holocaust and Polish Jewish history, writes that the "[massacres'] goal was not so much genocide as it was to force the local Polish population to leave."

Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, who wrote a scholarly biography of Bandera, argues that the killings were ethnic cleansing rather than genocide. Rossoliński-Liebe sees "genocide", in this context, as a word that is sometimes used in political attacks on Ukraine. According to Jared McBride, writing in Slavic Review in 2016, there is a "scholarly consensus that this was a case of ethnic cleansing as opposed to genocide".

Polish view

Memorial OUN-UPA Genocide Victims' Avenue located in the city of Legnica, Poland

Historian Grzegorz Motyka, an expert on Polish-Ukrainian issues, argues that "although the anti-Polish action was an ethnic cleansing, it also meets the definition of genocide". The Institute of National Remembrance investigated the crimes committed by the UPA against the Poles in Volhynia, Galicia and prewar Lublin Voivodeship and collected over 10,000 pages of documents and protocols. The massacres were described by the commission's prosecutor, Piotr Zając, as bearing the characteristics of a genocide: "there is no doubt that the crimes committed against the people of Polish nationality have the character of genocide". Also, the Institute of National Remembrance in a published paper stated:

The Volhynian massacres have all the traits of genocide listed in the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, which defines genocide as an act "committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such".

On 15 July 2009, the Sejm of the Republic of Poland unanimously adopted a resolution regarding "the tragic fate of Poles in Eastern Borderlands". The text of the resolution states that July 2009 marks the 66th anniversary "of the beginning of anti-Polish actions by the Organization of Ukrainian nationalists and the UPA on Polish Eastern territories - mass murders characterised by ethnic cleansing with marks of genocide". On 8 July 2016, the Sejm passed a resolution declaring 11 July a National Day of Remembrance of the victims of the Genocide of the Citizens of the Polish Republic committed by Ukrainian Nationalists and formally called the massacres a genocide.

Ukrainian view

In Ukraine, the events are called "Volhynia tragedy". Coverage in textbooks may be brief and/or euphemistic. Some Ukrainian historians accept the genocide classification, but argue that it was a "bilateral genocide" and that the Home Army was responsible for crimes against Ukrainian civilians that were equivalent in nature.

Many Ukrainians perceived the 2016 resolution as an "anti-Ukrainian gesture" in the context of Vladimir Putin's attempts to use the Volhynia issue to divide Poland and Ukraine in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. In September 2016, the Verkhovna Rada passed a resolution condemning "the one-sided political assessment of the historical events" in Poland. According to Ukrainian historian Andrii Portnov, the classification as genocide has been strongly supported by Poles who were expelled from the east and by parts of the Polish right-wing politics.

Ukrainian historian Yuri Shapoval openly speaks about "Volhynia Slaughter" and calls for increased recognition of the massacre inside Ukraine, pointing out very complex ethnic composition of these territories, mutual historical resentments and incitement by external parties, Soviets, Germans and Polish government on exile.

In popular culture

In 2009, a Polish historical documentary film Było sobie miasteczko... was produced by Adam Kruk for Telewizja Polska which tells the story of the Kisielin massacre.

The massacre of Poles in Volhynia was depicted in the 2016 movie , which was directed by the Polish screenwriter and film director Wojciech Smarzowski.

References

"Clash of victimhoods: The Volhynia Massacre in Polish and Ukrainian memory".

Timothy Snyder, The causes of Polish and Ukrainian Ethnic Cleansing, Past & Present, A Journal of Historical Studies, nr 179, 2003, p. 223.

J. P. Himka. Interventions: Challenging the Myths of Twentieth-Century Ukrainian history. University of Alberta. 28 March 2011. p. 4, reproduced in The Convolutions of Historical Politics, edited by Alexei Miller and Maria Lipman, 211-38. Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2012, p.214

^ Ahonen, Pertti (2008). Peoples on the Move: Population Transfers and Ethnic Cleansing Policies During World War II and Its Aftermath. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 99.

^ Burds, Jeffrey (1999). "Comments on Timothy Snyder's article, "To Resolve the Ukrainian Question once and for All: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947"". Journal of Cold War Studies. 1 (2). (1) Chronology. The more I study Galicia, the more I come to the conclusion that *the defining issue was not Soviet or German occupation and war, but rather the civil war between ethnic Ukrainians and ethnic Poles.

A. Rudling. Theory and Practice. Historical representation of the wartime accounts of the activities of OUN-UPA (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Ukrainian Insurgent Army). East European Jewish Affairs. Vol. 36. No.2. December 2006. pp. 163-179.

Rudling, Per A. (November 2011). ^ "The OUN, the UPA and the Holocaust: A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths". Number 2107. University of Pittsburgh: The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies. p. 3 (6 of 76 in PDF). ISSN 0889-275X.

Lidia Głowacka, Andrzej Czesław Żak, ^ Osadnictwo wojskowe na Wolyniu w latach 1921-1939 w swietle dokumentów centralnego archiwum wojskowego Archived 2014-08-15 at the Wayback Machine (Military Settlers in Volhynia in the years 1921-1939), PDF, pp. 143 (4 / 25 in PDF), 153 (14 / 25 in PDF). "Mimo ogromnych trudności, kryzysu gospodarczego na początku lat 30. i złożonej sytuacji politycznej na tym terenie, osadnicy zdołali zagospodarować znaczne obszary ziemi i stworzyć od podstaw wiele osad z nowoczesną -jak na owe czasy -infrastrukturą. W 1939 r. na Wołyniu mieszkało około 17,7 tys. osadników wojskowych i cywilnych w ponad 3,500 osad."

According to official data, 20 communists were injured during police actions in 1935, and in one case policemen wounded at least seven people while being assaulted by a crowd armed with sickles and clubs. The communists retaliated against those who failed to participate in strikes. From: Timothy Snyder (2007). ^ Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine. Yale University Press. pp. 137, 142.

Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum, page 204. books.google.com. Retrieved on 11 July 2011.

^ Longerich, Peter (2010). Holocaust: The Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. p. 194. ISBN 978-0-19-280436-5.

^ Rudling, Per A. (2011). "The OUN, the UPA and the Holocaust: A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths". The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (2107): 8. ISSN 2163-839X. OUN activists participated in the July 1941 pogroms, in which many of them displayed an above-average brutality. Upon their arrival in L'viv the commandos of the Ukrainian Nachtigall Battalion could rely on a fanatically anti-Semitic auxiliary contingent with good knowledge of local conditions..Similar pogroms took place across Western Ukraine. At least 58 pogroms are documented in Western Ukrainian cities, the estimated number of victims of which range between 13,000 and 35,000.

Taras Bulba-Borovets wrote: "The axe and the flail have gone into motion. Whole families are butchered and hanged, and Polish settlements are set on fire. The 'hatchet men', to their shame, butcher and hang defenseless women and children.... By such work Ukrainians not only do a favor for the SD [German security service], but also present themselves in the eyes of the world as barbarians. We must take into account that England will surely win this war, and it will treat these 'hatchet men' and lynchers and incendiaries as agents in the service of Hitlerite cannibalism, not as honest fighters for their freedom, not as state-builders." John Paul Himka. ^ Ukrainian past and future. September 20, 2010, Retrieved January 19, 2013.

^ Tadeusz Piotrowski: Genocide and Rescue in Wolyn: Recollections of the Ukrainian Nationalist Ethnic Cleansing Campaign Against the Poles During World War II, McFarland & Company, 2000, ISBN 0-7864-0773-5.

^ Władysław Filar, Wydarzenia wołyńskie 1939-1944. Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek. Toruń 2008 ISBN 978-83-7441-884-3, Antypolskie akcje nacjonalistów ukraińskich from Przed Akcją Wisła był Wołyń, Warsaw, 1997

(in Polish) ^ Po Polakach pozostały mogiły... - Rzeczpospolita Archived 2014-07-28 at the Wayback Machine. Rp.pl. Retrieved on 11 July 2011.

(in Polish)Bogusława Marcinkowska, Institute of National Remembrance, Ustalenia wynikające ze śledztwa w sprawie zbrodni ludobójstwa funkcjonariuszy SS "GALIZIEN" i nacjonalistów ukraińskich na Polakach w Hucie Pieniackiej 28 lutego 1944 roku.

Mieczyslaw Juchniewicz, ^ Polacy w. radzieckim ruchu podziemnym I partyzanckim 1941-1945. Warsaw: Ministerstwo Obrony Narodowej. Cited in Michael Logusz (1997). Galicia Division: The Waffen-SS14th grenadier Division 1943-1945. Pennsylvania: Schiffer Publishing. ISBN 0-7643-0081-4 pg. 459.

"Investigation of the Crime Committed at the Village of Huta Pieniacka". Warsaw: Institute of National Remembrance. 26 June 2001. Archived from the original on 20 November 2008.

^ Ukrainian State Archives Archived 2017-08-10 at the Wayback Machine. Archives.gov.ua. Retrieved on 11 July 2011.

^ Littman, Sol (2003). Pure Soldiers Or Sinister Legion: The Ukrainian 14th Waffen-SS Division - Sol Littman - Google Books. Black Rose Books. ISBN 9781551642185.

Waldemar Szwiec, ^ Informacja o śledztwie w sprawie ludobójstwa dokonanego przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich w latach 1939-1945 na terenie Huty Pieniackiej [in:] Prawda historyczna a prawda polityczna w badaniach naukowych. Ludobójstwo na Kresach południowo-wschodniej Polski w latach 1939-1946, Bogusław Paź (ed.), Wrocław 2011, pp.117-128

^ Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Chapter 5, p. 285. Kiev, Ukraine: Institute of Ukrainian History, Academy of Sciences of Ukraine [1]

Institute of Ukrainian History, Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, ^ Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Chapter 5, p. 284

(in Polish) ^ Zagłada Puźnik - Rzeczpospolita Archived 2014-12-29 at the Wayback Machine. Rp.pl. Retrieved on 11 July 2011.

According to Polish-Ukrainian historian ^ Eugeniusz Misiło, the Poles allegedly murdered in Pawłokoma by the UPA, were really kidnapped by the Soviet NKVD in an attempt to start a series of retaliations. (Misiło, Pawłokoma ..., p. 20)

Siemaszko, Ewa. "The July 1943 genocidal operations of the OUN-UPA in Volhynia" (PDF). Zbrodnia Wołyńska: 3.

^ Norman Davies, Europe at War 1939-1945: No Simple Victory Publisher: Pan Books, November 2007,544 pages, ISBN 978-0-330-35212-3

^ Na rubieży (2007). Ogólnopolskie seminarium historii kresów wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej polskiej. Vol. Issues 89-94. Stowarzyszenie Upamie̜tnienia Ofiar Zbrodni Ukraińskich Nacjonalistow. pp. 20-21, 40-44. ISBN 978-8373993761. OCLC 183409524.

Gorny, Grzegorz (17 October 2009). ^ "Ukrainian problem with Bandera" Archived 2011-06-08 at the Wayback Machine, Rzeczpospolita Daily. Retrieved on 11 July 2011. (in Polish)

^ I. Ilyushin. "Бойові дії ОУН і УПА на антілольському фронті" [OUN and UPA on the anti-Polish front] (PDF). Chapter 5. Kiev: Institute of History of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. p. 241. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 December 2008.

^ Grzegorz Motyka (24 May 2008). "Zapomnijcie o Giedroyciu: Polacy, Ukraińcy, IPN" [Forget about Giedroyc: Poles, Ukrainians and the IPN]. Wyborcza, Archiwum. Archived from the original on 21 September 2008 - via Internet Archive. W sumie w latach 1943-47 zginęło 80-100 tys. Polaków oraz 10-20 tys. Ukraińców. Na Wołyniu relacja jest wprost porażająca - po polskiej stronie było może nawet 50-60 tys. ofiar, po ukraińskiej - raczej nie więcej niż 2-3 tys.

Jak za Jaremy i Krzywonosa, Jurij Kiriczuk, Gazeta Wyborcza 23.04.2003

G. Rossolinski-Liebe. Celebrating Fascism and War Criminality in Edmonton. The Political Myth and Cult of Stepan Bandera in Multicultural Canada. Kakanien Revisited. 29 December 2010.

^ Motyka, Grzegorz (2016). Wołyń'43 Ludobójcza czystka - fakty, analogie, polityka historyczna. Cracow: Wydawnictwo Literackie. p. 83. ISBN 978-83-08-06207-4.

^ Polish-Ukraine: A Difficult Answer. Documentation on the Meetings of Historians (1994-2001), Chronicle of Events in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia (1939-1945). Warsaw: Head Office of State Archives (NDAP) and the KARTA Centre. 2003. ISBN 83-89115-36-0.

^ Tadeusz Piotrowski, Poland's holocaust: ethnic strife, collaboration with occupying forces and genocide in the Second Republic. Page 251. Published by McFarland, 1998. 437 pages. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3

^ Siemaszko, Władysław; Turowski, Józef (1990). Zbrodnie nacjonalistów ukraińskich dokonane na ludności polskiej na Wołyniu 1939-1945 [Crimes committed by Ukrainian nationalists against the Polish population in Volhynia 1939-1945] (in Polish).

^ "21 kwietnia 1944 roku w dniach 19-21 kwietnia Ukraińska Powstańcza Armia (UPA) dokonała masakry około 200 Polaków oraz polskich Ormian w miejscowości Kuty " Historykon.pl". 20 April 2021.

Per Anders Rudling, ^ WARFARE OR WAR CRIMINALITY? Volodymyr V'iatrovych, Druha pol's'ko-ukains'ka viina, 1942-1947 (Kyiv: Vydavnychyi dim "Kyevo-Mohylians'ka akademiia," 2011). 228 pp. ISBN 978-966-518-567-3*, p. 373

Karel Cornelis Berkhoff, "Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine Under Nazi Rule", Harvard University Press, 2004, ^ ISBN 0-674-01313-1 p. 291

"Its main goal was to [...] remove - by force, if necessary - non-Ukrainians from the ^ social and economic spheres of a future Ukrainian state". Simultaneously, steps were undertaken to eliminate "foreign elements" in Ukraine. OUN-B posters and leaflets incited the Ukrainian population to murder Poles and "Judeo-Muscovites". (...) the Third Conference of the OUN-B finalized its plans.[in:] Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum, page 204-205. [2] Books.google.com. Retrieved on 11 July 2011.

^ Timothy Snyder (2010). Bloodlands: Europe between Hitler and Stalin. Basic Books. p. 500. Documentation of UPA's plans for and actions toward Poles can be found in TsDAVO 3833/1/86/6a; 3833/1/131/13-14; 3833/1/86/19-20; and 3933/3/1/60. Of related interest are DAR 30/1/16=USMM RG-31.017M-1; DAR 301/1/5-USHMM RG-31/017M-1; and DAR 30/1/4=USHMM RG-31.017M-1. The OUN-B and UPA wartime declarations coincide with postwar interrogations (see GARF. R-9478/1/398) and recollections of Polish survivors (on the massacre of 12-13 July 1943, for example see OKAW, II/737, II/1144, II/2099, II/2650, II/953, and II/755) and Jewish survivors (for example ŻIH 301/2519, and Adini, Dubno:sefer zikarom, 717-118).

^ Himka, John-Paul (2010). "The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army: Unwelcome Elements of an Identity Project". Ab Imperio. 2010 (4): 83-101 [96]. doi:10.1353/imp.2010.0101. S2CID 130590374.

Berkhoff, Karel C. (2004). ^ Harvest of despair: life and death in Ukraine under Nazi rule, p. 298. President and Fellows of Harvard College. ISBN 9780674027183

^ "Волинське загострення: Польща продемонструвала жорсткість у історичному конфлікті з Україною".

Tilles, Daniel (25 May 2023). ""We understand your pain" over WWII massacre, Ukrainian leader tells Polish parliament". Notes From Poland.

^ Polonsky, Antony (2004). ""The Conquest of History?" Toward a Usable Past in Poland Lecture 3: Polish-German and Polish-Ukrainian Historical Controversies". Harvard Ukrainian Studies. 27 (1/4): 271-313. JSTOR 41036870.

^ W świetle przedstawionych wyżej ustaleń nie ulega wątpliwości, że zbrodnie, których dopuszczono się wobec ludności narodowości polskiej, noszą charakter niepodlegających przedawnieniu zbrodni ludobójstwa. - Piotr Zając, Prześladowania ludności narodowości polskiej na terenie Wołynia w latach 1939-1945 - ocena karnoprawna zdarzeń w oparciu o ustalenia śledztwa OKŚZpNP w Lublinie, [in:] Zbrodnie przeszłości. Opracowania i materiały prokuratorów IPN, t. 2: Ludobójstwo, red. Radosław Ignatiew, Antoni Kura, Warszawa 2008, p.34-49

1943 Volhynian Massacre Truth and Remembrance p. 6 ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 August 2016. Institute of National Remembrance

^ "Uchwala Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 15 lipca 2009 r. w sprawie tragicznego losu Polakow na Kresach Wschodnich". Biuro Prasowe Kancelarii Sejmu.

^ "Polish Senate recognizes Volhynia massacre to be genocide - Polish Radio". Archived from the original on 28 March 2019.

^ "Polish MPs adopt resolution calling 1940s massacre genocide". Radio Poland. 22 July 2016.

^ "BYŁO SOBIE MIASTECZKO..." (There once was a town...), National Film School in Łódź (Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Filmowa, Telewizyjna i Teatralna im. Leona Schillera), Łódź, Poland 1998. (in Polish)

Bibliography

Polacy i Ukraińcy pomiędzy dwoma systemami totalitarnymi 1942-1945. Warsaw / Kiev: Institute of National Remembrance. 2005. ISBN 8389078775. (in Polish and Ukrainian)

Filar, Władysław, ed. (1999). Eksterminacja łudnosci polskiej na Wołyniu w drugiej wojnie światowej [The Extermination of the Polish Population of Volhynia During World War II] (in Polish). Warsaw.

Armstrong, John Alexander (1963). Ukrainian Nationalism. New York: Columbia University Press.

Ilyushin, Ihor (2009). UPA i AK. Konflikt w Zachodniej Ukrainie (1939-1945) (in Polish). Warszawa: Związek Ukraińców w Polsce. ISBN 978-83-928483-0-1.

Komański, H.; Buczkowski, Ludwik; Skiba, Jan; et al., eds. (1995). "Zbrodnie banderowskich bojówek OUN-UPA w pow. Buczacz, woj. tarnopolskie" [Crimes Committed by the Bandera OUN-UPA Fighting Squads in Buczacz County of Tarnopol Province]. Na Rubieży [On the Frontier] (in Polish). 4 (14).

Komański, Henryk; Siekierka, Szczepan (2006). Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na Polakach w województwie tarnopolskim w latach 1939-1946. Vol. 1. Wrocław: Nortom. p. 203. ISBN 978-83-89684-50-9.

Kulińska, Lucyna (2010). "Przebieg eksterminacji ludności polskiej Kresów Wschodnich w latach czterdziestych XX wieku". Konferencje IPN. 41: 25-32.

McBride, Jared (2016a). "Peasants into Perpetrators: The OUN-UPA and the Ethnic Cleansing of Volhynia, 1943-1944". Slavic Review. 75 (3): 630-654. doi:10.5612/slavicreview.75.3.0630. ISSN 0037-6779. S2CID 165089612.

McBride, Jared (2016b). "Who's Afraid of Ukrainian Nationalism?". Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. 17 (3): 647-663 [652]. doi:10.1353/kri.2016.0039. S2CID 159764382.

Mick, Christoph (2011). "Incompatible Experiences: Poles, Ukrainians and Jews in Lviv under Soviet and German Occupation, 1939-44". Journal of Contemporary History. 46 (2): 336-363. doi:10.1177/0022009410392409. JSTOR 41305315. S2CID 159856277.

Mick, Christoph (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914-1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City.

Motyka, Grzegorz (2006). Ukraińska partyzantka 1942-1960 (in Polish). Warsaw: RYTM. ISBN 83-7399-163-8.

Motyka, Grzegorz (2011). Od rzezi wołyńskiej do Akcji "Wisła" [From the Volhynian massacre to Operation Vistula] (in Polish). Kraków.

Niedzielko, Romuald (2009). "Sprawiedliwi Ukraińcy. Na ratunek polskim sąsiadom skazanym na zagładę przez OUN-UPA". Biuletyn IPN, 1-2/2009 (in Polish). IPN. pp. 77-85. Archived from the original on 30 April 2010.

Wiktor Poliszczuk "Bitter truth": The criminality of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), the testimony of a Ukrainian, ISBN 0-9699444-9-7

Poliszczuk, Wiktor (1999). Bitter Truth: The Criminality of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) : The Testimony of a Ukrainian.

Siemaszko, Władysław; Siemaszko, Ewa (2000). Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na ludności polskiej Wołynia 1939-1945 (in Polish). Warszawa. ISBN 83-87689-34-3.

Snyder, Timothy (1999). ""To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All". The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943-1947". Journal of Cold War Studies. 1 (2): 86-120. doi:10.1162/15203979952559531. JSTOR 26925017. S2CID 57564179.

Snyder, Timothy (2003a). The Reconstruction of Nations. Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569-1999. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-10586-X.

Snyder, Timothy (2003b). "The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943". Past & Present. 179 (1): 197-234. doi:10.1093/past/179.1.197.

Sowa, Andrzej L. (1998). Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie 1939-1947 (in Polish). Kraków. OCLC 48053561.

Subtelny, Orest (1988). Ukraine: A History. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-5808-6.

Subtelny, Orest (2000). Ukraine: A History. University of Toronto Press.

Torzecki, Ryszard (1993). Polacy i Ukraińcy. Sprawa ukraińska w czasie II wojny światowej na terenie II Rzeczypospolitej [Poles and Ukrainians. The Ukrainian issue during World War II on the territory of the Second Polish Republic] (in Polish).

Marcin Wojciechowski, ed. (2008). Wołyń 1943-2008. Pojednanie (in Polish). Warszawa: Agora. ISBN 978-83-7552-195-5.

External links

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Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia - Wikipedia

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The massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia ( Polish: rzeź wołyńska, 'Volhynian slaughter'; Ukrainian: Волинська трагедія, Volynska trahediia, 'Volyn tragedy') were carried out in German-occupied Poland by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) with the support of parts of the local Ukrainian population against the Polish minority in Volhynia, Eastern Galicia, parts of Polesia and Lublin region from 1943 to 1945.

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Crucea Eroilor de pe Muntele Caraiman, Romania

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Cross of Heroes of the Nation fallen on the battlefields for the integrity of the nation. It was built between 1926-1927 under the care of Her Majesty Queen Maria and located on the saddle of Mount Caraiman, at the altitude of 2291 m.

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Pomnik Powstańców Wielkopolskich, Królowej Jadwigi, Poznań, Polonia

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Pomnik Powstańców Wielkopolskich, Królowej Jadwigi, Poznań, Polonia

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Pomnik Powstańców Wielkopolskich, Królowej Jadwigi, Poznań, Polonia

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this is a statue for soldiers, who died in umprising of wielkopolska.

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Mémorial de Verdun – Champ de bataille, Avenue Corps Européen, Fleury-devant-Douaumont, France

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Mémorial de Verdun – Battlefield. A museum and a memorial to the Battle of Verdun (1916, France). Discover the Memorial and the collection of the museum.

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Mémorial de Verdun – Champ de bataille, Avenue Corps Européen, Fleury-devant-Douaumont, France

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Mémorial de Verdun – Champ de bataille, Avenue Corps Européen, Fleury-devant-Douaumont, France

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Bełżec Museum and Memorial, Ofiar Obozu Zagłady, Bełżec, Polonia

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Bełżec Museum and Memorial, Ofiar Obozu Zagłady, Bełżec, Polonia

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Bełżec Museum and Memorial, Ofiar Obozu Zagłady, Bełżec, Polonia

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this is museum for every single holocaust nazi camp. is also is a cementary for those who died in those camps.

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Pomnik Walki i Męczeństwa, Chełmińska, Chełmża, Polonia

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Pomnik Walki i Męczeństwa, Chełmińska, Chełmża, Polonia

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Pomnik Walki i Męczeństwa, Chełmińska, Chełmża, Polonia

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it is in the glory and name for everybody who died in second warld war

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Warsaw Ghetto Museum, Zielna, Varsavia, Polonia

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Warsaw Ghetto Museum, Zielna, Varsavia, Polonia

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Warsaw Ghetto Museum, Zielna, Varsavia, Polonia

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The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in 1943 saw Jewish resistance against Nazi deportation and extermination efforts. Lasting a month, it became a symbol of courage and defiance against the Holocaust.

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The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising ( Yiddish: אױפֿשטאַנד אין װאַרשעװער געטאָ, Ufshtand in Varshever Geto; Polish: powstanie w getcie warszawskim; German: Aufstand im Warschauer Ghetto) was the 1943 act of Jewish resistance in the Warsaw Ghetto in German-occupied Poland during World War II to oppose Nazi Germany's final effort to transport the remaining ghetto population to the gas chambers of the Majdanek and Treblinka extermination camps.

After the Grossaktion Warsaw of summer 1942, in which more than a quarter of a million Jews were deported from the ghetto to Treblinka and murdered, the remaining Jews began to build bunkers and smuggle weapons and explosives into the ghetto. The left-wing Jewish Combat Organization (ŻOB) and right-wing Jewish Military Union (ŻZW) formed and began to train. A small resistance effort to another roundup in January 1943 was partially successful and spurred Polish resistance groups to support the Jews in earnest.

The uprising started on 19 April when the ghetto refused to surrender to the police commander SS-Brigadeführer Jürgen Stroop, who ordered the destruction of the ghetto, block by block, ending on 16 May. A total of 13,000 Jews were killed, about half of them burnt alive or suffocated.

Stroop reported 110 German casualties, including 17 killed.

The uprising was the largest single revolt by Jews during World War II. The Jews knew that victory was impossible and survival unlikely. Marek Edelman, the only surviving ŻOB commander, said their inspiration to fight was "not to allow the Germans alone to pick the time and place of our deaths". According to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the uprising was "one of the most significant occurrences in the history of the Jewish people".

Background

In 1939, German authorities began to concentrate Poland's population of over three million Jews into a number of extremely crowded ghettos located in large Polish cities. The largest of these, the Warsaw Ghetto, collected approximately 300,000-400,000 people into a densely packed, 3.3 km 2 area of Warsaw. Thousands of Jews were killed by rampant disease and starvation under SS-und-Polizeiführer Odilo Globocnik and SS- Standartenführer Ludwig Hahn, even before the mass deportations from the ghetto to the Treblinka extermination camp began.

The SS conducted many of the deportations during the operation code-named Grossaktion Warschau, between 23 July and 21 September 1942. Just before the operation began, the German "Resettlement Commissioner" SS- Sturmbannführer Hermann Höfle called a meeting of the Ghetto Jewish Council Judenrat and informed its leader, Adam Czerniaków, that he would require 7,000 Jews a day for " resettlement to the East". Czerniaków committed suicide once he became aware of the true goal of the "resettlement" plan. Approximately 254,000-300,000 ghetto residents were murdered at Treblinka during the two-month-long operation. The Grossaktion was directed by SS- Oberführer Ferdinand von Sammern-Frankenegg, the SS and police commander of the Warsaw area since 1941.

He was relieved of duty by SS-und-Polizeiführer Jürgen Stroop, sent to Warsaw by Heinrich Himmler on 17 April 1943. Stroop took over from von Sammern-Frankenegg following the failure of the latter to pacify the ghetto resistance.

When the deportations first began, members of the Jewish resistance movement met and decided not to fight the SS directives, believing that the Jews were being sent to labour camps and not to be murdered.[citation needed ] But by the end of 1942, ghetto inhabitants learned that the deportations were part of an extermination process. Many of the remaining Jews decided to revolt. The first armed resistance in the ghetto occurred in January 1943.

On 19 April 1943, Passover eve, the Germans entered the ghetto. The remaining Jews knew that the Germans would murder them and decided to resist to the last. While the uprising was underway, the Bermuda Conference was held by the Allies from 19 to 29 April 1943 to discuss the Jewish refugee problem. Discussions included the question of Jewish refugees who had been liberated by Allied forces and those who still remained in German-occupied Europe.

January revolt

On 18 January 1943, the Germans began their second deportation of the Jews, which led to the first instance of armed insurgency within the ghetto. While Jewish families hid in their so-called "bunkers", fighters of the ŻOB and ŻZW, resisted, engaging the Germans in direct clashes. Though the ŻZW and ŻOB suffered heavy losses (including some of their leaders), the Germans also took casualties, and the deportation was halted within a few days. About 1,200 Jews were killed, and about 5,000 deported, instead of the 8,000 planned by Germans. The fighters managed to kill about a dozen Germans and wound several dozen.

Hundreds of people in the Warsaw Ghetto were ready to fight, sparsely armed with handguns, gasoline bottles, and a few other weapons that had been smuggled into the ghetto by resistance fighters. Most of the Jewish fighters did not view their actions as an effective measure by which to save themselves, but rather as a battle for the honour of the Jewish people, and a protest against the world's silence.

Preparations

Two resistance organizations, the ŻZW and ŻOB, built dozens of fighting posts and executed a number of Nazi collaborators, including Jewish Ghetto Police officers, members of the fake (German-sponsored and controlled) resistance organization Żagiew, as well as Gestapo and Abwehr agents (including the alleged agent and Judenrat associate Alfred Nossig, executed on 22 February 1943). The ŻOB established a prison to hold and execute traitors and collaborators. Józef Szeryński, former head of the Jewish Ghetto Police, committed suicide.

Main revolt

Burning ghetto viewed from Żoliborz district

Great Synagogue of Warsaw, destroyed in 1943

On 19 April 1943, on the eve of Passover, the police and SS auxiliary forces entered the ghetto. They were planning to complete the deportation action within three days, but were ambushed by Jewish insurgents firing and tossing Molotov cocktails and hand grenades from alleyways, sewers, and windows. The Germans suffered 59 casualties and their advance bogged down. Two of their combat vehicles (an armed conversion of a French-made Lorraine 37L light armored vehicle and an armored car) were set on fire by the insurgents' petrol bombs.

Following von Sammern-Frankenegg's failure to contain the revolt, he lost his post as the SS and police commander of Warsaw. He was replaced by SS-Brigadeführer Jürgen Stroop, who rejected von Sammern-Frankenegg's proposal to call in bomber aircraft from Kraków. He led a better-organized and reinforced ground attack.

The longest-lasting defense of a position took place around the ŻZW stronghold at Muranowski Square, where the ŻZW chief leader, Dawid Moryc Apfelbaum, was killed in combat. On the afternoon of 19 April, a symbolic event took place when two boys climbed up on the roof of a building on the square and raised two flags, the red-and-white Polish flag and the blue-and-white banner of the ŻZW.

During this fight on 22 April, SS officer Hans Dehmke was killed when gunfire detonated a hand grenade he was holding. When Stroop's ultimatum to surrender was rejected by the defenders, his forces resorted to systematically burning houses block by block using flamethrowers and fire bottles, and blowing up basements and sewers. "We were beaten by the flames, not the Germans," survivor Marek Edelman said in 2007; he was deputy commander of the ŻOB and escaped the ghetto in its last days. In 2003, he recalled: "The sea of flames flooded houses and courtyards. ... There was no air, only black, choking smoke and heavy burning heat radiating from the red-hot walls, from the glowing stone stairs." The "bunker wars" lasted an entire month, during which German progress was slowed.

While the battle continued inside the ghetto, Polish resistance groups AK and GL engaged the Germans between 19 and 23 April at six different locations outside the ghetto walls, firing at German sentries and positions. In one attack, three units of the AK under the command of Captain Józef Pszenny ("Chwacki") joined up in a failed attempt to breach the ghetto walls with explosives. Eventually, the ŻZW lost all of its commanders. On 29 April, the remaining fighters from the organization escaped the ghetto through the Muranowski tunnel and relocated to the Michalin forest. This event marked the end of significant fighting.

At this point, organized defense collapsed. Surviving fighters and thousands of remaining Jewish civilians took cover in the sewer system and in the many dugout hiding places hidden among the ruins of the ghetto, referred to as "bunkers" by Germans and Jews alike. The Germans used dogs to detect such hideouts, then usually dropped smoke bombs to force people out. Sometimes they flooded these so-called bunkers or destroyed them with explosives. On occasions, shootouts occurred. A number of captured fighters lobbed hidden grenades or fired concealed handguns after surrendering.

On 8 May, the Germans discovered a large dugout located at Miła 18 Street, which served as ŻOB's main command post. Most of the organization's remaining leadership and dozens of others committed mass suicide by ingesting cyanide, including Mordechaj Anielewicz, the chief commander of ŻOB. His deputy Marek Edelman escaped the ghetto through the sewers with a handful of comrades two days later.

On 10 May, Szmul Zygielbojm, a Bundist member of the Polish government in exile, committed suicide in London to protest the lack of action on behalf of the Jews by the Allied governments. In his farewell note, he wrote:

I cannot continue to live and to be silent while the remnants of Polish Jewry, whose representative I am, are being murdered. My comrades in the Warsaw Ghetto fell with arms in their hands in the last heroic battle. I was not permitted to fall like them, together with them, but I belong with them, to their mass grave. By my death, I wish to give expression to my most profound protest against the inaction in which the world watches and permits the destruction of the Jewish people.

Besides claiming an estimated 56,065 Jews accounted for (although his own figures showed the number to be 57,065) and noting that "The number of destroyed dug-outs amounts to 631," in his official report dated 24 May 1943, Stroop listed the following as captured booty:

7 Polish Rifles

1 Russian Rifle

1 German Rifle

59 pistols of various calibers

Several hundred hand grenades, including Polish and home-made ones .

Several hundred incendiary bottles

Home-made explosives

Infernal machines with fuses

A large amount of explosives, ammunition for weapons of all calibers, including some machine-gun ammunition.

Regarding the booty of arms, it must be taken into consideration that the arms themselves could in most cases not be captured, as the bandits and Jews would, before being arrested, throw them into hiding places or holes which could not be ascertained or discovered. The smoking out of the dug-out by our men, also often made the search for arms impossible. As the dug-outs had to be blown up at once, a search later on was out of the question. The captured hand grenades, ammunition, and incendiary bottles were at once reused by us against the bandits.

Further booty:

1,240 used military tunics (part of them with medal ribbons-Iron Cross and East Medal)

600 pairs of used trousers

Other equipment and German steel helmets

108 horses, four captured in the former Ghetto (hearse)

Up to 23 May 1943 we had counted:
4.4 million zloty; furthermore about 5 to 6 million zloty not yet counted, a great amount of foreign currency, e.g. US$14,300 in paper and US$9,200 in gold, moreover valuables (rings, chains, watches, etc.) in great quantities.

State of the Ghetto at the termination of the large-scale operation:

Apart from 8 buildings (Police Barracks, hospital, and accommodations for housing working-parties), the former Ghetto is completely destroyed. Only the dividing walls are left standing where no explosions were carried out. But the ruins still contain a vast amount of stones and scrap material which could be used.

Sporadic resistance continued and the last skirmish took place on 5 June 1943 between Germans and a holdout group of armed Jews without connections to the resistance organizations.

Casualties

Plaque commemorating two Home Army soldiers killed during the Ghetto Action.

13,000 Jews were killed in the ghetto during the uprising (some 6,000 among them were burnt alive or died from smoke inhalation). Of the remaining 50,000 residents, almost all were captured and shipped to the death camps of Majdanek and Treblinka.

Jürgen Stroop's internal SS daily report for Friedrich Krüger, written on 16 May 1943, stated:

180 Jews, bandits and sub-humans, were destroyed. The former Jewish quarter of Warsaw is no longer in existence. The large-scale action was terminated at 20:15 hours by blowing up the Warsaw Synagogue. ... Total number of Jews dealt with 56,065, including both Jews caught and Jews whose extermination can be proved. ... Apart from 8 buildings (police barracks, hospital, and accommodations for housing working-parties) the former Ghetto is completely destroyed. Only the dividing walls are left standing where no explosions were carried out.

According to the casualty lists in Stroop's report, German forces suffered a total of 110 casualties - 17 dead (of whom 16 were killed in action) and 93 injured - of whom 101 are listed by name, including over 60 members of the Waffen-SS. These figures did not include Jewish collaborators but did include the " Trawniki men" and Polish police under his command.

Other sources have questioned the number of German casualties. Edelman claims that the German casualties amounted 300 killed and wounded. The official German casualty figures were kept low, while the propaganda bulletins of the Polish Underground State, claimed that hundreds of occupiers had been killed in the fighting. But according to Israel Gutman, "the number cited by Stroop (16 dead, 85 wounded) cannot be rejected out of hand, but it is likely that his list was neither complete, free of errors, nor indicative of the German losses throughout the entire period of resistance, until the absolute liquidation of Jewish life in the ghetto. All the same, the German casualty figures cited by the various Jewish sources are probably highly exaggerated." Other historians such as Raul Hilberg also confirm the accuracy of official German casualty figures.

The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising was the largest single revolt by Jews during World War II.

German daily losses of killed/wounded and the official figures for killed or captured Jews and "bandits", according to the Stroop report:

19 April: 1 killed, 24 wounded; 580 captured

20 April: 3 killed, 10 wounded; 533 captured

21 April: 0 killed, 5 wounded; 5,200 captured

22 April: 3 killed, 1 wounded; 6,580 captured; 203 "Jews and bandits" killed; 35 Poles killed outside the Ghetto

23 April: 0 killed, 3 wounded; 4,100 captured; 200 "Jews and bandits" killed; 3 Jews captured outside the Ghetto.Total of 19,450 Jews reported caught

24 April: 0 killed, 3 wounded; 1,660 captured; 1,811 "pulled out of dugouts, about 330 shot".

25 April: 0 killed, 4 wounded; 1,690 captured; 274 shot; "very large portion of the bandits ... captured". Total of 27,464 Jews caught

26 April: 0 killed, 0 wounded; 1,722 captured; 1,330 "destroyed"; 362 Jews shot. 30 Jews "displaced". Total of 29,186 Jews captured

27 April: 0 killed, 4 wounded; 2,560 captured of whom 547 shot; 24 Polish "bandits killed in battle"; 52 Polish "bandits" arrested. Total of 31,746 Jews caught

28 April: 0 killed, 3 wounded; 1,655 captured of whom 110 killed; 10 "bandits" killed and 9 "arrested". Total of 33,401 Jews caught

29 April: 0 killed 0 wounded; 2,359 captured of whom 106 killed

30 April: 0 killed 0 wounded; 1,599 captured of whom 179 killed. Total of 37,359 Jews caught

1 May: 2 killed, 2 wounded; 1,026 captured of whom 245 killed. Total of 38,385 Jews caught; 150 killed outside the Ghetto

2 May: 0 killed, 7 wounded; 1,852 captured and 235 killed. Total of 40,237 Jews caught

3 May: 0 killed, 3 wounded; 1,569 captured and 95 killed. Total of 41,806 Jews caught

4 May: 0 killed, 0 wounded; 2,238 captured, of whom 204 shot. Total of 44,089 Jews caught

5 May: 0 killed, 2 wounded; 2,250 captured

6 May: 2 killed, 1 wounded; 1,553 captured; 356 shot

7 May: 0 killed, 1 wounded; 1,109 captured; 255 shot. Total of 45,342 Jews caught

8 May: 3 killed, 3 wounded; 1,091 captured and 280 killed; 60 "heavily armed bandits" caught

9 May: 0 killed, 0 wounded; 1,037 "Jews and bandits" caught and 319 "bandits and Jews" shot. Total of 51,313 Jews caught; 254 "Jews and bandits" shot outside the Ghetto

10 May: 0 killed, 4 wounded; 1,183 caught and 187 "bandits and Jews" shot. Total of 52,693 Jews caught

11 May: 1 killed, 2 wounded; 931 "Jews and bandits" caught and 53 "bandits" shot. Total of 53,667 Jews caught

12 May: 0 killed, 1 wounded; 663 caught and 133 shot. Total of 54,463 Jews caught

13 May: 2 killed, 4 wounded; 561 caught and 155 shot. Total of 55,179 Jews caught

14 May: 0 killed, 5 wounded; 398 caught and 154 "Jews and bandits" shot. Total of 55,731 Jews caught

15 May: 0 killed, 1 wounded; 87 caught and 67 "bandits and Jews" shot. Total of 56,885 Jews caught

16 May: 0 killed, 0 wounded; 180 "Jews, bandits and subhumans destroyed". Total of 57,065 Jews either captured or killed

After the uprising was over, most of the incinerated houses were razed, and the Warsaw concentration camp complex was established in their place. Thousands of people died in the camp or were executed in the ruins of the ghetto. At the same time, the SS were hunting down the remaining Jews still hiding in the ruins. On 19 April 1943, the first day of the most significant period of the resistance, 7,000 Jews were transported from the Warsaw Ghetto to Treblinka extermination camp. Many purportedly developed resistance groups and helped to plan and execute the revolt and mass escape of 2 August 1943.

From May 1943 to August 1944, executions in the ruins of the ghetto were carried out by:

Officers of the Warsaw SD facility and the security police, under the supervision of Dr. Ludwig Hahn, whose seat was located in Szuch Avenue;

Pawiak staff members;

KL Warschau staff members;

SS-men from the Third Battalion of the 23rd SS Regiment and the Police (Battalion III/SS-Polizei Regiment 23), commanded by Major Otton Bundtke.

Both open and secret executions carried out in Warsaw were repeatedly led by SS-Obersturmführer Norbert Bergh-Trips, SS-Haupturmführer Paul Werner and SS-Obersturmführer Walter Witossek. The latter often presided over the police "trio", signing mass death sentences for Polish political prisoners, which were later pronounced by the ad hoc court of the security police.

In October 1943, Bürkl was tried and condemned to death in absentia by the Polish Resistance's Underground court, and shot dead by the AK in Warsaw, a part of Operation Heads that targeted notorious SS officers. That same month, von Sammern-Frankenegg was killed by Yugoslav Partisans in an ambush in Croatia. Himmler, Globocnik and Krüger all committed suicide at the end of the war in Europe in May 1945.

The General Government Governor of Warsaw at the time of the Uprising, Dr. Ludwig Fischer, was tried and executed in 1947. Stroop was captured by Americans in Germany, convicted of war crimes in two different trials (U.S. military and Polish), and executed by hanging in Poland in 1952, along with Warsaw Ghetto SS administrator Franz Konrad. Stroop's aide, Erich Steidtmann, was exonerated for "minimal involvement"; he died in 2010 while under investigation for war crimes. Sturmbannführer Hermann Höfle who helped carry out the July 1942 Grossaktion Warsaw committed suicide after being arrested in 1962. Walter Bellwidt, who commanded a Waffen-SS battalion among Stroop forces, died on 13 October 1965. Hahn went into hiding until 1975, when he was apprehended and sentenced to life for crimes against humanity; he served eight years and died in 1986. SS Oberführer Arpad Wigand who served with von Sammern-Frankenberg as SS and Police Leader in Warsaw from 4 August 1941 to 23 April 1943 was tried for war crimes in Hamburg Germany in 1981 and sentenced to 12.5 years in prison; died 26 July 1983. Walter Reder reportedly served in the SS Panzer Grenadier Training Battalion III; he served a jail sentence in Italy from 1951 to 1985 for war crimes committed in 1944 in Italy and died in 1991. Josef Blösche was tried for war crimes and executed in 1969. Heinrich Klaustermeyer was tried for war crimes in 1965 and sentenced to life in prison. In 1976, he was released from prison on the grounds of his advanced cancer and died 13 days later.

Jewish prisoners liberated from the concentration camp Gęsiówka and the Battalion Zośka fighters during the Warsaw uprising in August 1944

The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943 took place over a year before the Warsaw uprising of 1944. The ghetto had been totally destroyed by the time of the general uprising in the city, which was part of the Operation Tempest, a nationwide insurrection plan. During the Warsaw Uprising, the Polish Home Army's Battalion Zośka was able to rescue 380 Jewish prisoners (mostly foreign) held in the concentration camp " Gęsiówka" set up by the Germans in an area adjacent to the ruins of former ghetto. These prisoners had been brought from Auschwitz and forced to clear the remains of the ghetto. A few small groups of ghetto residents also managed to survive in the undetected "bunkers" and to eventually reach the "Aryan side". In all, several hundred survivors from the first uprising took part in the later uprising (mostly in non-combat roles such as logistics and maintenance, due to their physical state and general shortage of arms), joining the ranks of the Polish Home Army and the Armia Ludowa. According to Samuel Krakowski from the Jewish Historical Institute, "The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising had a real influence ... in encouraging the activity of the Polish underground."

A number of survivors of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, known as the "Ghetto Fighters", went on to create the kibbutz Lohamei HaGeta'ot (literally: "Ghetto Fighters'"), which is located north of Acre, Israel. The founding members of the kibbutz include Yitzhak Zuckerman (Icchak Cukierman), who represented the ŻOB on the 'Aryan' side, and his wife Zivia Lubetkin, who commanded a fighting unit. In 1984, members of the kibbutz published Daphei Edut ("Testimonies of Survival"), four volumes of personal testimonies from 96 kibbutz members. The settlement features a museum and archives dedicated to remembering the Holocaust. Yad Mordechai, a kibbutz just north of the Gaza Strip, was named after Mordechaj Anielewicz. In 2008, Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi led a group of Israeli officials to the site of the uprising and spoke about the event's "importance for IDF combat soldiers".

Monument to the Ghetto Heroes by Nathan Rapoport

In 1968, the 25th anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, Zuckerman was asked what military lessons could be learned from the uprising. He replied:

I don't think there's any real need to analyze the Uprising in military terms. This was a war of less than a thousand people against a mighty army and no one doubted how it was likely to turn out. This isn't a subject for study in military school. (...) If there's a school to study the human spirit, there it should be a major subject. The important things were inherent in the force shown by Jewish youth after years of degradation, to rise up against their destroyers, and determine what death they would choose: Treblinka or Uprising.

On 7 December 1970, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt spontaneously knelt while visiting the Monument to the Ghetto Heroes memorial in the People's Republic of Poland. At the time, the action surprised many and was the focus of controversy, but it has since been credited with helping improve relations between the NATO and Warsaw Pact countries.

Many people from the United States and Israel came for the 1983 commemoration.

The last surviving Jewish resistance fighter, Simcha Rotem, died in Jerusalem on 22 December 2018, at age 94.

Opposing forces

From right: Małka Zdrojewicz, Bluma and Rachela Wyszogrodzka captured after offering armed resistance.

This section Please expand the section to include this information. Further details may exist on the is missing information about Need some basic description of leaders and key participants. talk page.

Two Jewish underground organisations fought in the Warsaw Uprising: the left wing Żydowska Organizacja Bojowa (ŻOB) founded in July 1942 by Zionist Jewish youth groups within the Warsaw Ghetto; and the right wing Żydowski Związek Wojskowy (ŻZW), or Jewish Military Union, a national organization founded in 1939 by former Polish military officers of Jewish background which had strong ties to the Polish Home Army, and cells in almost every major town across Poland. However, both organisations were officially incorporated into the Polish Home Army and its command structure[when? ] in exchange for weapons and training.

Marek Edelman, who was the only surviving uprising commander from the left-wing ŻOB, stated that the ŻOB had 220 fighters and each was armed with a handgun, grenades, and Molotov cocktails. His organization had three rifles in each area, as well as two land mines and one submachine gun. Due to its socialist leanings, the Soviets and Israel promoted the actions of ŻOB as the dominant or only party in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, a view often adopted by secondary sources in the West.

The right-wing faction ŻZW, which was founded by former Polish officers, was larger, more established and had closer ties with the Polish resistance, making it better equipped. Zimmerman describes the arms supplies for the uprising as "limited but real". Specifically, Jewish fighters of the ŻZW received from the Polish Home Army: 2 heavy machine guns, 4 light machine guns, 21 submachine guns, 30 rifles, 50 pistols, and over 400 grenades for the uprising. During the Uprising, ŻZW is reported[by whom? ] to have had about 400 well-armed fighters grouped in 11 units, with 4 units including fighters from the Polish Home Army. Due to the ŻZW's anti-socialist stand and close ties with the Polish Home Army (which was subsequently outlawed by the Soviets), the Soviets suppressed publication of books and articles on ŻZW after the war and downplayed its role in the uprising, in favor of the more socialist ŻOB.

More weapons were supplied throughout the uprising, and some were captured from the Germans. Some weapons were handmade by the resistance; sometimes such weapons worked.

Shortly before the uprising, Polish-Jewish historian Emanuel Ringelblum (who managed to escape from the Warsaw Ghetto but was later discovered and executed in 1944) visited a ŻZW armoury hidden in the basement at 7 Muranowska Street. In his notes, which form part of Oneg Shabbat archives, he reported:

They were armed with revolvers stuck in their belts. Different kinds of weapons were hung in the large rooms: light machine guns, rifles, revolvers of different kinds, hand grenades, bags of ammunition, German uniforms, etc., all of which were utilized to the full in the April "action". (...) While I was there, a purchase of arms was made from a former Polish Army officer, amounting to a quarter of a million zloty; a sum of 50,000 zlotys was paid on account. Two machine guns were bought at 40,000 złoty each, and a large amount of hand grenades and bombs.

Although the Home Army's stocks were meager, and general provision of arms limited, the right-wing ŻZW received significant quantities of armaments, including some heavy and light machine guns, submachine guns, rifles, pistols and grenades.

Due to the nature of the conflict and that it took place within the confines of German-guarded Ghetto, the role of the Polish Home Army was primarily one of ancillary support; namely, the provision of arms, ammunition and training. However, according to Marian Fuks, the Ghetto uprising would not have been possible without assistance from the Polish Resistance. Before the uprising started, the most important aid from the Polish resistance to the Jewish resistance took part of weapon smuggling and delivery. Some of the earliest weapons delivered to the ghetto in mid-1942 came from the communist Gwardia Ludowa group, which in August 1942 provided Jewish resistance with 9 pistols and 5 hand grenades'. Antoni Chruściel, commander of the Home Army in Warsaw, ordered the entire armory of the Wola district transferred to the ghetto. In January 1943 the Home Army delivered a larger shipment 50 pistols, 50 hand grenades' and several kilograms of explosives, and together with a number of smaller shipments transferred around that time a total of 70 pistols, 10 rifles, 2 hand machine guns, 1 light machine gun, as well as ammunition and over 150 kilograms of explosives. Acquisition of weapons was supported from both Jewish and Polish funds, including those of Żegota. The Home Army also provided intelligence on German movements, connected Jewish resistance to some black market channels, and provided planning assistance for plans to defend the ghetto and safeguard the refugees. Home Army also disseminated information and appeals to help the Jews in the ghetto, both in Poland and by way of radio transmissions to the Allies, which fell largely on deaf ears.

In mid-April at 4 am, the Germans began to liquidate the Warsaw Ghetto, closed down the remnants of the Jews with a police cordon, went inside tanks and armored cars and carried out their destructive work. We know that you help the martyred Jews as much as you can, I thank you, my countrymen, on my own and the government's behalf, I am asking you to help them in my own name and in the government, I am asking you for help and for extermination of this horrible cruelty.

During the uprising, units from the Polish Home Army and the communist Gwardia Ludowa attacked German units near the ghetto walls and attempted to smuggle weapons, ammunition, supplies, and instructions into the ghetto. The command of the Home Army ordered its sabotage units, Kedyw, to carry a series of actions around the walls against the German units under the code name Ghetto Action. A failed attempt to breach the ghetto walls on 19 April has been described as "one of the first large-scale battles carried out by the Home Army's Warsaw division.". Between 19 and 23 April 1943, the Polish resistance engaged the Germans at six different locations outside the ghetto walls, shooting at German sentries and positions and in one case attempting to blow up a gate. Overall, the Home Army conduced seven total operations in support of the uprising. Following two unsuccessful attempts to breach the wall, the other operations focused on harassing Germans and their auxiliaries, inflicting a number of casualies. A National Security Corps unit commanded by Henryk Iwański ("Bystry") reportedly fought inside the ghetto along with ŻZW and subsequently both groups retreated together (including 34 Jewish fighters) to the Aryan side; however later research[by whom? ] cast doubts on the veracity of Iwański's claims. Several ŻOB commanders and fighters also later escaped through the tunnels with assistance from the Poles and joined the Polish underground ( Home Army).

From April 24, daily patrols against Germans near the ghetto, aimed at eliminating the Germans and training our own (Home Army) branches- up to now without own losses. Some Germans were eliminated every day.

-  Report for the month of April 1943 of the Kedyw, Warsaw District of the Home Army

Poster printed by ŻOB: "All people are equal brothers; Brown, White, Black and Yellow. To separate peoples, colors, races, Is but an act of cheating!"

Commemorative pennant of ŻZW - Jewish Military Union.

Page 5 of Stroop Report describing German fight against "Juden mit polnischen Banditen" - "Jews with Polish bandits".

Continuation 27 April 1943 describing fight against "jüdisch-polnische Wehrformation" ("Jewish-Polish armed formation").

The failure to break through German defenses limited supplies to the ghetto, which was otherwise cut off from the outside world by a German-ordered blockade. Records confirm that the leftist ŻOB received less weaponry and support from the Polish Home Army, unlike the ŻZW with whom the Home Army had close ties and ideological similarities. Some survivors criticized gentile Poles for not providing sufficient support; for example in her book On Both Sides of the Wall, Vladka Meed, who was a member of the ŻOB, devoted a chapter to the insufficient support from the Polish resistance. The Home Army faced a number of dilemmas which resulted in it providing only a limited assistance to the Jewish resistance; these include the fact that it had very limited supplies and was unable to arm its own troops; the view (shared by most of the Jewish reistance) that any wide-scale uprising in 1943 would be premature and futile; and the difficulty to coordinate with the internally divided Jewish resistance, coupled with the pro-Soviet attitude of the ŻOB.

SS-Brigadeführer Jürgen Stroop (center). 2nd from right is Heinrich Klaustermeyer. The SD-Rottenführer at right is Josef Blösche at Nowolipie 64 / Smocza 1 intersection

Ultimately, the efforts of the Jewish resistance fighters proved insufficient against the German occupation system. According to Hanna Krall, the German task force dispatched to put down the revolt and complete the deportation action numbered 2,090 men armed with a number of minethrowers and other light and medium artillery pieces, several armored vehicles, and more than 200 machine and submachine guns. Its backbone consisted of 821 Waffen-SS paramilitary soldiers from five SS Panzergrenadier reserve and training battalions and one SS cavalry reserve and training battalion. The other forces were drawn from the Ordnungspolizei (Orpo) order police (battalions from the 22nd and 23rd regiments), Warsaw personnel of the Gestapo and the Sicherheitsdienst (SD) intelligence service, one battalion each from two Wehrmacht (Heer) railroad combat engineers regiments, a Wehrmacht battery of anti-aircraft artillery, a detachment of multinational (commonly but inaccurately referred to by the Germans and Jews alike as "Ukrainians") ex-Soviet POW "Trawniki-Männer" auxiliary camp guards trained by the SS-Totenkopfverbände at Trawniki concentration camp, and technical emergency corps.

Several Gestapo jailers from the nearby political prison Pawiak, led by Franz Bürkl, volunteered to join the "hunt" for the Jews. A force of 363 officers from the Polish Police of the General Government (so-called Blue Police) was ordered by the Germans to cordon the walls of the ghetto. Warsaw fire department personnel were also forced to help in the operation. Jewish policemen were used in the first phase of the ghetto's liquidation and subsequently summarily executed by the Gestapo.

Stroop later remarked:

I had two battalions of Waffen-SS, one hundred army men, units of Order Police, and seventy-five to a hundred Security Police people. The Security Police had been active in the Warsaw Ghetto for some time, and during this program it was their function to accompany SS units in groups of six or eight, as guides and experts in ghetto matters.

Trawniki men peer into a doorway past the bodies of Jews killed during the suppression of the uprising at Zamenhofa 42 / Kupiecka 18.[77]

By his own words, Stroop reported that after he took command on 19 April 1943, the forces at his disposal totaled 31 officers and 1,262 men:

Stroop's report listed ultimate forces at his disposal as 36 officers and 2,054 men:

His casualty lists also include members of four other Waffen-SS training and reserve units ( 1st SS Panzer Grenadier; 2nd SS Panzer Grenadier; 4th SS Panzer Grenadier; 5th SS Panzer Grenadier Training Battalions). Polish police came from the Kommissariarts 1st, 7th and 8th.

In popular culture

The uprising is the subject of numerous works, in multiple media, such as Aleksander Ford's film Border Street (1948), John Hersey's novel The Wall (1950), Leon Uris' novel (1961), Jack P. Eisner's autobiography The Survivor (1980), Andrzej Wajda's films A Generation (1955), (1961), (1995), and Jon Avnet's film (2001).

The photograph of a boy surrendering outside a bunker, with Trawniki with submachine guns in the background, became one of the best-known photographs of World War II and the Holocaust: He is said to represent all 6 million Jewish Holocaust victims.

References

Guttman, John (March 2000). "World War II: Warsaw Ghetto Uprising". World War II Magazine.

^ Maciej Kledzik (18 April 2008). "Zapomniani żołnierze ŻZW". Rzeczpospolita (in Polish). Archived from the original on 28 April 2015.

McDonough, Frank: The Hitler Years, Volume 2: Disaster 1940-1945, p. 396

^ Freilich, Miri; Dean, Martin (2012). "Warsaw". In Geoffrey P., Megargee; Dean, Martin; Hecker, Mel (eds.). Ghettos in German-Occupied Eastern Europe. Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933-1945. Vol. 2. Translated by Fishman, Samuel. Bloomington: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. p. 459. ISBN 978-0-253-00202-0.

^ Mlynarczyk, Jace Andrzej (2004). "Treblinka - ein Todeslager der 'Aktion Reinhard'". In Musial, Bogdan (ed.). 'Aktion Reinhard' - Die Vernichtung der Juden im Generalgouvernement (in German). Osnabrück: Fibre. pp. 257-281.

Court of Assizes in ^ Düsseldorf, Germany. Excerpts From Judgments (Urteilsbegründung). AZ-LG Düsseldorf: II 931638.

"Ferdinand von Sammern-Frankenegg". Jewish Virtual Library.

^ Voices From the Inferno: Holocaust Survivors Describe the Last Months in the Warsaw Ghetto - January 1943: The First Armed Resistance in the Ghetto An online exhibition by Yad Vashem

Voices From the Inferno: Holocaust Survivors Describe the Last Months in the Warsaw Ghetto - January 1943: Fighters in the Warsaw Ghetto An online exhibition by Yad Vashem

^ Medoff, Rafael. "The Allies' Refugee Conference - A 'Cruel Mockery'". Archived from the original on 13 May 2004.

^ Majchrowska, Anna. "The January deportation from the Warsaw Ghetto". Żydowski Instytut Historyczny.

^ Michalak, Grzegorz. ""Our struggle will not be forgotten!" The first armed uprising against the Germans in the Warsaw Ghetto". Muzeum Getta Warszawskiego EN.

^ Voices From the Inferno: Holocaust Survivors Describe the Last Months in the Warsaw Ghetto - January 1943: In the Bunkers During the Uprising, An online exhibition by Yad Vashem

^ Moshe Arens. "Flags over the Warsaw Ghetto." Gefen Publishing House, 2011.

^ "The Warsaw Ghetto: The Stroop Report - "The Warsaw Ghetto Is No More" (May 1943)". Jewish Virtual Library.

^ Israel Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939-1945: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt, Indiana University Press, 1982 (pp. 393-394)

^ Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third Edition, Yale University Press, 2003 (volume 2, p. 538)

^ Voices From the Inferno: Holocaust Survivors Describe the Last Months in the Warsaw Ghetto - Clearing the Remains of the Ghetto. An online exhibition by Yad Vashem

^ Voices From the Inferno: After the Uprising: Life Among the Ruins of the Warsaw Ghetto. An online exhibition by Yad Vashem

Samuel Krakowski ^ War of the Doomed - Jewish Armed Resistance in Poland, 1942-1944 ISBN 0-8419-0851-6, pp. 213-214, Holmes & Meier Publishers 1984

Azoulay, Yuval. ^ "IDF Chief, in Warsaw: Israel, its army are answer to Holocaust", , 29 April 2008.

A. Polonsky, (2012), ^ The Jews in Poland and Russia, Volume III, 1914 to 2008, p. 537

^ Call to Armed Self-Defense, from Ha-Shomer Ha-Zair newspaper in the Warsaw Underground Jutrznia ("Dawn"), 28 March 1942.

^ Moshe Arens (2005). "The Jewish Military Organization (ŻZW) in the Warsaw Ghetto". Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 19 (2)

Maciej Kledzik (October 2002). "ŻZW; Appelbaum w cieniu Anielewicza". Rzeczpospolita (in Polish). 10 (12). 11 October 2002. Retrieved 9 May 2006.

Krall, Hanna (1986). Shielding the Flame: An intimate conversation with Dr Marek Edelman, the last surviving leader of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. transl. by Joanna Stasinska Weschler, Lawrence Weschler. Henry Holt & Company. p. 95. ISBN 0-03-006002-8.

Krall, Hanna (1992). . transl. by Joanna Stasinska Weschler, Lawrence Weschler. Northwestern University Press. p. 218. ISBN 0-8101-1050-4.

Peter Kenez (January 2009). Murray Baumgarten; Peter Kenez; Bruce Allan Thompson (eds.). The Attitude of the Polish Home Army (AK) to the Jewish Question during the Holocaust: the Case of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. University of Delaware Press. pp. 121-122. ISBN 978-0-87413-039-3.

Richard C. Lukas (2012). Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles Under German Occupation 1939-1944. Hippocrene Books. p. 175. ISBN 978-0-7818-1302-0.

^ Moshe Arens, "Flags over the Warsaw Ghetto: The Untold Story of Warsaw Ghetto Uprising", Gefen Publishing House 2007 ISBN 9652293563 p. 186.

^ Yosef Kermisch, "To live with honour and die with honour! Selected documents from the Warsaw Ghetto Undergroung Archives. Oneg Shabbat", Jerusalem, Yad Vashem, 1986.

^ Fuks, Marian (1989). "Pomoc Polaków bojownikom getta warszawskiego" [Assistance of Poles in the Warsaw ghetto uprising]. Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego (in Polish). 1 (149): 43-52, 144. Without assistance of Poles and even their active participation in some actions, without the supply of arms from the Polish underground movement - the outbreak of the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto was impossible eat all.

^ Stefan Korbonski, "The Polish Underground State: A Guide to the Underground, 1939-1945", pp. 120-139, Excerpts Archived 27 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine

USHMM: Recognize someone? Askari or Trawniki guards peer into a doorway past the bodies of Jews killed during the suppression of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. The original German caption reads: "Askaris used during the operation". Photo Archives. Hostile commentator: Bruno Hajda, denaturalized former guard at Trawniki, tried in the U.S., February 1996 (No. 97-2362).

^ Hal Erickson (2008). "Border-Street - Trailer - Cast - Showtimes". Movies & TV Dept. The New York Times. Archived from the original on 5 February 2008.(subscription required)

^ "Andrzej Wajda. Official Website of Polish movie director - Films - "The Holy Week"". Wajda.pl.

Maltz, Judy (3 March 2011). "Holocaust Studies / A picture worth six million names". .

"How A Little Boy Became the Face of The Holocaust". . No. 100 Photographs | The Most Influential Images of All Time. Archived from the original on 12 November 2020.

^ Kirsch, Adam (23 November 2010). "Caught on Film". Tablet Magazine. Archived from the original on 24 September 2018.

Bibliography

Primary sources

In other languages

Stroop, Jürgen (22 April 1943). Es gibt keinen jüdischen Wohnbezirk - in Warschau mehr! [There is no Jewish residential district - in Warsaw anymore!] (PDF) (Report) (in German). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 December 2013.

Stroop, Jürgen (2009) [22 April 1943]. Żydowska Dzielnica Mieszkaniowa W Warszawie Już Nie Istnieje! [The Jewish Residential District in Warsaw Does Not Exist Now!] (PDF) (in Polish and German). Warsaw: Institute of National Remembrance Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation. pp. 109-. ISBN 978-83-7629-455-1. - German: Es gibt keinen jüdischen Wohnbezirk - in Warschau mehr!

Strzembosz, Tomasz (1983). Akcje zbrojne podziemnej Warszawy 1939-1944 [Armed actions of underground Warsaw 1939-1944] (in Polish). Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy. ISBN 83-060-0717-4.

Witkowski, Henryk (1984). Kedyw okręgu warszawskiego Armii Krajowej w latach 1943-1944 [Kedyw of Warsaw district of the Home Army in the years 1943-1944] (in Polish). Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy Związków Zawodowych. ISBN 83-202-0217-5.

Wroński, Stanisław (1971). Polacy i Żydzi 1939-1945 (in Polish). Warsaw: Książka i Wiedza.

Further reading

External links

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The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising ( Yiddish: אױפֿשטאַנד אין װאַרשעװער געטאָ, Ufshtand in Varshever Geto ; Polish: powstanie w getcie warszawskim; German: Aufstand im Warschauer Ghetto) was the 1943 act of Jewish resistance in the Warsaw Ghetto in German-occupied Poland during World War II to oppose Nazi Germany's final effort to transport the remaining ghetto population to the gas chambers of the Majdanek and Treblinka extermination camps.

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Pomnik Małego Powstańca, Podwale, Varsavia, Polonia

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Pomnik Małego Powstańca, Podwale, Varsavia, Polonia

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Pomnik Małego Powstańca, Podwale, Varsavia, Polonia

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it shows, that in war and umprisings in Poland everyone was trying to save the independence and free of Poland.

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Monument to victims of Chernobyl, Театральный переулок, Lichoslavl', Oblast' di Tver', Russia

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Monument to victims of Chernobyl, Театральный переулок, Lichoslavl', Oblast' di Tver', Russia

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Monument to victims of Chernobyl, Театральный переулок, Lichoslavl', Oblast' di Tver', Russia

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Monumento a Coloro che salvarono il mondo, Kirova Street, Černobyl', Oblast' di Kiev, Ucraina

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Monumento a Coloro che salvarono il mondo, Kirova Street, Černobyl', Oblast' di Kiev, Ucraina

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Monumento a Coloro che salvarono il mondo, Kirova Street, Černobyl', Oblast' di Kiev, Ucraina

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Memorialul Victimelor Comunismului și al Rezistenței, Strada Corneliu Coposu, Sighetu Marmației, Romania

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Memorial to the Victims of Communism and the Resistance, Sighetu Marmației, Romania

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Memorial to the Victims of Communism and the Resistance, Sighetu Marmației, Romania

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The memorial of the Victims on Communism and Resistance consists of the museum located in the former political prison in Sighetul Marmatiei and the international center for studies on communism based in Bucharest. The memorial aims to reconstruct and preserve the memory of the resistance in Romania

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Pomnik Powstania Warszawskiego, plac Krasińskich, Varsavia, Polonia

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Pomnik Powstania Warszawskiego, plac Krasińskich, Varsavia, Polonia

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Pomnik Powstania Warszawskiego, plac Krasińskich, Varsavia, Polonia

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this momunet is one of the most important statues in poland. is shows the uprising of warsaw in 1944.

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The Katyn Massacre, a brutal event during World War II, involved the murder of over 20,000 Polish military officers, policemen, and intellectuals by Soviet forces in 1940. The tragedy remained concealed until 1989, causing strained Polish-Soviet relations. Katyn stands as a symbol of historical injustice and diplomatic tension.

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german nazi concentrate camp in Lublin. it is simillar to Aushwitz and Treblino.

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World Trade Center, Manhattan, New York, Stati Uniti

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World Trade Center, Manhattan, New York, Stati Uniti

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World Trade Center, Manhattan, New York, Stati Uniti

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The September 11 attacks, commonly referred to as 9/11, were a series of coordinated suicide terrorist actions carried out by al-Qaeda in 2001, targeting the United States. On that fateful morning, 19 terrorists hijacked four commercial airliners scheduled to cross the country, crashing two into New York City's Twin Towers, aiming the others at Washington, D.C., with one striking The Pentagon and a fourth plane crashing in rural Pennsylvania after a passenger revolt. These devastating attacks resulted in the loss of nearly 3,000 lives and marked the beginning of a protracted global war on terror.

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The Tomb of the Unknow soldiers Bucarest, Romania

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The Tomb of the Unknow soldiers Bucarest, Romania

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It's a national place of pilpgrimage and repose in memory of the 225000 soldiers who they sacrifaced themself in the First World War

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Monumento ai Caduti, Piazza Giacomo Matteotti, Ostuni, BR

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Monumento ai Caduti, Piazza Giacomo Matteotti, Ostuni, BR

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Monumento ai Caduti, Piazza Giacomo Matteotti, Ostuni, BR

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Carlo Rodio donated his work as a tribute to his brother Giuseppe, a decorated Captain of the Royal Army who fell in the Great War. In 1996, additional slabs bearing the names of Ostuni's fallen citizens in the Second World War were added to the original monument, and in 2015, a Great War-era cannon was relocated to the base of the Column of Engineer Rodio, which had previously stood in front of the Italian Youth of the Littorio headquarters during the fascist era.

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Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory, Lipowa, Cracovia, Polonia

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Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory, Lipowa, Cracovia, Polonia

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Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory, Lipowa, Cracovia, Polonia

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Oskar Schindler's Factory, located in Krakow, Poland, was made famous by the film "Schindler's List." It served as a sanctuary for over 1,000 Jewish workers during the Holocaust.

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Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory ( Polish: Fabryka Emalia Oskara Schindlera) is a former metal item factory in Kraków. It now hosts two museums: the Museum of Contemporary Art in Kraków, on the former workshops, and a branch of the Historical Museum of the City of Kraków, situated at ul. Lipowa 4 (4 Lipowa Street) in the district of Zabłocie, in the administrative building of the former enamel factory known as Oskar Schindler's Deutsche Emailwarenfabrik (DEF), as seen in the film Schindler's List. Operating here before DEF was the first Malopolska factory of enamelware and metal products limited liability company, instituted in March 1937.

Building B exterior

Pierwsza Małopolska Fabryka Naczyń Emaliowanych i Wyrobów Blaszanych "Rekord,"Spółka z ograniczoną odpowiedzialnością w Krakowie ('Rekord' First Małopolska Factory of Enamel Vessels and Tinware, Limited Liability Company in Kraków) was established in March 1937 by three Jewish entrepreneurs: Michał Gutman from Bedzin, Izrael Kahn from Kraków, and Wolf Luzer Glajtman from Olkusz. The partners leased the production halls from the factory of wire, mesh, and iron products with its characteristic sawtooth roofs, and purchased a plot at ul. Lipowa 4 for their future base. It was then that the following were built: the stamping room where metal sheets were processed, prepared and pressed, the deacidification facility (varnishing) where the vessels were bathed in a solution of sulfuric acid to remove all impurities and grease, and the enamel shop, where enamel was laid in a number of layers: the priming coat first, then the colour, and finally another protective coat.

The ownership of the company changed a number of times, and its financial situation continued to worsen. In June 1939, the company applied for insolvency, which was officially announced by the Regional Court in Kraków.

World War II

On 1 September 1939, Nazi Germany invaded Poland and the Second World War broke out. On 6 September, German troops entered Kraków. It was also probably around that time in which Oskar Schindler, a Sudeten German who was a member of the Nazi Party and an agent of the , arrived in Kraków. Using the power of the German occupation forces in the capacity of a trustee, he took over the German kitchenware shop on ul. Krakowska, and in November 1939, on the power of the decision of the Trusteeship Authority he took over the receivership of the "Rekord" company in Zabłocie. He also produced ammunition shells, so that his factory would be classed as an essential part of the war effort. He managed to build a subcamp of the Płaszów forced labor camp in the premises where "his" Jews had scarce contact with camp guards.

In January 1940, Schindler changed the name of the factory to Deutsche Emailwarenfabrik - DEF. Initially, non-Jewish Poles predominated among the employed workers. Year by year, the number of Jewish Poles workers recruited through the ghetto wage office increased. Schindler in this respect was initially driven by economic reasons-employing Jews significantly decreased the costs of recruitment, as they did not receive any compensation. For each Polish Jew worker, the factory director paid a small fee to the SS - 4 złotys per day for a working woman and 5 złotys per day for a working man. The non-Jewish Poles remained employed mainly in administrative positions. The number of Polish Jew workers increased from over 150 in 1940 to around 1100 in 1944 (this is the sum of workers from three nearby factories, barracked in the sub-camp at DEF).

From the very beginning of the factory's operation, Schindler used part of its profits to provide food for its Jewish workers. The working conditions were difficult, especially at the stands at enamel furnaces and at ladles with sulfuric acid, with which the workers (predominantly women) had direct contact. Other difficulties included low temperatures in the winter, as well as lice epidemics, which caused mainly dysentery, but also typhus. On the other hand, workers at Schindler's factory received bigger food portions than in other factories based on forced labour. During the existence of the ghetto in Podgórze, Jewish workers were led to the factory under the escort of industrial guards (Werkschutzs) or Ukrainians.

When in 1943 the ghetto was liquidated, Kraków Jews who escaped death at that time were transferred to the Plaszow labour camp. The distance from the ghetto to Schindler's Emalia factory had not been very far, but from the Płaszów camp the inmates had to walk several miles. Their workday was already twelve hours long, and Schindler felt sorry for his people. Schindler then applied for a permit to establish a sub-camp of the Plaszow camp on the premises of his factory. He argued that his employees had to walk more than ten kilometers from the camp to the factory every day. Bringing them to the factory would increase its efficiency. His arguments as well as bribes made his plan come to life. In the barracks in Zabłocie, employees of DEF and three neighboring companies producing for the needs of the German army were accommodated. The camp was surrounded by barbed wire, watchtowers were built, and an assembly square was situated between the barracks. The nutritional conditions were much better than in the Płaszow camp, especially due to the cooperation with Polish employees - they contacted people in the city, brought letters and food to the Jewish workers.

The production in the factory and the camp was controlled, and Amon Göth, the commandant of the Plaszow camp, was often a guest here. Thanks to Schindler's efforts, the inspections were not so burdensome for the plant employees. It was only after the Płaszow camp was transformed into a concentration camp in January 1944 that the prisoners from Zabłocie were subject to permanent SS control. The work initially lasted 12 hours in a two-shift system, then 8 hours in a three-shift system. As the eastern front approached Kraków, the Germans began to liquidate the camps and prisons in the east of the General Government. It was then that Oskar Schindler decided to evacuate the factory with its employees to Brünnlitz in the Czech Republic.

After the war, as early as 1946, the factory was nationalized and in the period 1948-2002, the former DEF facilities were used by Krakowskie Zakłady Elektroniczne Unitra-Telpod (later renamed Telpod S.A.), a company manufacturing telecommunications equipment. Only in 2005, the territory returned to the use of the city of Krakow, and since 2007 the exposition of the 'Krakow Historical Museum' called "Krakow. The period of occupation 1939-1945" has been located here. The Museum has the desk and the stairs from the set of Schindler's List as part of the tour.

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Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory - Wikipedia

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Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory ( Polish: Fabryka Emalia Oskara Schindlera) is a former metal item factory in Kraków. It now hosts two museums: the Museum of Contemporary Art in Kraków, on the former workshops, and a branch of the Historical Museum of the City of Kraków, situated at ul.

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those place is sth simmilar to Aushwitz, but in smaller scale. in nowadays there is one big cementery for all people, who have been killed there.

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Monumento ai Caduti, Via Unità Italiana, Caserta, CE

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Monumento ai Caduti, Via Unità Italiana, Caserta, CE

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Monumento ai Caduti, Via Unità Italiana, Caserta, CE

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The monument was erected during the fascist period and is a worthy tribute to all those who sacrificed their lives for the values of freedom and the homeland during the Great War.

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Monumentul Martirilor, DN18, Moisei, Romania

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The Monument of the Martyrs, DN18, Moisei, Romania

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The Monument of the Martyrs, DN18, Moisei, Romania

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It is located on a hill, on the outskirts on the town. It was erected by the sculptor Vida Gheza in the 1972 in memory of the martyrs killed by the retreating Horthy troops

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Monumento ai Caduti di Tutte Le Guerre, Via del Redentore, Monserrato, CA

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Monumento ai Caduti di Tutte Le Guerre, Via del Redentore, Monserrato, CA

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Monumento ai Caduti di Tutte Le Guerre, Via del Redentore, Monserrato, CA

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The monument to the fallen of all wars of all nations is a memorial of Acquaviva delle Fonti, in the metropolitan city of Bari. Located in the eastern part of Piazza Giuseppe Garibaldi, it commemorates the citizens of Acquaviva who fell in the First World War, in the Second world war and in the Ethiopian war. The monument to the fallen of all wars of all nations is a memorial of Acquaviva delle Fonti, in the metropolitan city of Bari. Located in the eastern part of Piazza Giuseppe Garibaldi, it commemorates the citizens of Acquaviva who fell in the First World War, in the Second world war and in the Ethiopian war.

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Jewish Ghetto Memorial, Plac Bohaterów Getta, Kraków, Polonia

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Jewish Ghetto Memorial, Plac Bohaterów Getta, Kraków, Polonia

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Jewish Ghetto Memorial, Plac Bohaterów Getta, Kraków, Polonia

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that place in war was for jewish people. fascists wanted to have all jewish people in one place. those places ware named ghetto. after have some amount of people in ghetto, germans started to take them to Auschwitz, where people have been robbed, selected and killed.

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Monumento alla Strage di Capaci, A29, Capaci, PA

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Monumento alla Strage di Capaci, A29, Capaci, PA

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Monumento alla Strage di Capaci, A29, Capaci, PA

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The Capaci bombing (Italian: Strage di Capaci) was a terror attack by the Sicilian Mafia that took place on 23 May 1992 on Highway A29, close to the junction of Capaci, Sicily. It killed magistrate Giovanni Falcone, his wife Francesca Morvillo, and three police escort agents, Vito Schifani, Rocco Dicillo and Antonio Montinaro; agents Paolo Capuzza, Angelo Corbo, Gaspare Bravo and Giuseppe Costanza survived.

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The Monument of heroes, Suceava, Romania

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The Monument of heroes, Suceava, Romania

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The monumet represent the fallen soldiers of WW1 and WW2

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The Battle of Grunwald, fought in 1410, was a pivotal medieval clash between the Kingdom of Poland and the Teutonic Knights. Poland-Lithuania achieved a significant victory, altering Eastern European history.

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The Battle of Grunwald, Battle of Žalgiris or First Battle of Tannenberg was fought on 15 July 1410 during the Polish-Lithuanian-Teutonic War. The alliance of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, led respectively by King Władysław II Jagiełło (Jogaila) and Grand Duke Vytautas, decisively defeated the German-Prussian Teutonic Knights, led by Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen. Most of the Teutonic Knights' leadership were killed or taken prisoner. Although defeated, the Teutonic Knights withstood the siege of their fortress in Marienburg ( Malbork) and suffered minimal territorial losses at the Peace of Thorn (1411) ( Toruń), with other territorial disputes continuing until the Peace of Melno in 1422. The knights, however, would never recover their former power, and the financial burden of war reparations caused internal conflicts and an economic downturn in the lands under their control. The battle shifted the balance of power in Central and Eastern Europe and marked the rise of the Polish-Lithuanian union as the dominant political and military force in the region.

The battle was one of the largest in medieval Europe. It is also regarded as one of the most important victories in the histories of Poland and Lithuania and is also widely celebrated in Belarus.[citation needed ] It has been used as a source of romantic legends and national pride, becoming a larger symbol of struggle against foreign invaders. During the 20th century, the battle was used in Nazi German and Soviet propaganda campaigns. Only in recent decades have historians moved towards a dispassionate, scholarly assessment of the battle, reconciling the previous narratives, which differed widely by nation.[citation needed ]

The battle was fought in the territory of the monastic state of the Teutonic Order, on the plains between three villages: Grünfelde ( Grunwald) to the west, Tannenberg ( Stębark) to the northeast and Ludwigsdorf ( Łodwigowo, Ludwikowice) to the south. Władysław II Jagiełło referred to the site in Latin as in loco conflictus nostri, quem cum Cruciferis de Prusia habuimus, dicto Grunenvelt. Later, Polish chroniclers interpreted the word Grunenvelt as Grünwald, meaning "green forest" in German. The Lithuanians followed suit and translated the name as Žalgiris. The Germans named the battle after Tannenberg ("fir hill" or "pine hill" in German). Thus, there are three commonly used names for the battle: German: Schlacht bei Tannenberg, Polish: bitwa pod Grunwaldem, Lithuanian: Žalgirio mūšis. Its names in the languages of other involved peoples include Belarusian: Бітва пад Грунвальдам, Ukrainian: Грюнвальдська битва, Russian: Грюнвальдская битва, Czech: Bitva u Grunvaldu, Romanian: Bătălia de la Grünwald.

There are few contemporary, reliable sources about the battle, and most were produced by Polish sources. The most important and trustworthy source is Cronica conflictus Wladislai regis Poloniae cum Cruciferis anno Christi 1410, which was written within a year of the battle by an eyewitness. Its authorship is uncertain, but several candidates have been proposed: Polish deputy chancellor Mikołaj Trąba and Władysław II Jagiełło's secretary Zbigniew Oleśnicki. While the original Cronica conflictus did not survive, a short summary from the 16th century has been preserved. Another important source is Historiae Polonicae by Polish historian Jan Długosz (1415-1480). It is a comprehensive and detailed account written several decades after the battle. The reliability of this source suffers not only from the long gap between the events and the chronicle, but also Długosz's alleged biases against the Lithuanians. Banderia Prutenorum is a mid-15th-century manuscript with images and Latin descriptions of the Teutonic battle flags captured during the battle and displayed in Wawel Cathedral and Vilnius Cathedral. Other Polish sources include two letters written by Władysław II Jagiełło to his wife Anne of Cilli and Bishop of Poznań Wojciech Jastrzębiec and letters sent by Jastrzębiec to Poles in the Holy See. German sources include a concise account in the chronicle of Johann von Posilge. A recently discovered anonymous letter, written between 1411 and 1413, provided important details on Lithuanian maneuvers.

Lithuanian Crusade and Polish-Lithuanian union

In 1230, the Teutonic Knights, a crusading military order, moved to Chełmno Land (Kulmerland) and launched the Prussian Crusade against the pagan Prussian clans. With support from the pope and Holy Roman Emperor, the Teutons conquered and converted the Prussians by the 1280s and shifted their attention to the pagan Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For about 100 years the Knights raided Lithuanian lands, particularly Samogitia, as it separated the Knights in Prussia from their branch in Livonia. While the border regions became an uninhabited wilderness, the Knights gained very little territory. The Lithuanians first gave up Samogitia during the Lithuanian Civil War (1381-84) in the Treaty of Dubysa. The territory was used as a bargaining chip to ensure Teutonic support for one of the sides in the internal power struggle.

In 1385, Grand Duke Jogaila of Lithuania agreed to marry Queen Jadwiga of Poland in the Union of Kreva. Jogaila converted to Christianity and was crowned King of Poland (Władysław II Jagiełło), thus creating a personal union between the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The official Lithuanian conversion to Christianity removed the religious rationale for the order's activities in the area. Its grand master, Conrad Zöllner von Rothenstein, supported by Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxemburg, responded by publicly contesting the sincerity of Jogaila's conversion, bringing the charge to a papal court. The territorial disputes continued over Samogitia, which had been in Teutonic hands since the Peace of Raciąż in 1404. Poland also had territorial claims against the Knights in Dobrzyń Land and Gdańsk ( Danzig), but the two states had been largely at peace since the Treaty of Kalisz (1343). The conflict was also motivated by trade considerations: The knights controlled the lower reaches of the three largest rivers (the Neman, Vistula and Daugava) in Poland and Lithuania.

War, truce and preparations

In May 1409, an uprising in Teutonic-held Samogitia started. Lithuania supported it and the knights threatened to invade. Poland announced its support for the Lithuanian cause and threatened to invade Prussia in return. As Prussian troops evacuated Samogitia, Teutonic Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen declared war on the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania on 6 August 1409. The Knights hoped to defeat Poland and Lithuania separately, and began by invading Greater Poland and Kuyavia, catching the Poles by surprise. The Knights burned the castle at Dobrin ( Dobrzyń nad Wisłą), captured Bobrowniki after a 14-day siege, conquered Bydgoszcz (Bromberg) and sacked several towns. The Poles organized counterattacks and recaptured Bydgoszcz. The Samogitians attacked Memel ( Klaipėda). However, neither side was ready for a full-scale war.

Wenceslaus, King of the Romans, agreed to mediate the dispute. A truce was signed on 8 October 1409 and was set to expire on 24 June 1410. Both sides used this time to prepare for war, gathering troops and engaging in diplomatic maneuvering. Both sides sent letters and envoys accusing each other of various wrongdoings and threats to Christendom. Wenceslaus, who received a gift of 60,000 florins from the knights, declared that Samogitia rightfully belonged to the knights and only Dobrzyń Land should be returned to Poland. The knights also paid 300,000 ducats to Sigismund of Hungary, who had ambitions regarding the Principality of Moldavia, for mutual military assistance. Sigismund attempted to break the Polish-Lithuanian alliance by offering Vytautas a king's crown; Vytautas' acceptance would have violated the terms of the Ostrów Agreement and created Polish-Lithuanian discord. At the same time, Vytautas managed to obtain a truce from the Livonian Order.

By December 1409, Władysław II Jagiełło and Vytautas had agreed on a common strategy: their armies would unite into a single massive force and march together towards Marienburg ( Malbork), capital of the Teutonic Knights. The Knights, who took a defensive position, did not expect a joint attack and were preparing for a dual invasion-by the Poles along the Vistula River towards Danzig ( Gdańsk) and the Lithuanians along the Neman River towards Ragnit ( Neman). To counter this perceived threat, Ulrich von Jungingen concentrated his forces in Schwetz ( Świecie), a central location from where troops could respond to an invasion from any direction rather quickly. Sizable garrisons were left in the eastern castles of Ragnit, Rhein ( Ryn) near Lötzen ( Giżycko) and Memel ( Klaipėda). To keep their plans secret and mislead the knights, Władysław II Jagiełło and Vytautas organized several raids into border territories, thus forcing the knights to keep their troops in place.

The precise number of soldiers involved has proven difficult to establish. None of the contemporary sources provided reliable troop counts. Jan Długosz provided the number of banners, the principal unit of each cavalry: 51 for the knights, 50 for the Poles and 40 for the Lithuanians. However, it is unclear how many men were under each banner. The structure and number of infantry units ( pikemen, archers, crossbowmen) and artillery units is unknown. Estimates, often biased by political and nationalistic considerations, were produced by various historians. German historians tend to present lower numbers, while Polish historians tend to use higher estimates. The high-end estimates by Polish historian Stefan Kuczyński of 39,000 Polish-Lithuanian and 27,000 Teutonic men have been cited in Western literature as "commonly accepted".

While outnumbered, the Teutonic army had advantages in discipline, military training and equipment. They were particularly noted for their heavy cavalry, although only a small percentage of the Order's army at Grunwald were heavily armoured knights. The Teutonic army was also equipped with bombards that could shoot lead and stone projectiles.

Both armies were composed of troops from several states and lands, including numerous mercenaries, primarily from Silesia and Bohemia. Bohemian mercenaries fought on both sides. The Silesian mercenaries were led in battle by Duke Konrad VII the White, of Oels, who was supported by knights from the Silesian nobility including Dietrich von Kottulin and Hans von Motschelnitz.

Soldiers from twenty-two different states and regions, mostly Germanic, joined the Order's army. Teutonic recruits known as guest crusaders included soldiers from Westphalia, Frisia, Austria, Swabia, Bavaria, and Stettin ( Szczecin). Two Hungarian nobles, Nicholas II Garay and Stibor of Stiboricz, brought 200 men for the Order, but support from Sigismund of Hungary was disappointing.

Poland brought mercenaries from Moravia and Bohemia. The Czechs produced two full banners, under the command of Jan Sokol z Lamberka. Serving among the Czechs was possibly Jan Žižka, future commander of the Hussite forces. Alexander the Good, ruler of Moldavia, commanded an expeditionary corps, the Moldavian king was so brave that the Polish troops and their king honoured him with a royal sword, the Szczerbiec. Vytautas gathered troops from Lithuanian, Ruthenian (modern Belarus and Ukraine) lands. The three Ruthenian banners from Smolensk were under the command of Władysław II Jagiełło's brother Lengvenis, while the contingent of Tatars of the Golden Horde was under the command of the future Khan Jalal ad-Din. The overall commander of the joint Polish-Lithuanian force was King Władysław II Jagiełło; however, he did not directly participate in the battle. The Lithuanian units were commanded directly by Grand Duke Vytautas, who was second in command, and helped design the grand strategy of the campaign. Vytautas actively participated in the battle, managing both Lithuanian and Polish units. Jan Długosz stated that the low-ranking sword bearer of the Crown, Zyndram of Maszkowice, commanded the Polish army, but that is highly doubtful. More likely, marshal of the Crown Zbigniew of Brzezie commanded the Polish troops in the field.

The first stage of the Grunwald campaign was the gathering of all Polish-Lithuanian troops at Czerwinsk, a designated meeting point about 80 km (50 mi) from the Prussian border, where the joint army crossed the Vistula over a pontoon bridge. This maneuver, which required precision and intense coordination among multi-ethnic forces, was accomplished in about a week, from 24 to 30 June. Polish soldiers from Greater Poland gathered in Poznań, and those from Lesser Poland, in Wolbórz. On 24 June, Władysław II Jagiełło and Czech mercenaries arrived in Wolbórz. Three days later the Polish army was already at the meeting place. The Lithuanian army marched out from Vilnius on 3 June and joined the Ruthenian regiments in Hrodna. They arrived in Czerwinsk on the same day the Poles crossed the river. After the crossing, Masovian troops under Siemowit IV and Janusz I joined the Polish-Lithuanian army. The massive force began its march north towards Marienburg ( Malbork), capital of Prussia, on 3 July. The Prussian border was crossed on 9 July.

The river crossing remained secret until Hungarian envoys, who were attempting to negotiate a peace, informed the Grand Master. As soon as Ulrich von Jungingen grasped the Polish-Lithuanian intentions, he left 3,000 men at Schwetz ( Świecie) under Heinrich von Plauen and marched the main force to organize a line of defense on the Drewenz River ( Drwęca) near Kauernik ( Kurzętnik). The river crossing was fortified with stockades. On 11 July, after meeting with his eight-member war council, Władysław II Jagiełło decided against crossing the river at such a strong, defensible position. The army would instead bypass the river crossing by turning east, towards its sources, where no other major rivers separated his army from Marienburg. The march continued east towards Soldau ( Działdowo), although no attempt was made to capture the town. The Teutonic army followed the Drewenz River north, crossed it near Löbau ( Lubawa) and then moved east in parallel with the Polish-Lithuanian army. According to the Order propaganda the latter ravaged the village of Gilgenburg ( Dąbrówno). Later, in the self-serving testimonies of the survivors before the Pope the Order claimed that Von Jungingen was so enraged by the alleged atrocities that he swore to defeat the invaders in battle.

In the early morning of 15 July, both armies met in an area covering approximately 4 km 2 (1.5 sq mi) between the villages of Grunwald, Tannenberg ( Stębark) and Ludwigsdorf ( Łodwigowo). The armies formed opposing lines along a northeast-southwest axis. The Polish-Lithuanian army was positioned in front and east of Ludwigsdorf and Tannenberg. Polish heavy cavalry formed the left flank, Lithuanian light cavalry the right flank and various mercenary troops made up the center. Their men were organized in three lines of wedge-shaped formations about 20 men deep. The Teutonic forces concentrated their elite heavy cavalry, commanded by Grand Marshal Frederic von Wallenrode, against the Lithuanians. The Knights, who were the first to organize their army for the battle, hoped to provoke the Poles or Lithuanians into attacking first. Their troops, wearing heavy armor, had to stand in the scorching sun for several hours waiting for an attack. One chronicle suggested that they had dug pits that an attacking army would fall into. They also attempted to use field artillery, but a light rain dampened their powder and only two cannon shots were fired. As Władysław II Jagiełło delayed, the Grand Master sent messengers with two swords to "assist Władysław II Jagiełło and Vytautas in battle". The swords were meant as an insult and a provocation. Known as the " Grunwald Swords", they became one of the national symbols of Poland.

Retreat of Lithuanian light cavalry

Right-flank Polish-Lithuanian assault

Polish heavy cavalry break-through

Vytautas, supported by the Polish banners, started an assault on the left flank of the Teutonic forces. After more than an hour of heavy fighting, the Lithuanian light cavalry began a full retreat. Jan Długosz described this development as a complete annihilation of the entire Lithuanian army. According to Długosz, the Knights assumed that victory was theirs, broke their formation for a disorganized pursuit of the retreating Lithuanians, and gathered much loot before returning to the battlefield to face the Polish troops. He made no mention of the Lithuanians, who later returned to the battlefield. Thus, Długosz portrayed the battle as a single-handed Polish victory. This view contradicted Cronica conflictus and has been challenged by modern historians.

Starting with an article by Vaclaw Lastowski in 1909, they proposed that the retreat had been a planned maneuver borrowed from the Golden Horde. A feigned retreat had been used in the Battle of the Vorskla River (1399), when the Lithuanian army had been dealt a crushing defeat and Vytautas himself had barely escaped alive. This theory gained wider acceptance after the discovery and publication, in 1963 by Swedish historian Sven Ekdahl, of a German letter. Written a few years after the battle, it cautioned the new Grand Master to look out for feigned retreats of the kind that had been used in the Great Battle. Stephen Turnbull asserts that the Lithuanian tactical retreat did not quite fit the formula of a feigned retreat; such a retreat was usually staged by one or two units (as opposed to almost an entire army) and was swiftly followed by a counterattack (whereas the Lithuanians had returned late in the battle).

Battle continues: Polish-Teutonic fight

While the Lithuanians were retreating, heavy fighting broke out between Polish and Teutonic forces. Commanded by Grand Komtur Kuno von Lichtenstein, the Teutonic forces concentrated on the Polish right flank. Six of von Walenrode's banners did not pursue the retreating Lithuanians, instead joining the attack on the right flank. A particularly valuable target was the royal banner of Kraków. It seemed that the Knights were gaining the upper hand, and at one point the royal standard-bearer, Marcin of Wrocimowice, lost the Kraków banner. However, it was soon recaptured and fighting continued. Władysław II Jagiełło deployed his reserves-the second line of his army. Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen then personally led 16 banners, almost a third of the original Teutonic strength, to the right Polish flank, and Władysław II Jagiełło deployed his last reserves, the third line of his army. The melee reached the Polish command and one Knight, identified as Lupold or Diepold of Kökeritz, charged directly against King Władysław II Jagiełło. Władysław's secretary, Zbigniew Oleśnicki, saved the king's life, gaining royal favor and becoming one of the most influential people in Poland.

At that time the reorganized Lithuanians returned to the battle, attacking von Jungingen from the rear. The Teutonic forces were by then becoming outnumbered by the mass of Polish knights and advancing Lithuanian cavalry. As von Jungingen attempted to break through the Lithuanian lines, he was killed. According to Cronica conflictus, Dobiesław of Oleśnica thrust a lance through the Grand Master's neck, while Długosz presented Mszczuj of Skrzynno as the killer. Surrounded and leaderless, the Teutonic Knights began to retreat. Part of the routed units retreated towards their camp. This move backfired when the camp followers turned against their masters and joined the manhunt. The knights attempted to build a wagon fort: the camp was surrounded by wagons serving as an improvised fortification. However, the defense was soon broken and the camp was ravaged. According to Cronica conflictus, more Knights died there than on the battlefield. The battle lasted for about ten hours.

The Teutonic Knights attributed the defeat to treason on the part of Nikolaus von Renys (Mikołaj of Ryńsk), commander of the Culm ( Chełmno) banner, and he was beheaded without a trial. He was the founder and leader of the Lizard Union, a group of Knights sympathetic to Poland. According to the Knights, von Renys lowered his banner, which was taken as a signal of surrender and led to the panicked retreat. The legend that the Knights were "stabbed in the back" was echoed in the post-World War I stab-in-the-back legend and preoccupied German historiography of the battle until 1945.

A note sent in August by envoys of King Sigismund of Hungary, Nicholas II Garai and Stibor of Stiboricz, put total casualties at 8,000 dead "on both sides". However, the wording is vague and it is unclear whether it meant a total of 8,000 or 16,000 dead. A papal bull from 1412 mentioned 18,000 dead Christians. In two letters written immediately after the battle, Władysław II Jagiełło mentioned that Polish casualties were small ( paucis valde and modico) and Jan Długosz listed only 12 Polish knights who had been killed. A letter by a Teutonic official from Tapiau ( Gvardeysk) mentioned that only half of the Lithuanians returned, but it is unclear how many of those casualties are attributable to the battle and how many to the later siege of Marienburg.

The defeat of the Teutonic Knights was resounding. According to Teutonic payroll records, only 1,427 men reported back to Marienburg to claim their pay. Of 1,200 men sent from Danzig, only 300 returned. Between 203 and 211 brothers of the Order were killed, out of 270 that participated in battle, including much of the Teutonic leadership-Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen, Grand Marshal Friedrich von Wallenrode, Grand Komtur Kuno von Lichtenstein, Grand Treasurer Thomas von Merheim, Marshal of Supply Forces Albrecht von Schwartzburg, and ten of the komturs. Markward von Salzbach, Komtur of Brandenburg ( Ushakovo) and Heinrich Schaumburg, voigt of Sambia, were executed by order of Vytautas after the battle. The bodies of von Jungingen and other high-ranking officials were transported to Marienburg Castle for burial on 19 July. The bodies of lower-ranking Teutonic officials and 12 Polish knights were buried at the church in Tannenberg. The rest of the dead were buried in several mass graves. The highest-ranking Teutonic official to escape the battle was Werner von Tettinger, Komtur of Elbing ( Elbląg).

Polish and Lithuanian forces took several thousand captives. Among these were Dukes Konrad VII of Oels ( Oleśnica) and Casimir V of Pomerania. Most of the commoners and mercenaries were released shortly after the battle on condition that they report to Kraków on 11 November 1410. Only those who were expected to pay ransom were kept. Considerable ransoms were recorded; for example, the mercenary Holbracht von Loym had to pay 150 kopas of Prague groschen, amounting to more than 30 kg (66 lb) of silver.

After the battle, the Polish and Lithuanian forces delayed their attack on the Teutonic capital in Marienburg ( Malbork), remaining on the battlefield for three days and then marching an average of only about 15 km (9.3 mi) per day. The main forces did not reach heavily fortified Marienburg until 26 July. This delay gave Heinrich von Plauen enough time to organize a defense. Władysław II Jagiełło also sent his troops to other Teutonic fortresses, which often surrendered without resistance, including the major cities of Danzig ( Gdańsk), Thorn ( Toruń), and Elbing ( Elbląg). Only eight castles remained in Teutonic hands. The besiegers of Marienburg expected a speedy capitulation and were not prepared for a long siege, suffering from lack of ammunition, low morale and an epidemic of dysentery. The Knights appealed to their allies for help, and Sigismund of Hungary, Wenceslaus, King of the Romans, and the Livonian Order promised financial aid and reinforcements.

The siege of Marienburg was lifted on 19 September. The Polish-Lithuanian forces left garrisons in the fortresses they had taken and returned home. However, the Knights quickly recaptured most of the castles. By the end of October only four Teutonic castles along the border remained in Polish hands. Władysław II Jagiełło raised a fresh army and dealt another defeat to the Knights in the Battle of Koronowo on 10 October 1410. Following other brief engagements, both sides agreed to negotiate.

The Peace of Thorn was signed in February 1411. Under its terms, the Knights ceded the Dobrin Land ( Dobrzyń Land) to Poland and agreed to resign their claims to Samogitia during the lifetimes of Władysław II Jagiełło and Vytautas, although another two wars-the Hunger War of 1414 and the Gollub War of 1422-would be waged before the Treaty of Melno permanently resolved the territorial disputes. The Poles and Lithuanians were unable to translate the military victory into territorial or diplomatic gains. However, the Peace of Thorn imposed a heavy financial burden on the Knights from which they never recovered. They had to pay an indemnity in silver in four annual installments. To meet these payments, the Knights borrowed heavily, confiscated gold and silver from churches and increased taxes. Two major Prussian cities, Danzig ( Gdańsk) and Thorn ( Toruń), revolted against the tax increases. The defeat at Grunwald left the Teutonic Knights with few forces to defend their remaining territories. Since Samogitia became officially christened, as both Poland and Lithuania were for a long time, the Knights had difficulties recruiting new volunteer crusaders. The Grand Masters then needed to rely on mercenary troops, which proved an expensive drain on their already depleted budget. The internal conflicts, economic decline, and tax increases led to unrest and the foundation of the Prussian Confederation, or Alliance against Lordship, in 1441. This in turn led to a series of conflicts that culminated in the Thirteen Years' War (1454).

The Battle of Grunwald is regarded as one of the most important in the histories of Poland and Lithuania. In the history of Ukraine, the battle is better associated with Vytautas the Great, who stood as the leader of Eastern Orthodox Christianity at that time. In Lithuania, the victory is synonymous with the Grand Duchy's political and military peak. It was a source of national pride during the age of Romantic nationalism and inspired resistance to the Germanization and Russification policies of the German and Russian Empires. The Knights were portrayed as bloodthirsty invaders and Grunwald as a just victory achieved by a small, oppressed nation.

In 1910, to mark the 500th anniversary of the battle, a monument by Antoni Wiwulski was unveiled in Kraków during a three-day celebration attended by some 150,000 people. About 60 other towns and villages in Galicia also erected Grunwald monuments for the anniversary. The Battle of Grunwald is commemorated on the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Warsaw, with the inscription "GRUNWALD 15 VII 1410".

About the same time, Nobel Prize-winner Henryk Sienkiewicz wrote the novel The Knights of the Cross (Polish: Krzyżacy), prominently featuring the battle in one of the chapters. In 1960, Polish filmmaker Aleksander Ford used the book as the basis for his film, Knights of the Teutonic Order. A museum, monuments and memorials were constructed at the battlefield in 1960. The battle site is one of Poland's official, national Historic Monuments, as designated on 4 October 2010, and tracked by the National Heritage Board of Poland. The battle has lent its name to military decorations ( Cross of Grunwald), sports teams ( BC Žalgiris, FK Žalgiris), and various organizations.

An annual battle re-enactment takes place on 15 July. In 2010, a pageant reenacting the event and commemorating the battle's 600th anniversary was held. It attracted 200,000 spectators who watched 2,200 participants playing the role of knights in a re-enactment of the battle. An additional 3,800 participants played peasants and camp followers. The pageant's organisers believe that the event has become the largest re-enactment of medieval combat in Europe.

In 2010, the National Bank of Ukraine released a jubilee coin of 20 hryvnia commemorated to the 600 anniversary of the battle. At least three cities in Ukraine ( Lviv, Drohobych, and Ivano-Frankivsk) have a street named after the battle.

Germans generally saw the Knights as heroic and noble men who brought Christianity and civilization to the east, although many came to the region with more material motives. In August 1914, during World War I, Germany won a battle against Russia near the site. When the Germans realized its propaganda potential, they named the battle the Battle of Tannenberg, despite it having actually taken place much closer to Allenstein (Olsztyn), and framed it as revenge for the Polish-Lithuanian victory 504 years earlier. Nazi Germany later exploited the sentiment by portraying their Lebensraum policies as a continuation of the Knights' historical mission.

SS Chief Heinrich Himmler told Nazi Germany's leader Adolf Hitler on the first day of the Warsaw Uprising in August 1944: "After five, six weeks we shall leave. But by then Warsaw, the capital, the head, the intelligence of this former 16-17 million Polish people will be extinguished, this Volk that has blocked our way to the east for 700 years and has stood in our way ever since the First Battle of Tannenberg."

Due to the participation of the three Smolensk regiments, Russians saw the battle as a victory of a Polish-Lithuanian-Russian coalition against invading Germans. Chronicler Jan Długosz praised the Smolensk banners, who fought bravely and, according to him, were the only banners from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania not to retreat. In Soviet historiography, the Battle of Grunwald was styled as an ethnic struggle between Slavs and Germanics. The Teutonic Knights were portrayed as the medieval forerunners of Hitler's armies, while the battle itself was seen as the medieval counterpart to the Battle of Stalingrad.

In William Urban's summary, almost all accounts of the battle made before the 1960s were more influenced by romantic legends and nationalistic propaganda than by fact. Historians have since made progress towards dispassionate scholarship and reconciliation of the various national accounts of the battle.

In 2014, the Russian Military Historical Society stated that Russian troops and their allies defeated the German knights in the Battle of Grunwald, though evidence that the Grand Duchy of Moscow was involved with this battle is lacking. In July 2017, billboards appeared on the streets of Russian cities with statements that seemed to attribute the victory in the battle of Grunwald to Russia.

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The Battle of Grunwald, Battle of Žalgiris or First Battle of Tannenberg was fought on 15 July 1410 during the Polish-Lithuanian-Teutonic War. The alliance of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, led respectively by King Władysław II Jagiełło (Jogaila) and Grand Duke Vytautas, decisively defeated the German-Prussian Teutonic Knights, led by Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen.

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Bucharest Holocaust Memorial, Bucarest, Romania

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Bucharest Holocaust Memorial, Bucarest, Romania

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Bucharest Holocaust Memorial, Bucarest, Romania

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The holocaust memorial commemorates the aproximately 280,000 jews and 25,000 roma who died due their deportation to Transilvania in 1941

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monumento ai caduti dei piloti passignano

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monumento ai caduti dei piloti passignano

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The Memorial to the Fallen of the Italian Army's Hydroplane School in Passignano, Italy, pays tribute to a longstanding aeronautic tradition dating back to 1916. It commemorates the bravery of pilots, such as Ambrogio Colombo and Arturo Ferrarin, and their contributions to over 50 years of aeronautical innovation in the region, symbolized by a striking monument featuring interwoven airplanes on the shores of Lake Trasimeno.

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Szkoła Podstawowa nr 7 im. Żołnierzy Września, Męczenników Oświęcimskich, Ćwiklice, Polonia

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Szkoła Podstawowa nr 7 im. Żołnierzy Września, Męczenników Oświęcimskich, Ćwiklice, Polonia

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Szkoła Podstawowa nr 7 im. Żołnierzy Września, Męczenników Oświęcimskich, Ćwiklice, Polonia

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this statue is in glory for dead in war soldiers, that felt for independence of poland. those soldiers were headed to aushitz, they wanted to free the taken people.

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Mausoleul Eroilor din Iași, Iași, Romania

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The mausoleum of the Heroes of Iasi is a monument built of reinforced concrete between 1928-1930 in the city Iasi and dedicated to memory of the fallen heroes in the First World War

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Monument to the fallen of Colombella in the Second World War.  It consists of a parallelepiped surmounted by a marble eagle and an obelisk on top of which there is a brazier with flame.  On 4 November 1961, the names of the civilian and military fallen of the Second World War were added to the original monument on the two side facades.

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Auschwitz, in Nazi-occupied Poland during WWII, is infamous as a concentration and extermination camp. Comprising Auschwitz I, Auschwitz II-Birkenau, and Auschwitz III-Monowitz, it symbolizes the Holocaust's brutality. Millions, mainly Jews, suffered persecution, imprisonment, and mass murder. Auschwitz serves as a stark reminder of the genocide horrors during WWII.

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Monumentul Eroilor Măcin, Strada Florilor, Măcin, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor Măcin, Strada Florilor, Măcin, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor Măcin, Strada Florilor, Măcin, Romania

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Monument in honour of the heroes of the First World War

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this is the place, where germans started attack on poland, same starting second world war. the monument shows, that we don't want another war.

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Mausoleul de la Mărăști, Mărăști, Romania

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Mausoleul de la Mărăști, Mărăști, Romania

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Mausoleul de la Mărăști, Mărăști, Romania

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Is a memorial site in Romania containing remains of 5073 romanian soldiers and officers killed in the First World War.

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Memorialul Holocaustului, Strada Ion Brezoianu, Bucarest, Romania

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Memorialul Holocaustului, Strada Ion Brezoianu, Bucarest, Romania

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Memorialul Holocaustului, Strada Ion Brezoianu, Bucarest, Romania

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Memorialul holocaustului, Strada Mihai Viteazul, Oradea, Romania

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Memorialul holocaustului, Strada Mihai Viteazul, Oradea, Romania

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Memorialul holocaustului, Strada Mihai Viteazul, Oradea, Romania

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Memorial of the victims of the Holocaust

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Coloana Infinitului, Calea Eroilor, Târgu Jiu, Romania

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Coloana Infinitului, Calea Eroilor, Târgu Jiu, Romania

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Coloana Infinitului, Calea Eroilor, Târgu Jiu, Romania

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The Infinity Column was inaugurated in 1938 and was erected in memory of the Romanian soldiers who fell on duty in the First World War

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this is the most important place, where over 1 million jews were killed. this is second, bigger place of Auschwitz.

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Holocaust Museum, Strada Vasile Adamache, Bucarest, România

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Holocaust Museum, Strada Vasile Adamache, Bucarest, România

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Holocaust Museum, Strada Vasile Adamache, Bucarest, România

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Memorialul Victimelor Comunismului și al Rezistenței, Strada Corneliu Coposu, Sighetu Marmației, Romania

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Memorialul Victimelor Comunismului și al Rezistenței, Strada Corneliu Coposu, Sighetu Marmației, Romania

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Memorialul Victimelor Comunismului și al Rezistenței, Strada Corneliu Coposu, Sighetu Marmației, Romania

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Memorial of the victims of communism and the resistance

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Arcul de Triumf, Piața Arcul de Triumf, Bucarest, Romania

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Arcul de Triumf, Piața Arcul de Triumf, Bucarest, Romania

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Arcul de Triumf, Piața Arcul de Triumf, Bucarest, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor de la Oarba de Mureș, Sfântu Gheorghe, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor de la Oarba de Mureș, Sfântu Gheorghe, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor de la Oarba de Mureș, Sfântu Gheorghe, Romania

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Memorial and cemetery of the fallen heroes from the Second World War

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Monumentul Eroilor Măcin, Strada Florilor, Măcin, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor Măcin, Strada Florilor, Măcin, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor Măcin, Strada Florilor, Măcin, Romania

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etrnal glory to the heroes of the city of Macin who fell to duty 1941-1945 for the fulfullment of our dear homeland

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Monumentul Eroilor Aerului, Bulevardul Aviatorilor, Bucarest, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor Aerului, Bulevardul Aviatorilor, Bucarest, Romania

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Monumentul Eroilor Aerului, Bulevardul Aviatorilor, Bucarest, Romania

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Monument Soldatul Necunoscut, Strada Morii, Vulcan, Romania

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Monument Soldatul Necunoscut, Strada Morii, Vulcan, Romania

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Monument Soldatul Necunoscut, Strada Morii, Vulcan, Romania

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Cetatea Medievală a Severinului, Bulevardul Dunărea, Drobeta-Turnu Severin, Romania

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Cetatea Medievală a Severinului, Bulevardul Dunărea, Drobeta-Turnu Severin, Romania

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Cetatea Medievală a Severinului, Bulevardul Dunărea, Drobeta-Turnu Severin, Romania

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Severin Fortress is a set of historical monuments located on the territory of Drobeta Turnu Severin

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Crucea Eroilor de pe Muntele Caraiman, Romania

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Crucea Eroilor de pe Muntele Caraiman, Romania

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Crucea Eroilor de pe Muntele Caraiman, Romania

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A monument built between 1926 and 1928 on Caraiman Peak at an altitude of 2,291 m located in Romania, in the Bucegi Mountains of the Southern Carpathians. It has a height of 39.3 metres (129 ft) and the nearest town is Buşteni.

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Via dei Narcisi, 74, 06126 Perugia PG, Italia

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This monument was designed by Pietro and Lorenzo's grandfather

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Strada Florilor 1, Măcin 825300, Romania

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Strada Florilor 1, Măcin 825300, Romania

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Strada Florilor 1, Măcin 825300, Romania

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It is about the fallen of the Anti pope resistance during the 2° Indipendence war in 1859

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Mausoleo delle Fosse Ardeatine, Via Ardeatina, Roma, RM

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Mausoleo delle Fosse Ardeatine, Via Ardeatina, Roma, RM

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Mausoleo delle Fosse Ardeatine, Via Ardeatina, Roma, RM