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history and introduction to the holiday Día de la Constitución (Day of Constitution in Mexico)

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history and introduction to the holiday Día de la Constitución (Day of Constitution in Mexico)

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This year Constitution Day falls on Friday, February 5, 2021, and like many nations, Mexico adjusts this holiday to the Monday, February 1 or "Puente" or "bridge" day to make a three day weekend. Banks, government offices, schools, and many businesses will be closed and celebratory parades will be held in many cities on Monday, February 1st. Major supermarket chains and department stores will be open as usual.

Día de la Constitución, or Mexican Constitution Day, is celebrated on February 5th. The Mexican Constitution was drafted in Santiago de Querétaro by a Constitutional Convention during the Mexican Revolution. It was approved by the Mexican Constitutional Congress on February 5, 1917, with Venustiano Carranza serving as the first president under its terms. It is usually recognized with festivals and street celebrations.

The Mexican Revolution of 1910 was a social and cultural movement that brought the beginning of changes in Mexico. The revolution started as a rebellion against President Porfirio Díaz. As the rift between the poor and rich grew under the leadership of General Díaz, the political voice of the lower classes was also declining. Diaz was once quoted as saying of his people, "The Mexican people would amount to nothing without being driven by the whip." The opposition of Díaz surfaced when Francisco I. Madero, who was educated in Europe and at the University of California, began to gain recognition and political power.

Diaz had Madero imprisoned, feeling that the people of Mexico just weren't ready for democracy. During this time, several other Mexican folk heroes began to emerge, including the well known Pancho Villa in the north, and the peasant Emiliano Zapata in the south.

Díaz was still unable to control the spread of the growing insurgency and resigned in May 1911, with the signing of the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez, after which he fled to France. Madero was then elected president but received opposition from Emiliano Zapata who didn't wish to wait for the orderly implementation of Madero's desired land reforms. In November of the same year, Zapata denounced Madero as president and took the position for himself. Zapata controlled the state of Morelos, where he chased out the estate owners and divided their lands to the peasants. Later, in 1919, Zapata was assassinated by Jesus Guajardo acting under orders from General Pablo Gonzalez.

Emiliano Zapata was born in 1879 in the Mexican state of Morelos. The son of a farmer and a natural-born leader, Zapata's destiny soon revealed itself. His father died when he was 17 and shortly thereafter, Emiliano assumed the responsibility of providing for his family. Zapata was of Mestizo blood and he spoke Nahuatl, the indigenous language of central Mexico. Widely respected by his community, the village elected Zapata to be their leader in 1909. He quickly recruited an insurgent army of farmers from his village to protect the farms in their immediate community. Zapata and his men fought the government troops in the south of Mexico while Pancho Villa fought in the north.

Pancho Villa was born Doroteo Arango in Durango on June 5, 1878, the son of a field laborer. As an adolescent, Villa became a fugitive after killing a man who assaulted his sister. Fleeing to the mountains, he changed his name and became a bandit. In 1910, he joined the rebellion led by Francisco Madero, which was successful. When Madero was assassinated in 1913 Villa formed an army several thousand strong which came to be known as the Division del Norte - the Division of the North. He fought on the side of Venustiano Carranza and the Constitutionalists.

Eventually, Venustiano Carranza rose to the presidency and organized an important convention whose outcome was the Constitution of 1917, which is still in effect today. Carranza made land reform an important part of that constitution. This resulted in the ejido or farm cooperative program that redistributed much of the country's land from the wealthy landholders to the peasants. The ejidos are still in place today and comprise nearly half of all the farmland in Mexico.

By: Slade Ogletree
Click here for the Mexican Constitution of 1917 in English

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Dia de la Constitucion - Constitution Day, February 5

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This year Constitution Day falls on Friday, February 5, 2021, and like many nations, Mexico adjusts this holiday to the Monday, February 1 or "Puente" or "bridge" day to make a three day weekend. Banks, government offices, schools, and many businesses will be closed

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how tacos de canesta, street tacos are made

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how tacos de canesta, street tacos are made

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TACOS DE CANASTA MEXICAN STYLE SOFT STEAMED IN OIL STREET TACOS

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A Torta Ahogada filled with mouthwatering carnitas and drowned in a red chile and tomato sauce! It’s one of the best Mexican sandwiches you’ll ever eat!

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because torta ahogadas and pambazos are similar, these are the differences they have

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because torta ahogadas and pambazos are similar, these are the differences they have

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Pambazo Vs Torta: Can You Spot These Differences?

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Want to know more about the topic of ‘Pambazo Vs Torta?’ Then you should check out this guide. Click for more info.

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tourists going attending the guelaguetza festival

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tourists going attending the guelaguetza festival

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GUELAGUETZA en OAXACA 🔴 ¿QUE ES? ¿CUANDO ES? ► Estos son TODOS los  EVENTOS ✅Oaxaca lo tiene TODO

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video of the celebration of guelaguetza festival

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video of the celebration of guelaguetza festival

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Oaxaca celebrates indigenous culture at Guelaguetza festival

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introduction to the.mexican streetfood sandwich pambazos

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introduction to the.mexican streetfood sandwich pambazos

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Place dried chiles, onion and garlic in a medium saucepan with enough water to cover. Bring to a boil over medium heat for 12 minutes. Remove from heat and set aside for 10 minutes.

While chiles cool, place potatoes in a medium saucepan with enough water to cover and cook for 12 minutes or until potatoes are fork tender. Drain and set aside.

Using tongs, transfer boiled chiles, onion and garlic to a high-powered blender. Add 1 cup water and chicken bouillon. Blend on high until smooth and thick. If a high-powered blender is not available, strain chile sauce. Transfer sauce to a bowl and refrigerate while potato filling is prepared.

If using soy chorizo, heat 1 tablespoon oil in a large skillet over medium heat (oil is not necessary for pork or beef chorizo), add chorizo and stir, breaking apart with a spatula; about 10 minutes until chorizo is fully cooked. Add cooked potatoes and stir, mash gently with potato masher, still leaving some potatoes intact. Mixture should be lumpy and thick. Season with salt if needed. Set aside.

Heat 1 cup oil in a frying pan over medium heat.

Slice bread 3/4 of the way through, with one side still attached to be able to open and close. Using a pastry or BBQ brush, brush the entire outer portion of the bread with salsa. Using tongs, place bread in hot oil. Fry for 30 seconds on each side. Transfer bread to a serving plate. Open with tongs and fill with potato/chorizo mixture, lettuce, crema, queso fresco, radishes and salsa verde.

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Place dried chiles, onion and garlic in a medium saucepan with enough water to cover. Bring to a boil over medium heat for 12 minutes. Remove from heat and set aside for 10 minutes. While chiles cool, place potatoes in a medium saucepan with enough water to cover and cook for 12 minutes or until potatoes are fork tender.

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introduction to the food chicatanas which are made from flying ants

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introduction to the food chicatanas which are made from flying ants

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At the start of the rainy season in late spring, families in Oaxaca venture outside with pails and plastic containers. As storms roll in, flying ants known as chicatanas will flee their nests, filling the sky with swarms. Making for the ultimate foraging experience, the bugs are plentiful, free, and a short-lived seasonal delicacy.

The first step in turning the ants into a meal is to toast them on a comal, a large, flat griddle traditionally fueled by a wood fire. The chicatanas turn crispy and at this point make a portable snack or a crunchy flourish to be sprinkled on top of tortilla-based street foods such as memelas, tlayudas, or tacos. The most popular preparation, however, is salsa de chicatanas. To make the salsa, chefs cook musky avocado leaves and fiery chile de arbol peppers in the comal, then pound them with a mortar and pestle alongside the ants, raw garlic, and salt. The smoky, complex mixture can be scattered over eggs, folded inside a quesadilla, or stirred into a soup.

Recently, high-end chefs have turned their attention to chicatanas. At his smoothly stylish Oaxaca City spot Origen, local chef Rodolfo Castellanos blends the ants into a dark mole sauce that he serves under roasted pork loin, while chef Enrique Olvera of the upscale Mexico City restaurant Pujol binds them into an eggy mayonnaise used as a dip for steamed baby heritage corn.

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The Seasonal Treat That Falls From the Sky

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At the start of the rainy season in late spring, families in Oaxaca venture outside with pails and plastic containers. As storms roll in, flying ants known as chicatanas will flee their nests, filling the sky with swarms. Making for the ultimate foraging experience, the bugs are plentiful, free, and a short-lived seasonal delicacy.

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ETHNONYMS: Coras-nayaritas, Nayares, Nayaritas

Orientation

Identification. The Cora are an ethnic group who live almost exclusively in the state of Nayarit, Mexico. The terms "Nayares," "Nayaritas," and "Coras-nayaritas" are derived from the name of an ancient political-religious leader. In 1722, when the Cora were conquered by the Spaniards, the mummy of the Great Nayar was discovered on the Mesa del Nayar. He was at one time the principal Cora oracle, through which the Sun responded to Cora queries. The mummy was taken to Mexico City to be judged by the Holy Inquisition. In 1723 the Inquisition condemned it to the flames "por ser falsos y prohibidos los cultos y sacrificios con que le solemnizaban . . . los nayaritas ... " ("because the rites and sacrifices which they, the Nayaritas, believe in are false"). It is interesting to note that the state was named "Nayarit," after this legendary personage, despite the inquisitorial condemnation.

Location. The present territory of the Cora is bounded on the north by the state of Durango; on the east by the mestizo communities of San Juan Peyotn, Santa Rosa, Ejido de Higuera Gorda, and Huaynamota, and the Huichol community of San Andrs Cohamiata; on the south by the right bank of the river formed by the rivers Jess Mara and Chapalanga as they join before they discharging into the Ro Santiago; and on the west by the coastal plain of Nayarit. The region that the Cora occupy has an area of 4,912 square kilometers. The majority of their territory is within the Sierra of Nayarit, a place that is mountainous and without level ground except for the Valley of Huajimic and regions around Camotln and Santa Teresa. The Sierra of Nayarit is a mountain complex that runs from 2130 to 2300 N. The Cora inhabit lands with elevations ranging from 460 to 2,500 meters above sea level. Their territory is made hospitable in the south by the waters of the Ro Santiago, in the east by those of the Ro Jess Mara, and in the north by those of the Ro San Pedro.

The Cora live primarily in ten communities located in three municipios: El Nayar, Rosa Morada, and Acaponeta, all in the state of Nayarit. Four of these communitiesJess Mara, Mesa del Nayar, Santa Teresa, and San Franciscoare the most important. The other sixSan Lucas, Saycota, San Blasito, Rosarito, San Juan Corapan, and San Pedro Ixcatnare of lesser importance and surround the primary communities.

Demography. When the Spanish arrived, small groups of Cora were scattered throughout the mountains. How many Cora there were at that time is unknown. At the end of the fourteenth century, there were between 2,500 and 3,000. The population rose to 6,242 in 1960 and to 7,043 in 1970. The 1990 census registered 11,434 Cora living in Nayarit and 489 living in other states.

Linguistic Affiliation. Cora is a member of the Uto-Aztecan Language Family. When the Spanish arrived in Nayarit, the following languages were being spoken: Zayahueco, Totorame, Tecual, Tecualme, Tecoxquin (also spelled Tecosquin), Coano, Cora, Huichol, and Tepehun. Most of these languages have since disappeared; only the Cora, Huichol, and Tepehua, mountain people who entrenched themselves in the highlands, have retained their indigenous languages.

History and Cultural Relations

The people of the mountains, who needed to obtain salt from the coast, came down from time to time to trade for salt, fish, and meat. They brought with them maize, beans, sotol wine, honey, wax, deer and wild-pig skins, precious feathers, and caged birds.

Because of the need for salt, the Cora fell under the power of the Spanish, who set up garrisons at the points where the salt routes descended from the mountains. Among the salt fields were those of Olita (near the present town of Acaponeta), where the Cora provisioned themselves with this valued commodity. Under the pressure of Spanish control of the trade routes, the Cora decided in 1721 to appeal to the viceroy of New Spain, Baltasar de Ziga, Marquis of Valero. Led by Chief Tonati of the Mesa del Nayar, a delegation proposed to the viceroy that the Indians would accept the rule of the Spanish Crown if the following conditions were met: Cora rights to their lands and their native government would be respected from then on; the Spanish would also respect equivalent rights among the other natives of the Sierra; the Cora would not have to pay any more tribute; they would have free access to the towns of Acaponeta and Mexcalttan to obtain salt, free of taxes; and all disputes and problems would be resolved by the viceroy alone.

From the beginning, Jesuits spread Christianity among the Cora. The Jesuits were banished from New Spain by Charles III in 1767. After they left, the Franciscans were put in charge of evangelizing the Cora. The Franciscans retired from the region a hundred years later to escape the fighting set off by the War of Independence.

In 1895 the ethnologist Carl Lumholtz surveyed the Sierra Madre Occidental and noted the land conflicts set off by the mestizo land grabbing.

On 25 August 1939 the municipio of El Nayar, containing a large majority of Cora, was created, with its capital at Jess Mara. In 1962 the Franciscans returned to continue the work of evangelization. Led by a missionary bishop over the Cora, Huichol, and Tepehuan area, they worked at rebuilding the eighteenth-century churches. The Instituto Nacional Indigenista entered the region in 1967. They set up the first medical service among the Cora, organized bilingual assistant extension workers, and implemented national action programs to aid the Indians.

Current relations between the Cora and their Huichol and Tepehuan neighbors are cordial up to a point, generally the point at which land claims are disputed. On the other hand, land claims are a constant problem between Cora and mestizos.

Settlements

The Cora settlement pattern is generally dispersed. Only in the principal towns of San Francisco, Jess Mara, Mesa del Nayar, Santa Rosa, Santa Teresa, Presidio de los Reyes, San Juan Corapan, El Rosarito, Dolores, San Blasito, and Santa Cruz can one find a concentration of houses. These towns are actual civil-ceremonial centers, whose inhabitants also have residences in the countryside. The most important buildings in these centers are a court house ( juzgado ), a casa real (an administrative building), schools, a church, and a ramada (a covered area where religious dances and ceremonies are held).

Economy

Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The bases of the Cora economy are agriculture and cattle raising. In the lower lands, maize is the main crop. In much smaller proportions, black beans, squashes, watermelons, cucumbers, melons, sugarcane, sweet potatoes, peanuts, tomatoes, and chili peppers are also grown. The higher elevations support only maize and small quantities of black beans and squashes. Among the fruit crops are pears, apples, and figs.

Some plantssuch as nopal (an edible cactus), mesquite, ( Pithecollobium dulce, a tree with edible seeds), tuna (the fruit of the nopal), gourds, and wild plumsare gathered wild. Cora also use wood from the forests.

The abundant pastures in the mountains have permitted the development of livestock raising. Historical accounts of the Cora since the eighteenth century allude to mules, horses, cows, donkeys, sheep, and goats. There has been an increase in animal husbandry since 1975 because of the availability of credit to farmers. Mestizo buyers from the surrounding areas have encouraged the Cora to turn to livestock raising.

Fishing is a secondary economic activity and source of food. Fish are trapped in rivers and gullies. Among the species caught are robalo, bagre, trout, mojarra, enterrador, pescado cuchara, and " burrito," as well as shrimp and turtles.

Today hunting is solely a ritual activity. Deer, wild pigs, and iguanas are hunted with bows and arrows.

Cora also leave their homes temporarily for farms on the coast, the highlands of Nayarit, Jalisco, or Zacatecas in order to work as day laborers in planting and harvesting various crops.

Industrial Arts. Today handicrafts provide a sizable income. Objects that once had a purely ritual or household use are being made for sale. Cora artisans produce woolen blankets and woolen or cotton bags embroidered with geometrical animal, plant, flower, or ritual designs. They also make items from woven maguey fiber, fashion pottery, and make fine products from deer and wild-pig pelts.

The Cora prefer to sell their handicrafts outside the Sierra in order to take advantage of better prices. For this reason, they journey to Tepic, the capital of the state of Nayarit; in many cases, however, the cost of the travel uses up the increased revenue gained from the better prices.

Trade. Commercial transactions are carried out with cash, on account, or in anticipation of future deliveries. Mestizos like to bring mules to the Cora, who value them highly, and trade them for cattle. The trade is usually two cows for one mule; a single large cow, however, may be traded for a mule. Cattle are also traded for bolts of muslin, metates (grinding stones), saddles, plastic ware, and other manufactured items. Simply put, most of the trading is to the advantage of the outsider.

Agricultural production is primarily for home consumption; part of the harvest is sold, not only when there is a surplus, but also in times of scarcity, if the family needs money for medicines or clothes.

Division of Labor. The labor of an entire family is needed for agriculture and cattle raising. At 7 or 8 years of age, boys begin to work at planting and harvesting. Girls help their mothers with household tasks. Some Cora families are polygynous. In these cases, one wife takes care of the household while the other works with the husband in the fields.

Land Tenure. Land is held communally. It cannot be bought or sold. A family has rights over the land that it works. Land can be rented to outsiders, but this is viewed with suspicion. Orchards can be inherited. The house and its furnishings are private property belonging to adults.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family

Kinship Terminology. The Cora have a Hawaiian type of kinship nomenclature.

Marriage. Marriage is forbidden with lineal kin, with persons who have the same last name, with godparents, and with the family of godparents. Marriage between first cousins is rare and looked down upon. The predominant form of marriage is monogamy, although sororal polygyny does occur from time to time.

Domestic Unit. The basis of the household is the nuclear family. It is extended by including the wives of recently married sons and grandchildren, with or without their parents.

Socialization. Informal education begins at an early age. Girls learn domestic duties from their mother or grandmother. From the age of 7 or 8, boys learn adult skills by helping their fathers in the fields. Boys who are 5 years old are initiated during the Holy Week celebrations.

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization. High status is accorded shamans, elders, and officials. During most of the year, the small settlements ( ), formed of extended-family households, operate independently. At special ritual times, they meet in the municipio capital, which functions as a governmental and ceremonial center. These gatherings take place at New Year, the time of the Changing of the Staffs (symbols of authority); during Carnival; during Holy Week; and for the mitotes (see "Ceremonies").

Political Organization. The four largest communities are governed by their own native authoritiesgenerally called principales who are elected locally by the community. For example, in Jess Mara the principales are the gobernador, the teniente, the alcalde, centuriones, the tenanche mayor, the primer mayordomo, the mayordomo grande, two judges, fiscales, alguaciles, justicias or ministros, and topiles. The Cora gobernador has both civil and religious duties. In performing the latter, he is advised by the (Cora: "old man") and the tenanche mayor, who also directs the mayordomos. For each saint, there are two mayordomos. Each mayordomo is assisted by a tenanche. The pasoniles coordinate the work of the tenanches. The offices in this traditional civil-religious hierarchy are unpaid. Jess Mara, being the capital of the municipio of El Nayar, also has a municipio president.

Social Control. The Cora have a system of common law. When the infraction is not serious, it is judged by the traditional Indian authorities; when it is serious, it is judged in the municipio capital or in Tepic, the capital of Nayarit.

Conflict. The greatest conflict is with the mestizos in the surrounding areas. Rich mestizo ranchers displace and exploit Indians. They invade Indian pastures and fields by taking advantage of poorly defined deeds. Mestizos pasture their animals on Indian communal land and go as far as planting crops on them without paying rent to the Indians. The Cora forests are also cut by " rapamontes " ("forest rapists"), without compensation to the legitimate Cora owners.

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religious Beliefs. All Cora life revolves around religion. Humans must cooperate with the gods in order to maintain the order of the cosmos. One seeks the gifts of nature from the water, the wind, the sun, the moon, and the fire, in order to survive, as the Cora have always done, by eating the sacred plant, maize.

There are many places of worship, primarily caves, mountains, promontories, glades, lakes, springs, and rivers. One could describe Cora religion as a pre-Hispanic cult with an overlay of eighteenth-century Catholicism, including baptism, the worship of saints, and a ritual calendar.

The Indians feel that the gods are directly related to them. Cora gods are typically equated with Catholic sacred figures. For example Taya'u, "Father," is at the same time God, Jesus Christ, the Holy Burial, the Sun, and Fire. The great celebration of this god is Easter.

Tat, "Mother" is the earth goddess of fertility. She lives in the Pacific Ocean, to the west, from where she sends the rains. She is equated with the Virgin of the Rosary and the Virgin of Candelmas. Tahs Suravh, "Big Brother," is the morning star and is equated with Saint Michael. Other gods are Grandmother Moon and Grandfather Fire.

The major shine of the Cora, Thoakamota, is located on the Mesa del Nayar. For centuries the rituals of the Sun have been held there. The first fruits of harvest are also offered there.

Religious Practitioners. Shamans are religious specialists and religious leaders. They communicate with the gods through songs.

Ceremonies. Except for curing, Cora religious rituals involve the whole community and are led by special authorities. There are both Catholic and indigenous rituals. The latter, called mitotes, have a pre-Hispanic origin and are carefully separated from the Catholic rituals. Indigenous rituals are performed to ask for the fertility of the fields. On other occasions, the Cora give thanks for the gifts received. The mitotes are closely tied to the cycle of maize cultivation. Although the most important mitotes are held in the communities, they may also be held in rancheras.

The most important Catholic ceremonies are New Year, Carnival, Easter, and Christmas. During New Year, the Cora hold the ritual of Changing the Staffs, which was introduced by the Spanish as a means of rotating the individuals in authority each year.

Easter is a very important festival. The Christian concept of Easter, introduced by Spanish missionaries during the eighteenth century, was reinterpreted by the Cora and put into a format that was purely indigenous. In order to teach the Passion of Christ to the Cora, the missionaries made use of dances and music that were originally part of puberty initiation and fertility ceremonies associated with spring. In the two centuries that have passed since then, Christian and indigenous concepts have been blended to form the modern Easter ritual. In other cases, indigenous ideas were hidden by expressing them with Christian symbols.

Medicine. Curers treat those suffering from illness, whether the cause is natural or supernatural. Supernatural illnesses are sent by the gods when they feel neglected or when a ritual has not been performed properly for them. Illness may also be sent by dead kin lonely for the company of their living relatives. Sorcery can also produce supernatural illness. The curer diagnoses the cause of a supernatural illness through dreams or songs. The treatments consist of cleansing the sufferer with sacred feathers, sucking small objects from the affected areas, massages, or blowing tobacco smoke on the patient from a clay-and-cane pipe. Natural illnesses are cured with herbs and occasionally in combination with the aforementioned methods.

Death and Afterlife. After death, the body is laid on a blanket or sleeping mat facing the door of the house. Four candles are lit and placed at the four corners of the body. The feet face the door to indicate that the deceased will be leaving permanently. A shaman is sought to pray to the dead person and seek his or her well-being in the other life. A vigil is kept for five days, during which prayers are said. The body is buried with various personal possessions: clothes, hat, sandals, poncho, and drinking gourd.

On the fifth day, a ceremony literally called Chasing the Dead is held. The aim of this ritual is to get rid of the dead soul. An altar is erected, on which foods such as tortillas, tamales, cheese, and fruits are placed. A change of clothing and a poncho are placed at the side of this altar. The shaman prays for several hours, calling to the spirit of the dead person. The spirit is slow to arrive. Finally, in the middle of the night, it arrives in the form of a flying insect. It enters the house, lights on the shaman's sacred feathers, and then flies toward the altar with the food and clothing. The gathered friends and family rise and accompany the soul as it leaves the house. They say good-bye to it outside the house and express the idea that it will never return.

It is believed that the soul ordinarily goes to a round mountain covered with caves, to the northwest of the Cora territory. On the other hand, the souls of mestizos and badly behaved Cora go directly to a hell below the earth or sea.

Bibliography

Anguiano, Marina (1972). "Semana Santa entre los coras de Jess Mara." In , 559-565. XII Mesa Redonda de la Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa. Mexico City: Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa.

Anguiano, Marina (1992). Nayarit: Costa y altiplanicie en el momento del contacto. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico (UNAM), Instituto de Investigaciones Antropolgicas.

Gonzlez Ramos, Gildardo (1972). Los coras. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista.

Grimes, Joseph E., and Thomas B. Hinton (1969). "The Huichol and Cora." In Handbook of Middle American Indians, edited by Robert Wauchope. Vol. 8, Ethnology, Part Two, edited by Evon Z. Vogt, 792-813. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Hinton, Thomas B. (1964). "The Cora Village: A Civil-Religious Hierarchy in Northern Mexico." In Culture Change and Stability: Essays in Memory of Olive Ruth Barker and George C. Barker, Jr., edited by Ralph C. Beals, 44-62. Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, Department of Anthropology.

Hinton, Thomas B. (1972). Coras, huicholes y tepehuanes. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista.

MARINA ANGUIANO AND ENRIQUETA M. OLGUIN

(Translated by James W. Dow)

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ETHNONYMS: Coras-nayaritas, Nayares, Nayaritas Identification. The Cora are an ethnic group who live almost exclusively in the state of Nayarit, Mexico. The terms "Nayares," "Nayaritas," and "Coras-nayaritas" are derived from the name of an ancient political-religious leader. In 1722, when the Cora were conquered by the Spaniards, the mummy of the Great Nayar was discovered on the Mesa del Nayar.

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alphabets/pronounciation and introduction to the cora language

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alphabets/pronounciation and introduction to the cora language

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- only 33,000 native speakers

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Cora is an Uto-Aztecan language spoken in the states of Nayarit, Jalisco and Durango in central Mexico. In 2010 there were 20,000 Cora speakers. There are also some Cora speakers in Colorado in the USA.

There are two main varieties of Cora: Cora del Nayar or Cora Meseño, and Cora de Santa Teresa or Cora Tereseño. The former is spoken mainly in the south of el Nayar municipality in Nayarit, and has a number of varieties, which are more or less mutually intelligible. The latter is spoken mainly in north of el Nayar, and differs significantly from other varieties of Cora.

Cora is recognised as a national language in Mexico.

Cora alphabet and pronunciation

O and V are used only in loanwords and non-Cora names.

Download script charts for Cora in Excel or PDF format

Details of Cora pronunciation provided by Wolfram Siegel

Sample videos in and about Cora

Links

Information about the Cora language
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cora_language
https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Idioma_cora
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cora_(langue)
http://glottolog.org/resource/languoid/id/cora1260
http://www.ethnologue.com/language/%E2%80%A6

Uto-Aztecan languages

Languages written with the Latin alphabet

Page last modified: 23.04.21

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Cora language, alphabet and pronunciation

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Cora is an Uto-Aztecan language spoken in the states of Nayarit, Jalisco and Durango in central Mexico. In 2010 there were 20,000 Cora speakers. There are also some Cora speakers in Colorado in the USA. There are two main varieties of Cora: Cora del Nayar or Cora Meseño, and Cora de Santa Teresa or Cora Tereseño.

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alphabets/pronounciation and introduction to the purepecha language

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alphabets/pronounciation and introduction to the purepecha language

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Purépecha is a language isolate spoken by some 175,000 people in the highlands of the Mexican state of Michoacán. Purépecha was the principal language of the Tarascan state, which was founded in the early 14th century, occupied more or less same area as Michoacán, and fell to the Spanish in 1530. Purépecha is also known as Tarascan as a result.

The word Tarascan, or tarasco in Spanish, comes from the Purépecha word for father-in-law / son-in-law, tarascue.

After the Spanish conquest of the Tarascan state, Spanish Friars devised a way to write Purépecha with the Latin alphabet, and taught it to the Purépecha speakers. A number of dictionaries, grammars and other materials were published. From the early 18th century speakers of indigenous languages like Purépecha were encouraged to adopt Spanish and to abandon their native languages. This changed in 2003 when the General Law of Linguistic Rights of Indigenous Peoples gave Purépecha and other indigenous Mexican language official status as national languages.

Purépecha alphabet (P'urhépecha Jimbo Kararakuecha)

Notes

b, d, g appear only after m and n (mb, nd, ng), and p, t and k are voiced after nasal consonants.

An acute accent (á) indicates the stressed syllable in a word, e.g. karáni (write), kárani (fly). The second syllable is usually stressed, though sometimes the first one is.

Purépecha has no l sound, but many younger speakers pronounce rh as /l/ due to Spanish influence.

Aspirated consonats are pre-aspirated when between vowels, and become unaspirated after nasals.

Sample text

Iamendu k'uiripuecha janguarhiparini ka majku jarhati ka jurhimbekuecha jingoni kueraaηasondikso ka, juajtakuarhisïndiksï ambakiti eratsekua ka kaxumbikua, jatsistiksï eskaksï sesi arhijperaaka.

Translation (of all the above texts)

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
(Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights)

Sample videos in Purhepecha

Links

Information about Purépecha language
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Purépecha_language

Languages written with the Latin alphabet

Language isolates

Page last modified: 23.04.21

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Purépecha language, alphabet and pronunciation

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Purépecha is a language isolate spoken by some 175,000 people in the highlands of the Mexican state of Michoacán. Purépecha was the principal language of the Tarascan state, which was founded in the early 14th century, occupied more or less same area as Michoacán, and fell to the Spanish in 1530.

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alphabets/pronunciation and introduction to the otomi language

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alphabets/pronunciation and introduction to the otomi language

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Details of Otomi, an Oto-Manguean language spoken in parts of central Mexico by about 240,000 people.

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brief introduction of the language huichol

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brief introduction of the language huichol

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Huichol language

Infobox Language
name=Huichol
nativename= Vixaritari Vaniuqui, Vizaritari Vaniuki
speakers = approx. 20,000 (1990)
familycolor=American
region=Mexico: Nayarit, Zacatecas and Jalisco
fam2=Uto-aztecan
fam3=Coracholan
iso3=hch
agency=Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas (INALI)
The Huichol language is an indigenous language of Mexico, belonging to the Uto-Aztecan language family. It is spoken by the ethnic group widely known as the Huichol who refer to themselves as "Wixarika", and who inhabit the northern Sierra of the Mexican states of Nayarit, Zacatecas and Jalisco.

Huichol is a Mesoamerican language and shows many of the traits that define the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area. Under the "Law of Linguistic Rights" it is recognized as a " national language" along with 62 other indigenous languages and Spanish which have the same "validity" in Mexico [http://www.sep.gob.mx/work/resources/LocalContent/62817/12/ley_gen_derechos_ling_indigenas_2.htm] . Huichol is a tonal language distinguishing high and low tone [ Suaréz, Jorge, 1983, The Mesoamerican Indian Languages, Cambridge, CUP, pg 51]
Geographic Distribution Genealogy
The closest relatives of the Huichol language is the Cora language together with which it forms the Coracholan subgroup of the Uto-Aztecan languages, also the Taracahitan group of languages containing among others the languages Tarahumara, Yaqui and Mayo is related to Huichol.
Phoneme Inventory Vowels
There are six vowel phonemes, namely /i, e, a, o, u, ɨ/.
Consonants Media
Huichol-language programming is carried by the CDI's radio station XEJMN-AM, broadcasting from Jesús María, Nayarit.
References
*Joseph E. Grimes, 1959. "Huichol Tone and Intonation", International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 25, No. 4. (Oct., 1959), pp. 221-232.

*McIntosh, John B. 1945. "Huichol phonemes." International Journal of American Linguistics 11: 31-35

*José Luis Iturrioz Leza y Julio Ramírez de la Cruz, et al., 2001, Gramática Didáctica del Huichol: Vol. I. Estructura Fonológica y Sistema de Escritura, Departamento de Estudios en Lenguas Indígenas-Universidad de Guadalajara - Secretaria de Educación Pública, Vol. 1,
External links
* [http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=hch Ethnologue: Huichol]
* [http://www.native-languages.org/huichol.htm Huichol Indian Language]

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Huichol language Infobox Languagename=Huichol nativename= Vixaritari Vaniuqui, Vizaritari Vaniuki speakers = approx. 20,000 (1990)familycolor=Americanregion=Mexico: Nayarit, Zacatecas and Jalisco fam2=Uto-aztecan fam3=Coracholan iso3=hchagency=Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas (INALI) The Huichol language is an indigenous language of Mexico, belonging to the Uto-Aztecan language family.

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The Village

The Kickapoo village occupies an area of 22.4 hectares, or approximately one square mile. The structures are laid out in a systematic plan, with two roads running north to south crossed by two roads laid out east to west. Subsequent smaller roads branch off the main lanes. The homes in the village are fairly standardized; roughly the same size and shape. There are no large community center buildings or houses. In 1956 there were 56 occupied dwellings, all wigwams. The traditional Woodland wigwam is constructed with cattails and birch bark, but the move to Mexico and the lack of birch bark forced the Mexican Kickapoo to substitute additional cattail mats to cover the wigwam. In 1976, the Latorres counted 83 dwellings, 76 built traditionally and 7 built in the wattle-and-daub method common in Mexico.

There are two types of homes within a traditional Kickapoo village: a winter home and a summer home. The winter home is elliptical, 25 feet in length, 9 to10 feet high, and occupied from October to March. The summer home, by contrast, is 20 feet square with an 11 foot high domed top, attached to the exterior of the front facing wall is an overhang measuring the same width as the house and stretching out 8 feet from the wall face like an awning. This house is occupied from March until October. Openings on houses consist of a single doorway, always facing east, and a smoke-hole in the ceiling for the fire inside. The houses generally belong to the women, and with each new season they are in charge of rebuilding and recovering their homes. This is often done with the help of a few male family members who assist with the primary pole skeleton underneath the cattail mats. The mats that cover the house are made by women. Included with the upkeep of the house structure itself is the overall cleanliness of the household. Homes are free of litter and trash as well as clutter. As of 1976, concrete buildings, modeled after those seen amongst their Mexican neighbors, were becoming a more commonly observed occurrence in the Kickapoo village. Some additional buildings such as small stores called jacals were found in the village as well.

People

Ritzenthaler and Peterson observed that the Mexican Kickapoo conduct themselves with considerable pride in "both action and poise" (1956:25). In addition to this proud exterior was an air of suspicion, also originally encountered by the Latorres upon their first months studying the tribe. Both groups of researchers attributed this to the history of Kickapoo contact with foreign influences. Ritzenthaler and Peterson also noted the frankness of the people as well as a good sense of humor.

Dress did not appear to change much between the two studies. Men traditionally wore adorned calico print shirts with buckskin leggings, a breechcloth, a European style vest decorated with silver brooches, and moccasins (Latorre 1976). This style of dress was worn primarily by the chief, with a few exceptions made to accommodate the time of season and the weather. Other members of the tribe wore this style for various ceremonies and dances. The usual dress of the men is what both research parties referred to as "working clothes" consisting of blue jeans or khaki pants, cotton button-down shirts, and wool jackets for warmth. For many, the clothing was often acquired in surplus stores in the United States. The Latorres noted that the trend with some of the younger Kickapoo men was to dress like the Mexican Cowboys, complete with tighter, hip hugging Levis, wide-brimmed cowboy hats, and cowboy boots. It would stand to reason that t-shirts, sneakers, and ball caps would now be acceptable attire amongst male tribal members, evident from recent photos taken in Nacimiento (Rosales 2008).

Women's clothing styles changed very little between studies and included skirts, blouses, and dresses of colorful cotton. It is possible that this style had been adapted from the pioneer women of the 19th century (Latorre 1976). Following similar trends as with men's traditional dress, women's outfits lack adornment such as beadwork and silver. Women did, however, wear jewelry: single-strand beaded chokers, silver bracelets, rings and earrings were popular. Variety in women's dress was exhibited in the choice of footwear and outerwear. Many women chose to wear Western styles during their time spent in the States, but after returning to the village it was observed that they reverted back within a few days to the age-appropriate style of dress for a Mexican Kickapoo woman. Today, it appears that this standard may have changed quite a bit as it appears that jeans and t-shirts are also worn by female tribal members.

Traditional male haircuts consisted of a long bob, parted down the center, and a long, thin queue in back. Similar to hairstyle trends in the States, this traditional style was just beginning to phase out in the mid-70s due to the appeal of longer hair.

"Young Man with Modern Haircut"
Shaving at this time was carried out with the spring from a .30-.30 Winchester rifle. The spring is rolled over the face, while the loops are continually opened and closed, pulling out hairs on the face of Kickapoo men. Most men are clean shaven, though the Latorres noted that some younger men wore moustaches, similar to those seen on Mexican men at the time.

The traditional hair style for adult women consists of a long braid, tied in the back by a ribbon. Ritzenthaler and Peterson also noted a top-knot design for younger girls, discarded only when they are of marrying age. The Latorres noted that this style was not a common sight. In the past, silver combs were worn in the hair but these too were observed less and less, particularly with the increase in travel to the United States. For women, long hair and plumpness are considered signs of beauty. Often after having children, women will strive to keep their weight up to maintain the ideal reached during pregnancy.

"Ladies and Children at Home"
The Mexican Kickapoo speak primarily traditional Kickapoo, with existing linguistic characteristics of the base Algonkian language, though more are speaking Spanish and even English. Many who speak either Spanish or English (sometimes both) act as contractors, interpreters and guides for the tribe. Those that speak English are often younger adults. Historically, the Kickapoo rarely attended school, but were often exposed to the language during their migration to the states. Foreign-influenced education and religion have been seen by the Mexican Kickapoo as corrupting influences on tradition, and have been met with extreme hostility in the past, such as the burning of several school buildings by the Kickapoo, as well as the near immediate expulsion of varying outside religious leaders from the village. This view is changing slowly since more Kickapoo are attending school.

Ritzenthaler and Peterson noted, and the Latorres concurred, that the young adults in town engage in what they called "courtship whistling." Each young couple shares a distinct whistle known only between each other, as distinct as the individual tones someone uses to talk. The whistling is a form of communication between couples to verify when they will meet up in the evening. This was done formerly through the use of a flute, but since 1915 the courtship whistle has been used. The whistle is performed by pressing the lips up against the thumb knuckles of both hands cupped and blowing through the small hole created. The fingers and palms control the sound.

Subsistence

The Kickapoo were historically farmers and hunter-gatherers that supplemented their diet with buffalo hunted on the Illinois plains. Contact with Europeans began a whirlwind of changes in Kickapoo subsistence - from the introduction of the horse, to the migration of groups to new environments. During the 1940s, drought had devastated arable land available for farming and pasture, and fencing and hunting restrictions limited the supply of food and valuable animal skins. It was during this time that the Mexican Kickapoo turned to migrant labor. As previously noted, this was possible due to a safe-conduct paper issued to the tribe at Fort Dearborn, where tribal members, though recognized as citizens of Mexico, were allowed to venture into the United States with relative ease. In 1954, the primary sources of income were hunting and migratory labor. Other strategies such as trading and craft sales were supplemental economic providers. During the 1950s and into the 1960s the Mexican Kickapoo were sought by growers in different parts of the country when laws regarding Mexican laborers became more restrictive. By the time the Latorres arrive in the village, migrant labor was still the single greatest source of income.

Though it is not necessarily a primary source of income or subsistence for the Mexican Kickapoo anymore, deer hunting is regarded as a necessary, sacred act. As recently as the 1940s, the entire tribe would leave for months on long hunting trips. Primary catches sought included deer, bear, mountain lion, and peccary. Of lesser importance, though still hunted were muskrat, badger, rabbit, bobcat, fox, raccoon, wild turkey, pigeon and partridge. The numbers of these animals seen near the village have dwindled severely. The deer is considered the single most important animal in Kickapoo ceremonies. For an infant Kickapoo child to receive their tribal name, the father must bring four deer to the naming ceremony. This is now more difficult as the number of deer grows increasingly scarce in Mexico and is virtually non-existent in Texas.

Though hunting is practiced primarily with modern firearms, the bow and arrow continue to be important symbols of Kickapoo culture. By the time a male child reaches the age of four in the Kickapoo community he receives his first bow and set of arrows, and practices many hours daily. Ritzenthaler and Peterson took note of the marksmanship of these young boys in their field notes, even managing to take film footage of the scene: "The storekeeper gave them two oranges which they shot at from about 5 paces. They almost always nicked it and several times hit it dead center. At 10 paces they were not so accurate but they came pretty close."

Adult Kickapoo bows are approximately fifty inches long, tapered at either end, and the arrows are about twenty inches long. Turkey feathers are attached with sinew and antler glue to one end of the arrow. The projectile heads are made from steel or brass placed in the opposite split end of the arrow.

Other necessities for hunting include the deer call and the saddle. The deer call, made from wood, is worn around the neck by a leather strap and is about seven inches long. The owner blows into the tapered end and controls the sound made with the metal strips inside by opening and closing his hand over the hole. By fluctuating the sound that reverberates out of the piece, a good hunter can imitate the sound of a fawn in trouble. This succeeds in attracting not only deer but animals that prey on deer. The saddle of choice, used often times for hunting, is a wooden frame construction and similar to the design of the saddle tree used by Blackfoot Indians, called a "prairie chicken snare saddle." Formerly, a hide of buffalo, deer, bear or peccary was placed over the saddletree, but today a blanket is used.

Social Structure and Ceremony

The Kickapoo family structure is matrilineal, or focused on the descent from female relatives. In terms of daily social structure this means that house compounds and living arrangements are often dictated by mothers and grandmothers. For example, a newly married couple will live with or within the compound of the husband's mother. The Latorres observed that families, both nuclear and extended, are close and work together to provide for everyone. One informant stated that in terms of working and providing for his large family, "Among us, we share everything" (1976:142).

The tribe is also divided into fourteen separate clans, corresponding to aspects of the environment such as natural occurrences (Thunder), flora (Berry), and fauna (Black Bear). In 1970, the Latorres noted that there were formerly three additional clans, but the members had died by the time they surveyed the tribe. In the past, there was a rule that no Kickapoo could marry within their own clan, but this has since passed and younger tribe members marry whomever they choose. Children are named by clan leaders, which in turn dictate the ceremonial practices, rules, and activities that these youngsters will participate in as members of the community. Duties and privileges accompany clan membership. For example, chiefs were chosen from the Water clan at one point, while those of the Fire or Tree clans were responsible for food tasting during dances and ceremonies.

Along with clan designations are moiety assignments. The tribe is divided into two main moiety groups: Oskasa ("paints with charcoal") or Kisko ("paints with clay"). The Latorres noted that the Kickapoo refer to these branches as partidos, or teams, because these designations are specifically used for dividing the tribe into teams for food competitions or ceremonial games (1976:156). Just as their names allude, one team is the black team and the other is the white team.

These clan and moiety designations are also important in religious ceremonies. Often only members of certain clans are allowed to prepare food, invite those of reciprocal clans to functions, or conduct the ceremonies themselves. The Latorres noted that Mexican Kickapoo ceremonies can be divided into four general categories: New Year clan festivals, the chief's ceremonies, individual ceremonies, and adoption ceremonies. They noted that during the year there are thirty-three regularly scheduled ceremonies ranging from various naming ceremonies to the "Ceremony for the French Medal" and the winter feast for the dead. Also noted were eight ceremonies that were performed but did not fall on specific dates on the calendar.

"Buffaloes are Running Dance"

Music is essential to the ceremonies, and the drum is singularly important. Other instruments include the gourd rattle, sleigh bells, and the flute.

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The Kickapoo village occupies an area of 22.4 hectares, or approximately one square mile. The structures are laid out in a systematic plan, with two roads running north to south crossed by two roads laid out east to west. Subsequent smaller roads branch off the main lanes.

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Champurrado is the quintessential drink of the holidays in Mexico. The warm, chocolatey taste is reminiscent of hot cocoa and the flour in the drink thickens it, making it much more filling than a regular hot chocolate. Its roots are thousands of years old, with many different variations today. There's no question why we lovechampurradoso much, the scientific name for cocoa, Theobroma, literally meaning "food of the gods".

La Monarca's Champurrado makes it incredibly easy to enjoy at home! All you need is 1 tablespoon per cup of simmered milk, and blend! Blending is important as it emulsifies the mix and allows the flour to expand, givingchampurradoits distinctive body. This can be done with your standard commercial blender or a molinillo!

A molinillo is essentially a hand-powered blender or whisk with roots as old as chocolate. Variations of molinillos have existed for thousands of years, from three-pronged cacao branches to the highly decorative ones we see today! The modern molinillos were invented in the 1700s, specifically to mix and froth chocolate. If you don't already have one, we have them available as a set!

See our Champurrado coverage from Thillist National!

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WHAT IS CHAMPURRADO? Champurrado is the quintessential drink of the holidays in Mexico. The warm, chocolatey taste is reminiscent of hot cocoa and the flour in the drink thickens it, making it much more filling than a regular hot chocolate. Its roots are thousands of years old, with many different variations today.

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tortillas made of cheese that wrap around meat

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tortillas made of cheese that wrap around meat

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Apparently some guests of La Vibra Tacos have already wondered about the name. It means "the vibe" in Spanish, meaning this fast-casual restaurant at a retail center at 5th and Yale-currently in its soft-opening phase-is trying to capture the dynamism of Mexico City. The color palette is magenta and yellow. It's youthful and exuberant, speedy and easy.

According to Charlie Rosales, operations officer of La Vibra, the concept has roots in Mexico City; the ownership group, comprised of Houstonians, spent eight years working in the food industry in Mexico City and wanted to bring the taco culture they found into America. Rosales is a Houston-bred family friend who was tasked with bringing the group's recipes north. That includes dishes authentic to the city. Like costras.

Essentially, costras are tortillas made of cheese that wrap around some kind of meat-perfect late-night food. Costra translates to scab, which isn't tempting, but it can also mean crust, which explains the texture of the cheese. Here, gouda wraps around a protein, and-maybe to minimize mess-a flour tortilla wraps around that. Of course, it's a match made in heaven. I tried the bistec-1855 Angus sirloin-which adds grilled heft to the lightly smoky cheese. The tortilla acts as little more than a sleeve, but it's warm and airy. There are plenty more options in costra-ribeye, pastor, pollo. Check them out for yourself.

Of course, classic tacos are available in soft corn tortillas with masa sourced from Oaxaca. I most enjoyed the rajas, highlighted by perfectly smoky poblano slices with melty oaxaca cheese and a dash of sea salt. The pastor has nice tropical flavor, and while I liked the lightly fried shell of the flounder in the pescado, that taco was a bit more of a chore to eat since the fish pieces were a bit larger. If you want spice, just add some salsa (four come complimentary), and I recommend the creamy jalapeño, which provides a tomatillo punch along with a peppery lace.

There's also a menu of tacos in toasted corn tortillas. I tried the ribeye, whose shell may have been a little too dry. I'll have to check back on those.

With sides, you can get traditional fried tortilla chips, which were a little small for my liking and carried a generous sprinkling of postgame salt. They work well with the bright and friendly guacamole and silky refritos-refried bayo beans. Nopales (with bubbly oaxaca cheese if you want it), a paper-thin chicharrón de queso made of a seductively sweet manchego, and softly puffed Kennebec potatoes are among the other sides here. Yes, you heard right: softly puffed Kennebec potatoes.

In its beverage program La Vibra offers four aguas frescas, and they're all worthy of a try. The best of them? The fresh lime cucumber, which I could drink all day. There are also bottled beer and sodas available.

La Vibra will certainly be a hot lunch spot-especially for those of us who work 100 feet from its front door.

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Our Latest Obsession: The Costras at La Vibra

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Apparently some guests of La Vibra Tacos have already wondered about the name. It means "the vibe" in Spanish, meaning this fast-casual restaurant at a retail center at 5th and Yale-currently in its soft-opening phase-is trying to capture the dynamism of Mexico City. The color palette is magenta and yellow.

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A Uniquely Oaxacan Festival: Night Of The Radishes

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Learn about one of Oaxaca’s most unique and creative Christmastime festivals and how it got started.

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where mexican prickly pear juice came from

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where mexican prickly pear juice came from

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View of a nopal plant on the slopes of the extinct Teuhtli volcano in Milpa Alta borough, Mexico

The prickly pear cactus is such a powerful symbol in Mexico that they put it smack in the middle of the national flag.

It was considered sacred by the ancient Aztecs, and modern-day Mexicans eat it, drink it, and even use it in medicines and shampoos.

Now scientists have come up with a new use for the bright green plant: producing renewable energy.

Instantly recognizable with its jumble of spiny discs-its bright red fruit protruding like fat fingers from each one-the prickly pear cactus is farmed on a massive scale in Mexico.

Its soft inner flesh plays a starring role in a plethora of favorite national dishes: tacos, soups, salads, jams and even candies.

Believed by some to have healing powers, the cactus is also used in blood pressure medications, anti-hair loss shampoos, skin creams and diet juices.

"Since before the Spanish conquistadors arrived, we have eaten prickly pear cactus. It's our tradition and our culture," said Israel Vazquez, who has farmed the cactus for the past 20 years on a small plot in Milpa Alta, a neighborhood on Mexico City's south side.

The cactus's thick outer layer, with all those spines, has always been a waste product-until researchers developed a biogas generator to turn it into electricity.

Scientists have come up with a new use for the bright green prickly pear cactus: producing renewable energy

Straight to the source
The pilot project was launched in May at Milpa Alta's sprawling cactus market.

The far-flung neighborhood is a splash of green amid the smog and concrete of this Latin American mega-city, thanks in part to its more than 2,800 hectares (some 7,000 acres) of fields of prickly pear cactus, known in Spanish as "nopal."

Farmers in straw sombreros trickle into these fields every morning at dawn to work the long rows of cactus that flow from the lower flanks of the dormant Teuhtli volcano.

The area produces 200,000 tons a year of prickly pear cactus-up to 10 tons of which ends up as waste on the floor of the cactus market each day.

A local green energy start-up called Energy and Environmental Sustainability-Suema, by its Spanish acronym-got the idea to develop a biogas generator to turn that waste into energy.

They decided to build it right at the source: the bustling cactus market, where hundreds of workers start each day by cleaning up the waste left from the day before.
Cactus power
Oil-producing Mexico has emerged as a green energy leader in recent years.

A man prepares nopal to be sold at the nopal market in Milpa Alta borough, Mexico City

It won praise in 2015 when it became the first emerging country to announce its emissions reduction targets for the United Nations climate accord, ambitiously vowing to halve them by 2050.

To get there, it is seeking to generate half its energy from renewable sources.

Last year, green energy made up 15.4 percent of its energy mix-though just 0.1 percent was from biogas.

Suema is looking to change that with its generator, which will ultimately produce 175 kilowatt hours-enough electricity to keep some 9,600 low-energy light bulbs burning.

The generator-a giant silver cylinder surrounded by an intricate web of pipes-churns together organic waste with a special mix of bacteria and heats it to 55 degrees Celsius (131 Fahrenheit) to produce biogas.

The leftovers can then be used as compost.

When it reaches full capacity around November, the generator will be able to process three to five tons of waste a day, producing 170 cubic meters (45,000 gallons) of biogas plus a little more than one ton of compost.

The $840,000 project, funded mostly by the Mexico City government, is popular at the cactus market.

"It's a good idea, because now all this waste will do something productive," said vendor Evangelina Lara, 45, wearing a red apron and wielding the knife she uses to clean her stock.

Believed by some to have healing powers, the prickly pear cactus is also used in blood pressure medications, anti-hair loss shampoos, skin creams and diet juices

The Mexico City government's scientific development chief, Bernardino Rosas, hopes the generator will be the first of many.

"Our vision is to reproduce this type of project" at each of the city's more than 300 produce markets, making them energy self-sufficient, he told AFP.
Aztec legend
In Aztec mythology, Huitzilopochtli-the god of the sun, war and human sacrifice-tore out the heart of a treacherous prince named Copilli and threw it into a lake.

The first prickly pear cactus supposedly grew on an island in that lake-its juicy red fruit symbolizing Copilli's heart.

According to the legend, Huitzilopochtli told the Aztecs to build a city at the spot where they found the cactus, which would have an eagle sitting atop it eating a snake.

The story has it that this is where the Aztecs built their capital, Tenochtitlan-over whose ruins the Spanish conquistadors built Mexico City.

Today, the prickly pear cactus with the eagle eating the snake is a national symbol-so much so that it appears at the center of Mexico's green, white and red flag.

This all makes the cactus a very fitting fuel for Mexico's future, said Horacio Chavira, deputy director for rural development in Milpa Alta.

"The prickly pear cactus is so Mexican that it's a symbol of our identity," he said.

© 2017 AFP

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Mexico's prickly pear cactus: energy source of the future?

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The prickly pear cactus is such a powerful symbol in Mexico that they put it smack in the middle of the national flag. It was considered sacred by the ancient Aztecs, and modern-day Mexicans eat it, drink it, and even use it in medicines and shampoos.

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also called "game of sticks", " a traditional sport three and a half thousand years ago in the Mexican state of Michoácan"

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also called "game of sticks", " a traditional sport three and a half thousand years ago in the Mexican state of Michoácan"

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CRAZY Fireball Hockey! | Trans World Sport

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"a complex syncretism of indigenous beliefs and the Christianity of early Roman Catholic missionaries"

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"a complex syncretism of indigenous beliefs and the Christianity of early Roman Catholic missionaries"

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HISTORY'S HISTORIES You are history. We are the future.

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Essential Themes ​Beliefs: ​ Why do people live the way they do? Culture: ​ How do we know what we know about human history?

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https://www.whatlatinamerica.com/latin-theatre/mexico-theatre.html

The article contains useful information about carpas, which are tent shows that gave Mexicans the opportunity to perform in tents instead of the old theaters that were heavily influenced by the Spanish

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The history of performance and theatre in Mexico dates back to the Aztecs.

Although there is no written works or translations of the Aztecs, early missionaries have documented seeing the Aztecs, dance, sing and perform.

Early Mexican theatre developed from Spain from just after the Spanish invasion and Spain continued to influence theatre in Mexico until the Mexican revolution in the early part of the 20th century.

War led to the decline in Mexico's theatre traditions in the first part of the 19th century. Spanish classicism, European romanticism and then nationalistic pieces all took their turn as the main feature reflected in Mexican theatre.

The Theatre Boom

The early 1900's were a boom time for the Mexico theatre. The Gran Teatro de Ópera was built at a time when Mexico city and surrounding provinces saw dramatic companies thriving. With plenty of training available, there was a constant supply of talent available to maintain increased demand for theatrical performances.

Carpas (tent shows) where humourous plays were acted out provided the perfect opportunity for new thespians, rather than working in the old theatres which had been left in a state of disrepair.

The 20th century notably saw Mexican nationalism reinforced in the theatre as Mexican Spanish became the language used for writing plays. Experimental theatre developed and then realism, leading to dominant pieces written by Mexican playwrights.

The new century has seen further development to dramatical works in Mexico. Theatre has evolved to reflect the different voices, cultures and identities found within the country. Previous writers tried to discover Mexico's voice and writers of the last decades are acknowledging the melting pot that is the modern day country.

Folklore and violence which had been the bread and butter for Mexico for so long as it finally competed with international theatre, has been left behind as the country has found its unique voice is a culmination of voices.

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The history of performance and theatre in Mexico dates back to the Aztecs. Although there is no written works or translations of the Aztecs, early missionaries have documented seeing the Aztecs, dance, sing and perform.

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https://culturalatlas.sbs.com.au/mexican-culture/mexican-culture-family
The "family" portion of this article explains that Many Mexican households used to share the same roof with three or more generations of family members, both in rural and urban areas. This could be because it costs less for all of the family members to live in one house and it could also strengthen the bond between family members. Now, most families consist of only the nuclear family

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Nina Evason,

One's family is the most important aspect of life for most Mexicans. It is believed that " what God has united cannot be separated by man ". In respect of this, family relationships are typically very close. One's family tends to have a major influence on the individual, providing a sense of identity, community and support.

There is a general expectation placed upon Mexicans to be loyal and committed to their family by putting the interests of the family above their own. Close-knit family relations provide Mexicans with a network of security and support, particularly in times of need. This is especially relevant to the lower classes as the extended family can be crucial to helping an individual cope with hardships during difficult times. People from this social bracket tend to be more open about their family's personal problems so that others can aid them in their time of difficulty. Neighbours often play a large role in this way.

Mexicans don't have a great amount of privacy from their family as parental authority generally continues throughout a Mexican's life, even after they have become a fully independent adult. The family also forms the basis for many people's social circles. Mexicans are generally very close with the extended relatives from all different generations. They tend to mix and socialise a lot. For example, it is not uncommon for someone to invite all their cousins to functions, or for grandparents to attend teenagers' birthdays.

Household Structure

The average Mexican household structure varies between social classes. Most households consist of the nuclear family alone, but multi-generational living is still common in both rural and urban areas. In cities, this usually occurs among lower classes due to economic necessity.

Traditionally, couples sought to have as many children as possible in accordance with Catholic standards. The Christian proverb says, " you must have as many children as God sends you". However, this has changed in contemporary times, especially in urban areas and among the middle and upper class, as contraception has become more socially acceptable and popular. Today, the standard nuclear family size is between three and five people. As a result of this generational difference, many Mexicans have over a dozen cousins (due to their parents' generation having many siblings) while their own children only have a few.

Children are not always expected to move out of home when they come of age. The high costs of independent living and tertiary education means that only children from more privileged classes tend to leave their parents' home to study. Most children stay in their parents' households until they get married or a job opportunity requires them to move/leave. For families in the lower class and rural areas, a child's departure for study or a job is seen more as a sacrifice on their behalf than a rite of passage.

Gender Roles

Broadly speaking, Mexico is a very patriarchal culture and men have more authority than women. Gender roles and dynamics vary by region, socioeconomic class and also between rural and urban areas. However, approximately 70% of all Mexican households have a male head of house ( jefe de familia) who is the primary income earner and decision maker for the family. ¹ Generally, this is the oldest male (often the father). In some traditional households, mothers will also answer to their adult sons. For example, it is still common for adult males to go back to their mother's house at mealtime so she can feed him lunch or dinner.

There are a few female-headed households in Mexico. However, over 75% of women who are in the position of household authority are either widowed, separated or single for some other reason. ² Therefore, many women gain a position of household authority through necessity or surrounding family breakdown, or because they do not have a partner.

The set of attributes generally perceived as ideal for males and females in Latin America are known as ' machismo' and ' marianismo' respectively. While machismo is generally not as strong in Mexico as it can be in other Latin American countries, men are expected to be masculine, self-reliant and dominant under these cultural standards. Meanwhile, the ideal for women is heavily influenced by the iconography of Roman Catholicism. The Virgin Mary (or the Mexican Virgin of Guadalupe) symbolises the epitome of femininity that Mexican women are expected to follow and embody. In this way, women are often expected to be self-denying so they can dedicate themselves to the family. It is generally their duty to be the homemaker (cooking and cleaning up after their male family members) regardless of whether they are also employed. A 'good' wife, mother, sister or girlfriend should feel a sense of pride and fulfilment in in doing so.

The traditional attitudes surrounding these ideals are shifting. Most women still fulfil the domestic role; however, female submissiveness is far less of a popular quality than it once was. For example, many among the younger generation would find it extremely insulting if a man actually asked them to do the housework and impressed the tasks upon them. There is also an increasing trend of husbands and wives sharing domestic chores in the middle and upper classes of cities.

There is often a double standard between Mexican parents' perceptions of their sons and daughters. One may hear Mexican mothers praise their son's perfection despite evidence of bad behaviour. Mexicans are still very proud and protective of their wives, mothers and sisters; however, females are generally blamed for mistakes more often than men. All this being said, Mexican gender ideals vary depending on multiple factors, such as socioeconomic backgrounds, urbanisation, regions, age and religiousness. Therefore, these attitudes can differ significantly between (and even within) Mexican families.

Dating and Marriage

Mexicans often meet their partners through their academic studies, community social events, cafes and bars. Generally, parents' approval of a partner is very important to Mexicans. Therefore, couples usually meet at pre-arranged places until they are prepared for family visits. This may vary in some areas where it is unsafe or disapproved of to travel alone at night. In these cases, the man will meet the woman at her home to escort her to their date.

Public displays of affection between couples are normal and acceptable. However, this is usually avoided in front of family members whilst still dating. Chivalry is important throughout the dating process, especially in more conservative and religious circles. On dates, men are expected to behave like gentlemen whilst women usually act aloof. It is thought that the man needs to charm and convince the woman into liking him by making romantic gestures, such as buying her flowers, paying for her expenses and buying gifts. Some men may make grand gestures, such as hiring a mariachi band to serenade. Others may be more casual throughout the process. However, it is still common for men to make ' piropos ' (flattering personal comments or pick-up lines) at any given opportunity.

More Mexican couples are choosing to live together unmarried; however, marriage remains very important. People usually marry around their mid-twenties or later. However, this age is often younger in rural areas. Men usually ask for parental permission to marry their daughter before engagement. Marriage ceremonies and services usually follow the Roman Catholic tradition. However, some couples may choose to have a civil ceremony.

It is generally easier for older men to find partners than older women, as their reasons for being single are not socially scrutinised as much. If a woman is not in a serious relationship or married by 30, there is a general public perception that something is wrong with her for men not to want her. The social stigma around this can be very strong, perhaps influencing some women to accept a mediocre partner in order to avoid being single at an older age. However, some urban women (generally from the middle and upper classes) are choosing not to be perturbed by this pressure and are concentrating on their careers. This gender double-standard is also lessening with the younger generation.

Same-sex marriage is legal in the capital of Mexico City and the court system is seeking to effectively legalise the practice throughout the country. However, there continues to be much social stigma surrounding homosexuality. Comparatively, Mexico has quite a low divorce rate. This is partly because the Catholic Church generally discourages it.

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1 National Institute of Statistics and Geography, 2016 2 National Institute of Statistics and Geography, 2016

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Nina Evason, One's family is the most important aspect of life for most Mexicans. It is believed that " what God has united cannot be separated by man ". In respect of this, family relationships are typically very close. One's family tends to have a major influence on the individual, providing a sense of identity, community and support.

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https://ledgernote.com/blog/interesting/aztec-death-whistle/

The Aztec Death Whistle is an ancient musical instrument that the Aztecs used to frighten or to intimidate the opposing military force before war.

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The Aztecs made countless types of noisemakers and musical instruments. Using clay, sugar cane, turkey feathers, ores, frog skins, and much more, they were able to create sounds to be associated with many life events, but most jarringly, the Aztec death whistle.

They had conch shells for ceremonies, ocarinas for making animal grunts to attract deer, flutes for traditional music entertainment. Some researchers even believe sounds were used to treat physical and mental illnesses.

But the most interesting device they created was the Aztec Death Whistle.

The Aztec Death Whistle's Psychological Warfare

Imagine gearing up for war, ready to face off against your enemy. You begin to hear the sound of hundreds of horses stampeding towards you from behind that hill, and then the screaming begins...

All your mind can conjure up is an army of the undead screeching at the top of their decrepit lungs. Skeletons, zombies, and all manner of nether-worldly beasts unleashing their most terrifying war cries, ready to erase your calvary within the next 30 seconds.

That's what the Aztec Death Whistle achieved. You thought you were fighting normal, mortal men like yourself only to be confronted by the tormented scream of a thousand corpses. Don't believe it's as scary as it sounds? Check this quick video:

All you can find these days are replicas, but thanks to Xavier Quijas Yxayotl we're able to hear the macabre sounds of a genuine Death Whistle. He explains in the video that these were used for Day of the Dead celebrations and other ceremonies, but their true purpose was for psychological warfare to shake up the opposing military force before combat began.

A cross-section of a death whistle showing the reverberation chamber

Hundreds of warriors would play these instruments all at once, sending shivers down the spines of their unsuspecting enemies.

Aztec Death Whistle Discovery

Nobody seemed to bother to consult people with actual Aztec ancestry, so when, almost 20 years ago in 1999 when these skull-shaped whistles were first found by archaeologists, they didn't think much of them.

They assumed they were toys or ornaments and dismissed them as unimportant or common place. Studies were quickly written and filed away on their shape, size, resemblance to skulls, and the hole placed on top of them.

Finally someone thought to blow through the hole, and now these "mere toys" are attracting the attention of historians and musicians alike.

The whistle was discovered in the clutches of a sacrifice

They were discovered at an Aztec temple dedicated to the wind god Ehecatl, held in the hands of the skeleton of a male sacrifice victim. That would explain why these weird musical instruments are shaped as they are and sound like ghosts screaming through the winds.

Now that they know what to look for, they've found more, but not enough that they're readily available for any of us to purchase or play with. Most are stored away in museums, as you would expect.

Aztec Death Whistle Guide to the Afterlife

Roberto Velázquez Cabrera believes he knows more to the story than is generally accepted. We're inclined to agree since this mechanical engineer has spent many years recreating these death whistles in order to understand and better examine their sounds.

He is the founder of the Mexico-based Instituto Virtual de Investigación Tlapitzcalzin, using his well-rounded knowledge of the Aztecs to inform his conclusions.

In his article for MexicoLore, Roberto states that the death whistle is likely an uncommon instrument, explaining why we found so few so late.

He says not only were they used for battle and Day of the Dead celebrations, but they were likely used during human sacrifice to help guide the souls of the victim towards the afterlife. Sacrificed people and deceased enemies alike are to be respected and their journey to the underworld should be aided.

There are many mysteries locked away from us from pre-Columbian music and sound engineering, and the Aztec Death Whistle convinces us that maybe we're better off that way.

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The Aztec Death Whistle Will Give You Horrific Nightmares | LedgerNote

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The Aztecs made countless types of noisemakers and musical instruments. Using clay, sugar cane, turkey feathers, ores, frog skins, and much more, they were able to create sounds to be associated with many life events, but most jarringly, the Aztec death whistle.

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https://theweek.com/articles/442949/new-film-thats-making-mexican-politicians-sweat
This is a news article about a political satire film by Luis Estrada. His films express his personal views and criticism on politics and society. The article also includes an interview with Luis Estrada, where he reveals the reasoning behind his political satire films.

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As if the disappearance of 43 students, the discovery of mass graves, and a federal investigation into a possible mass execution by soldiers weren't enough, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto now has another thing to worry about. La Dictadura Perfecta (The Perfect Dictatorship) premiered yesterday in over 2,500 theaters in Mexico. It's the latest film from Luis Estrada. And when Estrada makes a movie, Mexican politicians know they're in trouble.

Estrada is the most rebellious and controversial filmmaker in Mexico. He is a master of political satire, a merciless critic of politics and society, and an artist who loves making his countrymen uncomfortable.

His latest film is part three of a trilogy that began in 2000 with La Ley de Herodes (Herod's Law), a film that ridiculed the corruption and nepotism that characterized the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled Mexico as a one-party state between 1929 and 2000. (The PRI is now back in power, with the Nieto presidency.) His follow-up, 2010′s El Infierno (Hell), was an extremely violent black comedy about Mexico's bloody drug war.

And now there's La Dictadura Perfecta, and once again Estrada doesn't pull punches. The film depicts the perverted relationship between monopolistic media conglomerates and Mexico's ruling political caste. In the film, a corrupt and murderous governor employs the services of a powerful television station to manipulate the news into diverting attention from a bribery scandal.

The movie makes a direct allusion to Televisa, the Mexican media giant that has been accused of selling positive coverage to Mexican politicians. There is also a fictional president in the story who strongly resembles Nieto and who is depicted as a mere puppet of the fictional media barons. Buzz for the movie has been building in recent weeks - a trailer for the film got 2 million views in just a few days after it was released in August.

( Bandidos Films)

There has never been much love lost between Mexico's ruling class and the renegade filmmaker. In 2000, the Mexican government attempted to block his first film from being distributed. Ten years later, El Infierno was heavily criticized by the government of then president Felipe Calderón. Vocativ spoke to Estrada about fact and fiction in Mexican politics and the possible fallout from his new film.
How does La Dictadura Perfecta relate to Mexican reality?
Exaggeration is part of my personality, and the movie is satirical, so obviously I took some liberties in how I present the story. But if you look at recent events in Mexico, at the disappearance and possible mass murder of dozens of students in Guerrero state, there is very little difference between fact and fiction. The governor in my movie, Carmelo Vargas, is a fictitious monster, but the governor of Guerrero state is real. And the way he consistently tried to wash his hands of the whole affair with the missing students is appalling and unbelievably cynical.
What role does the Mexican media play in such incidents?
Mexico is governed by a rich and privileged ruling class, which has a perverted relationship with the media. Commercial television in Mexico was founded by people with strong ties to the current ruling party. They will show to the public what they find relevant, which is their right, but they will go far to defend their interests and relationships. Unfortunately, a large share of the Mexican population lives in poverty and has little access to information. They can be easily manipulated.
Is it anger about such things that drives you to make movies?
Anger is only part of it. It's also genuine concern about what's happening in my country. Mexico is my country, my children are growing up here, in a society rife with violence, corruption, impunity and abuse of power. Things are very bad in Mexico right now, so bad I sometimes can't wrap my head around it. I'm not an activist, but rather a concerned citizen who expresses those concerns in film.

#456381668 / gettyimages.com
There was some public backlash after the first two movies. Has there been any of that with your new film?
Surprisingly, a lot of young people who attended preliminary showings at universities told me that the movie is bad for Mexico's image, that I shouldn't depict the country as being violent and corrupt. I say to them: Worry about the state of the country, rather than the image it has abroad. Politically, things have been easier. La Dictadura Perfecta will be widely distributed in Mexican theaters, and I have even been invited to show it at Congress next week.
Students have gone missing, mass graves are found everywhere, soldiers are accused of executing civilians. Why do you think more Mexicans aren't speaking out about recent events?
Civil society in Mexico can be blamed for the fact that things don't change. There has been a strong emotional reaction to the disappearance of the students from certain sectors of society, but I still feel that a large part of society reacts far too passively. And I unfortunately don't think that the anger will last either. It hardly ever does in Mexico. I wouldn't be able to tell you why - I don't understand it myself.

This story was originally published on Vocativ.com: The new film that's making Mexican politicians sweat
More from Vocativ...

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The new film that's making Mexican politicians sweat

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As if the disappearance of 43 students, the discovery of mass graves, and a federal investigation into a possible mass execution by soldiers weren't enough, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto now has another thing to worry about. La Dictadura Perfecta (The Perfect Dictatorship) premiered yesterday in over 2,500 theaters in Mexico.

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https://www.gdltours.com/charreria.html
Above is an article introducing Charreria, which is a competitive Mexican rodeo.

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Mexican Rodeo | What is Mexican Charreria?

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Mexican Rodeo | What is Mexican Charreria? How to go to a Mexican Rodeo? What is? Guadalajara Mexico Rodeo competition cosists of 10 different skils. Charreria competitions are held in the city of Guadalajara since it originated here as a horseman sports. every sunday women participants dress up in their traditional charro, colorful uniforms...

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https://blog.xcaret.com/en/the-most-popular-myths-and-legends-of-mexico/

This article includes the legend of La Mulata of Cordoba, which was supposedly a true story that happened in state of Veracruz

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Xcaret Blog - Read about travel tips, gastronomy, nature and Mexican culture on Blog Xcaret

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Who is fan of the legends from Mexico?

Characters from ancient time and stories that will surprise you

The legends of Mexico are undoubtedly surprising stories, from the incredible feats of the Mexican Revolution to the great Mexican icons we know today. However, other stories have transcended time due to their historical importance, and that combine fantasy, the surreal, and reality.

These anecdotes became very common for us as we grew up and learned from them. Today we will share a post dedicated to Mexican legends and myths, so if you like this type of content, turn off the lights and enjoy.

The Yeguatzihuatl in Chiapas, Mexico

In the streets of this Mexican town, you can see a woman with white clothes and dark hair wandering at night. Those who are unlucky enough to run into her flee immediately, but some feel very brave and begin to follow her once they are close to her.

What these brave men do not know is that the mission of the Yeguatzihuatl is to lead them until they are lost among the swamps. Once trapped by the mud of the swamp, this woman lets out a heartrending scream that disturbs the environment while, as a joke, she gives cigarettes and sweets to her victims while they wait to be rescued by a traveler who passes by chance. When the sun rises, all those sweets and cigars take their real form: bones and manure.

The Xtabay in Yucatan, Mexico

This is the story of two sisters who lived a long time ago in Yucatán. Their names were X'keban and Utzcolel; the first was a libertine woman who indulged in carnal passions with men, earning a certain repudiation amongst the people. However, she had enormous kindness and enjoyed helping the sick, who after being healed adored her.

As for the second sister, she was a woman with a conservative character, but she never showed sympathy for others since she thought they were inferior and did not deserve her help or attention.

One day, X´keban disappeared and all the townspeople and especially the people who loved her wondered what had happened. One day, everyone began to feel a sweet aroma in the environment that led them to X'keban's house. There they found the inert body of the woman. All those who appreciated her took her body to the pantheon while her sweet perfume spread throughout the town.

The next day, a rare flower called "xtabentún" appeared on the grave from which emanated an elixir as intoxicating as it was sweet, just like the love that X'keban gave to men.

Utzcolel said that the perfume that emanated from X'keban's body was the work of the demons. She affirmed her body would smell much better after dead since she was a much better person than she was. Time passed, and the second sister passed away, and all the sad people attended the funeral. Contrary to what everyone thought, there was no sweet aroma, instead, a plague flooded the town.

In a hurry, Utzcolel was buried and her grave was surrounded with flowers to disguise the bad smell. The next day, a strange flower appeared on her grave, it was a very thorny cactus called "tzacam", which with the smallest touch could cause pain.

Even in the afterlife, Utzcolel felt envy for her sister then she thought that the reason why her body emanated a sweet aroma was because of her behavior towards men but it was because of her great goodness and essence.

Utzcolel invoked the demons of the underworld and agreed with them to return when she wanted to this world with the appearance of X'keban to seduce men and end their life among the thorns of a ceiba tree.

La Maltos, the Witch of the Arches of Ipiña in San Luis Potosi, Mexico

During the colonial era, the Holy Inquisition oversaw the punishment of all those who dared to practice rites and customs that were not part of the Catholic faith. One of its members was a female nicknamed La Maltos.

This woman held a high position in addition to being a powerful inhabitant of San Luis Potosí. She resided in a large building that today is known as the Arcos de Ipiña in the center of the city. In those days, a curfew was imposed at night for all the inhabitants, however, La Maltos was so influential that she had the luxury of strolling in her great carriage to walk through the streets.

Rumors in the city were that this woman practiced rituals and black witchcraft in her home. One bad day, La Maltos executed two people who enjoyed the protection of one of the most powerful families in San Luis Potosí. Such deaths were unjust, and La Maltos was accused of murder in addition to witchcraft and sentenced to death.

In her last moments, the woman made one last wish; to allow her to draw her carriage in the grave that would be her last resting place. La Maltos began to trace her carriage and at the end, all those present witnessed how her drawing came to life and she came out of the wall. She gave a dark, mocking laugh as she climbed in and sped away from the place.

Since that day, she was never seen again, but stories tell that in the Arcos de Ipiña occur paranormal events.

The lady known as "La Mulata of Cordoba" in Veracruz, Mexico

Do you remember I told you that these stories had some truth to them? In Mexico's General Archive of the Nation, there is a file that tells a story that occurred many years ago in the state of Veracruz.

During the 16th century, the Holy Inquisition blamed a woman named Soledad who lived in Cordoba to be a witch. The rumor was that she had a pact with the devil to look young forever. However, Soledad was a very skilled herbalist who was dedicated to cure any illness in her community as well as possessing great beauty that caused envy.

She was known for being a lonely and somewhat sullen woman in rejecting many suitors regardless of whether they were rich or poor. Among those suitors was the mayor of Cordoba: Don Martín de Ocaña, who, feeling angry, started the rumor that Soledad was a witch and that she had given him a potion that made him feel in love with her.

Although many illnesses had been cured by her, the townspeople were afraid of going against the Catholic faith and being judged by the Holy Inquisition. When questioned, many said they saw her fly over the rooftops, laugh ghoulishly at night and some women claimed that Soledad harassed them to sell love potions.

For these accusations Soledad was locked up in the San Juan de Ulúa prison and sentenced to the stake. During her isolation, she used her beauty to convince a jailer to give her a piece of charcoal with which she amused herself by drawing on the walls.

The day before she was executed, Soledad showed the jailer a beautiful sailing ship that she had drawn on one of the walls and asked: "What is missing from this ship?", the jailer replied: "To navigate, my Lady", and she replied: "Well, look how it navigates". In amazement, he watched as Soledad mingled with her drawing and began to move away and disappear forever.

Noticing the lack of the jailer, the other soldiers descended only to find the cell empty and the jailer dead.

The Pantheon Boy of Momoxpan in Puebla, Mexico

The small town of Santiago de Momoxpan is located between the city of Puebla and Cholula. Many years ago, the inhabitants told legends about the appearance of strange beings, the noises of chains and metal at night, as well as the appearance of small blue flames that made those who saw them scream with fear.

One day, a girl named Guadalupe Xomitl who lived in Momoxpan came across a little boy in huaraches and a loincloth. She was petrified when she saw the appearance of this little boy, but she came out of her astonishment when he asked her to dig under the place she had chosen to put her mat to sleep. She asked him: "Why are you asking me that?", to what he replied: "Because my parents are buried there and will not rest until they are in a sacred place". After this, the boy added: "There are many people buried throughout the town due to the fights and aggressions of the conquerors against us indigenous people".

Faced with this statement, Guadalupe could not bear it any longer and fainted. These apparitions continued for some time until she became ill and passed away. Other inhabitants narrated that they had also encountered these apparitions and confirmed what was said about Momoxpan; that it was a huge indigenous cemetery.

Over time, the villagers have found the remains of people to whom they have given a Christian burial to find eternal rest.

The Kissing Alley in Guanajuato, Mexico

Many years ago in Guanajuato, lived a beautiful young woman named Carmen, who was the daughter of a man who saw in her the opportunity to increase his material assets. Her fate was already chosen; she had to marry someone rich in Spain, which was the reason why her father had forbidden her to interact with the other men in Mexico.

One day, while Carmen was at mass, she met Don Luis, a humble miner with whom she fell deeply in love. They began a beautiful romance in secret. However, Carmen's father discovered them and threatened to send her to a distant convent if she kept seeing Don Luis again. Upon hearing the terrible news, Don Luis began to plan how to see Carmen, so he bought the house across the street from where Carmen lived.

Both houses were only separated by a narrow alley that allowed the couple to be very close, so much so that they could hold hands while enjoying their love. One day while the young couple swore eternal love from their balconies, Carmen's enraged father entered her bedroom and suddenly stabbed a dagger right in his daughter's back while Luis held her hand. He could do nothing except give her a tender kiss on her hand as life left Carmen's body. It is said that Don Luis could not bear losing Carmen, so he took his life by jumping from the highest part of La Valenciana Mine.

Now, all travelers who go as a couple to visit the Kissing Alley must climb to the third step and kiss, or else they will have seven years of bad luck.

Did you like these stories? There are still many more that people share in Mexico. If you would like the second part of them leave us your comments to compile our favorites to share with you.

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Legends of Mexico: The most popular - Blog Xcaret

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The legends of Mexico are undoubtedly surprising stories, from the incredible feats of the Mexican Revolution to the great Mexican icons we know today. However, other stories have transcended time due to their historical importance, and that combine fantasy, the surreal, and reality.

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https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20190910-mexicos-ancient-caviar

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Loosely translating to “seeds of joy”, ahuautle, or water fly eggs, were considered by the Aztecs to be the food of the gods.

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https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1034/aztec-pantheon/

This article introduces the principle aztec deities and what they were believed to control.

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The gods of the Aztecs (1345-1521 CE) were many and varied and, as with many other ancient cultures, deities were closely associated with things and events important to the culture and the general welfare of the community. These include gods of maize and the rain to nourish it, fire and the hearth to cook it, and all manner of gods to represent major celestial bodies, prominent geographical features and extreme meteorological events from the Morning Star to evening frost. Many of the gods were ancient Mesoamerican deities worshipped by the cultures preceding the Aztecs but were adopted, adapted, and assimilated into the Aztec's own unique assembly of gods and goddesses. Below is a list of the principal Aztec deities in alphabetical order.

Ahuiateotl

The god of voluptuousness and one of the Ahuiateteo. Alternatively known as Macuilxochitl or considered an aspect of Xochipilli.

Ahuiateteo

The five gods who embody the dangers of excess in eating, drinking, and pleasures in general. They each have a specific date in the annual calendar, all with a 5, a number associated with excess. They are Macuilxochitl (the most important; 5 Flower), Macuilcuetzpalin (5 Lizard), Macuilcozcacuauhtli (5 Vulture), Macuiltochtli (5 Rabbit), and Macuilmalinalli (5 Grass). In cases of excess, they can deliver misfortune and disease.

Atlatonan

An earth and water goddess.

Camaxtli

'Lord of the Chase,' a hunting god. See Mixcoatl below.

Centeotl (Cinteotl)

'Sacred Maize,' god of late-ripening maize. He was the son of Toci and associated with the 4th month, Hueytozoztli. He was the 4th of the nine Lords of the Night.

Centzon Huitznahua

Also called the Octli deities. The 400 sons of Mixcoatl who were fed to the sun and who represented the southern stars. They and their sister Coyolxauhqui had attempted to kill their mother Coatlicue but were defeated by Huitzilopochtli.

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Centzon Mimixcoa

The 400 northern stars, counterparts of the Centzon Huitznahua and associated with the Milky Way.

Centzon Totochtin

The 400 rabbit gods of pulque and drunkenness. They are the offspring of Mayahuel and Patecatl and also known as the Octli deities.

Chalchiuhtecolotl

'Precious Owl,' god of the night and the black aspect of Tezcatlipoca.

The Gulf of Mexico was known as Chalchiuhcueyecatl or 'Waters of Chalchiuhtlicue'.

Chalchiuhtlicue

'Jade Her Skirt,' goddess of the sea, rivers, lakes, and springs. Associated with the day Serpent and trecena 1 Reed. She is 3rd of the 13 Lords of the Day and 6th of the nine Lords of the Night. The Gulf of Mexico was known as Chalchiuhcueyecatl or 'Waters of Chalchiuhtlicue'.

Chalchiuhtotolin

'Precious Turkey,' an aspect of Tezcatlipoca and deity of the night and mystery. He was patron of the day Tecpatl, Flint Knife.

Chantico

'In the House,' the goddess of the hearth fire and patron of metalworkers, especially goldsmiths. Also known as Cuaxolotl.

Chicomecoatl

'Seven Serpents,' the goddess of food and especially seed corn. She was associated with the 4th month, Hueytozoztli. Celebrated on the day 7 Coatl with a feast and in the harvest festival in the 11th month, Ochpanitzli.

Cihuacoatl

'Woman Serpent,' an earth goddess associated with fertility, childbirth, midwives, and the direction west.

Citlalicue

'Star-Skirted,' goddess of the heavens and one of the several names for the Milky Way. She rules the 3rd of the 13 levels of the Aztec cosmos.

Coatlicue

'Serpent Skirt,' an earth-mother goddess associated with fertility, warfare, governance, agriculture, and patron of childbirth. She was considered the female aspect of the primordial god Ometeotl. The goddess was worshipped in the spring ritual of Tozozontli in the rainy season and in the autumnal hunting festival of Quecholli when an impersonator of the goddess was sacrificed. She is the mother of Huitzilopochtli and Coyolxauhqui.

Coyolxauhqui

'Painted With Bells,' the goddess of the Moon or Milky Way who was famously butchered by her brother Huitzilopochtli after she led the Centzon Huitznaua (the 'Four Hundred Huiztnaua' who represented the stars of the southern sky) in a bid to kill her mother, the goddess Coatlicue.

'Wind and Air,' an ancient Mesoamerican god of winds, especially those which bring rain. Sometimes known as Ehecatl- Quetzalcoatl and considered the wind aspect of Quetzalcoatl. For the Aztecs, he was born on the day 9 Wind and was patron of the second day, Ehecatl. He was a creator god, and by rescuing the bones of the dead from the Underworld, he created mankind. He is sometimes credited, too, with discovering maize, pulque, and music.

Huehuecoyotl

'Old Coyote,' the ancient Mesoamerican god of dance, music, sex, cleverness, and trickery. Patron of feather workers, he was associated with the trecena 1 Flower and patron of the day Cuetzpallin.

Huehueteotl

'Old, Old Deity,' The old Fire god, often associated and represented by Xiuhtecuhtli. He was the 1st of the nine Aztec Lords of the Night and 13 Lords of the Day. He was linked to the 10th month, Xocotlhuetzi/Hueymiccailhuitl.

Huitzilopochtli

'Blue Hummingbird on the Left' or 'Hummingbird of the South,' who for the Mexica was the supreme being and son of the two primordial gods Omecίhuatl and Ometecuhtli. In an alternative version, he is the offspring of Coatlicue and brother of Quetzalcoatl, Tezcatlipoca, and Xipe Totec. He is the god of war and the sun, and patron of the Aztec capital Tenochtitlan, where he had led his people to and instructed them to settle. He was associated with gold, warriors and rulers. His calendar name was Ce Técpatl (1 Flint) and his nagual or animal spirit was the eagle. The god had a temple dedicated to him on top of the Templo Mayor at Tenochtitlan. Huitzilopochtli was worshipped in the ceremony of Panquetzaliztli in the month of the same name when the god's birth on Mt. Coatepec was commemorated, and he was also celebrated during the month of Toxcatl when a bread effigy was taken to the god's temple in a great procession and then eaten.

Huixtocihuatl

'Huixtotin Woman,' goddess of salt. She was associated with the 7th month, Tecuilhuitontli.

Ilamatecuhtli

'Old Lady,' an earth goddess associated with fertility, death and the Milky Way. She was 13th of the 13 Lords of the Day and associated with the 17th month, Tititl when a festival was held in her honour.

Itzli

'Obsidian Blade,' right-hand man of Tezcatlipoca. He was 2nd of the nine Lords of the Night.

Itzpapalotl

'Obsidian-Bladed Butterfly,' an earth goddess associated with fertility. Mother of Mixcoatl, she is patron of the day Cozcacuauhtli and the trecena 1 House.

Itztlacoliuhqui

'Obsidian Curl,' the god of snow, mountain peaks, frost and the cold. An aspect of the black Tezcatlipoca. He is patron of the day Acatl.

Ixtlilton

God of health and medicine who was the brother of Xochipilli and Macuilxochitl.

Iztaccihuatl

'White Woman,' goddess of the sacred mountain which bears her name.

Lords of the Day

See Tonalteuctin.

Lords of the Night

See Yohualteuctin.

Macuilxochitl

'Five Flower,' a god of flowers, plants, music, and dancing. Associated with the specific date 5 Flower. The patron god of the royal household, games (especially patolli and the ballgame) and gambling. He is the leader of the Ahuiateteo gods who represent excess pleasure and punishment.

Matlalcueitl

'Green Skirt,' goddess of rain and second wife of Tlaloc.

Matlalcueye

'Blue Skirt,' the goddess of the sacred mountain of that name.

Mayahuel

'Maguey,' the goddess of the Maguey plant, used to make the alcoholic drink pulque. The goddess was usually depicted as a beautiful young woman and was associated with fertility. Sometimes she is referred to as 'the woman of 400 breasts,' no doubt in reference to the milk-like sap of the plant. She is the mother of the 400 Octli Deities, consort of Patecatl, and patron of the day Tochtli (Rabbit).

Metzli

The Moon goddess.

Mictlantecacihuatl

'Mictlan Woman,' female equivalent or consort of Mictlantecuhtli.

Mictlantecuhtli

'Lord of the land of the Dead,' god of death, darkness and the Underworld (Mictlan). His wife is Mictlantecacihuatl. He was associated with owls, spiders, bats, and the direction south. The god was the ruler of the 10th day Itzcuintli (Dog), the 5th Lord of the Night and the 6th (or 11th) Lord of the Day. Mictlantecuhtli was particularly worshipped in the Aztec month of Tititl when, at the temple of Tlalxicco, an impersonator of the god was sacrificed and incense was burned in his honour.

Mixcoatl

'Cloud Serpent,' an ancient god of hunting, also known as Camaxtli, and associated with the stars, especially the Milky Way. He is the father of the Centzon Huitznahua and Quetzalcoatl. He was associated with the 14th month Quecholli when feasts and hunts were held in his honour.

Nanahuatzin

God of twins and deformities. He and his brother Tecuciztecatl sacrificed themselves to create the sun and moon of the 5th and last epoch of the Aztec cosmos.

Nappatecuhtli

One of the four directional Tlalocs gods and patron of reed mat weavers.

Octli Deities

The gods of pulque, the alcoholic beer made from the fermented juice of the maguey plant. They were also known as the Centzon Totochtin (400 Rabbits) as it was believed a rabbit had first discovered the juice of the maguey by nibbling on a leaf. They are the offspring of Mayahuel and Patecatl. Many were associated with specific towns, days, and time periods. They were also representative of drunkenness and sexual lust and so wore half-moon nose rings, a symbol of Tlazolteotl.

Omecihuatl

'Two Lady,' a primordial creator goddess. Another name for Tonacacihuatl.

Ometecuhtli

'Two Lord,' a primordial creator god. Another name for Tonacatecuhtli. He rules the 13th and highest level of the Aztec cosmos. Patron of the day Cipactli (Crocodile).

Ometeotl

'Two God,' the androgynous primordial god whose male and female aspects are Ometecuhtli and Omecihuatl.

Opochtli

'Left-handed,' one of the Tlalocs gods and protector of those who lived near water. Credited with inventing equipment for fishing such as nets and harpoons.

Patecatl

Father of the Octli Deities and god of drunkenness. His consort is Mayahuel and was also associated with medicine, herbs, and mushrooms. Patron of the day Malinalli (Grass).

Paynal

Messenger of Huitzilopochtli.

Piltzintecuhtli

The young sun god who was a manifestation of Tonatiuh, the supreme sun god of Mesoamerica. His most frequent manifestation was Xochipilli, god of summer and flowers. He is the 3rd of the nine Lords of the Night.

Popocatepetl

The god of the sacred Smoke Mountain.

Quaxolotl

'Split at the Top,' an earth goddess associated with duality.

Quetzalcoatl

'Quetzal Feathered-Serpent,' the god of winds, rains and storms who is half snake and half quetzal bird. He is the son of the primordial god Ometeotl and brother of Huitzilopochtli, Xipe Totec, and Tezcatlipoca. An ancient Mesoamerican god, he was considered the creator of the world and mankind, the discoverer of maize, and inventor of agriculture, science, the arts, and the calendar. He is the 9th of the 13 Lords of the Day. His name was adopted as part of an Aztec ruler's titles.

Quilaztli

An aspect of Cihuacoatl associated with pregnancy and childbirth.

Tecuciztecatl

A moon god and brother of Nanahuatzin. The pair sacrificed themselves to create the sun and moon of the 5th and last epoch of the Aztec cosmos. Patron of the day Miquiztli (Death).

Teoyaomiqui

The god who honoured warriors who fell in the 'Flower Wars' which gathered sacrificial victims. He was, with Mictlantecuhtli, the 6th of the 13 Lords of the Day.

Tepeyollotl (Tepeyolohtli)

'Mountain Heart,' a jaguar god of the earth's regenerative powers.

Tepictoton

'Little Old Hills,' the little Tlalocs, gods associated with mountain rain and water.

Teteoinnan

'Deities-Their-Mother,' an earth goddess associated with fertility.

Tetzcotzingo

'Bald Rock Honourable Place,' god of the sacred mountain of that name.

Tezcatlipoca

'Smoking Mirror,' the omnipotent and all-seeing god responsible for all things which happen. Also known as Ipalnemoani ('Lord of the Near'), Moyocoyani ('Maker of Himself'), Titlacauan ('We His Slaves'), Tloque Nahuaque ('Night-Wind'), and Yaotl ('Enemy'). Tezcatlipoca could be a bringer of happiness but also took on more sinister connotations when he was known as the lord of the shadows or night, a sorcerer of black magic and the bringer of evil, death, and destruction as Chalchiuhtecólotl, 'Precious Owl,' or Chalchiuhtotolin, 'Precious Turkey'. The god, being the supreme deity, was closely linked with Aztec rulers and so was a major feature of coronation ceremonies. He was especially revered at Texcoco. Tezcatlipoca was the 10th of the 13 Lords of the Day, was associated with day 1 Death, and especially worshipped during Toxcatl, the 5th month of the 18-month solar year. He was associated with the horned owl in the Mesoamerican calendar, whilst his nagual or animal spirit was the jaguar.

Tianquiztli

The gods representing the Pleiades constellation.

Tlacatzinacantli

The Aztec version of the Mesoamerican Bat-god who represented maize and fertility.

'Dawn Lord,' representing an aspect of Venus, the Morning Star, whose rays could damage both people and crops. He is 12th of the 13 Lords of the Day.

Tlaloc

'He Who is the Embodiment of Earth,' the god of rain, water, lightning, floods, droughts, and agriculture. In the Aztec Creation myth, Tlaloc was ruler of the 3rd Sun, he was linked to Mazatl (Deer), the 7th day, his calendar equivalent was 9 Ocelotl - the Jaguar, he was number 8 of the 13 Lords of the Day and 9th Lord of the Night, and his animal sign was the eagle. Tlaloc had four particular manifestations as the four colours and the four cardinal directions, collectively known as the Tlalocs. His sister is Chalchiuhtlicue (or in some versions his wife or mother), herself a goddess of rivers, oceans, and floods. Tlaloc had two wives: first Xochiquetzal, the flower and fertility goddess, but when she was abducted by Tezcatlipoca, he took a second, Matlalcueitl, another rain deity. Associated with mountains, Tlaloc was considered the ruler of the Tlaloque - a motley group of rain, weather, and mountain gods (Little Tlalocs). Tlaloc had a temple dedicated to him on top of the Templo Mayor at Tenochtitlan. The god was especially worshipped in the months of Atlcahualo (the 1st in the Aztec solar calendar), Tozoztontli (3rd) and Atemoztli (the 16th).

Tlalocan

'Place of Tlaloc,' Mt. Tlaloc, dwelling place of Tlaloc the rain god and the otherworldly paradise where victims of floods, storms, and diseases such as leprosy were received after death.

Tlalocs (Tlaloque)

'Little Tlalocs,' a group of mountain gods associated with rain and water who were ruled by Tlaloc. They represent the four cardinal directions.

'Earth Lady' (although the name has a male suffix), an earth goddess associated with fertility. In mythology, Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca, in the form of snakes, ripped her body in two. From one half came the sky, and the other became the earth. She is the 2nd of the 13 Lords of the Day. She swallows the sun every evening and regurgitates it the next morning.

Tlazolteotl

'Sacred Filth,' goddess of filth and lust but also purification and cures of diseases. She was associated with the 11th month Ochpaniztli. She was patron of the day Ocelotl (Jaguar), 5th of the 13 Lords of the Day and 7th of the nine Lords of the Night.

Toci

'Grandmother,' an important earth goddess associated with fertility, warfare, cures, and the patron of midwives. She was also known as Teteo Innan ('Mother of the Gods') and Tlalli Iyollo ('Heart of the Earth'). Toci was honoured by a major harvest festival in the 11th month, Ochpaniztli.

Tonacacihuatl

'Our Flesh Woman,' a primordial creator goddess. Another name for Omecihuatl.

Tonacatecuhtli

'Our Flesh Lord,' another name for Ometecuhtli, he was a primordial creator god closely linked to procreation. He was patron of the first day Cipactli and the trecena 1 Cipactli.

Tonalteuctin

The 13 Lords of the Day and their associated 'bird':

1. Xiuhtecuhtli / Huehueteotl (blue hummingbird)

2. Tlaltecuhtli (green hummingbird)

3. Chalchiutlicue (hawk)

4. Tonatiuh (quail)

5. Tlazolteotl (eagle)

6. Teoyaomiqui / Mictlantecuhtli (screech owl)

7. Centeotl-Xochipilli (butterfly)

8. Tlaloc (eagle)

9. Quetzalcoatl (turkey)

10. Tezcatlipoca (horned owl)

11. Mictlantecuhtli / Chalmecatecuhtli (macaw)

12. Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli (quetzal)

13. Ilamatecuhtli (parrot)

Tonantzin

'Honoured Mother,' an earth goddess associated with fertility. A benevolent manifestation of Cihuacoatl.

Tonatiuh

'Ascending Eagle,' the Mesoamerican Sun god who, for the Aztecs, was seen as a fierce war god.

Tzitzimime

Fierce female star demons who roamed during particular calendar and celestial events such as eclipses (when they could be seen in the sky). They devoured the unwary and, for the Aztecs, if the sun did not rise after the 52-year cycle and New Fire Ceremony, then the Tzitzimime would destroy the world.

Tzitzimitl

The 'grandmother' goddess in the sky whose demon servants are the Tzitzimime.

Xilonen

'Tender Maize,' god of the first maize and associated with the 8th month Hueytecuihuitl.

Xipe Totec

'Flayed Lord,' the god of spring, and patron god of seeds, planting, and metalworkers (especially goldsmiths) and gemstone workers. Xipe Totec was the son of the primordial androgynous god Ometeotl and the brother of Tezcatlipoca, Huitzilopochtli and Quetzalcoatl. Considered the source of diseases amongst mankind, he, nevertheless, received many offerings from worshippers calling for him to cure illnesses, especially eye ailments. He was associated with the unfavourable 15th Aztec day-name and was represented by the date 1 Ocelotl. Every spring in the second month of the solar year the festival of Tlacaxipehualiztli (aka Coailhuitl or the Snake Festival) was held in honour when war captives were skinned in symbolic imitation of the regeneration of plants and seeds which shed their husks and thereby provide new seeds.

Xiuhcoatl

The fiery snake which helps Huitzilopochtli kill Coyolxauhqui and the Centzon Huitznahua. He was associated with turquoise, grass, and the solar year, and is the emblem of the Fire god Xiuhtecuhtli.

Xiuhtecuhtli

'Turquoise Lord,' god of fire, the hearth, and time. He was closely associated with young warriors and rulers. Xiuhtecuhtli was the patron of the day Atl (water) and the trecena period 1 Coatl (Snake) and associated with the month Izcalli. He was the 1st Aztec Lord of the Night and 1st of the Lords of the Day. His nagual or animal spirit was Xiuhcoatl or the Fire Serpent, and his special number was three because in traditional Mesoamerican homes there were three hearths. One of Xiuhtecuhtli's most important roles was as overseer of the Toxiuhmolpilia festival or New Fire Ceremony. Held once every 52 years on the completion of one full cycle of the Aztec calendar, the primary function of the festival was to ensure the successful renewal of the sun.

Xochipilli

'Flower Prince,' god of summer, flowers, pleasure, love, dancing, painting, feasting, creativity, and souls. Closely associated with the corn (maize) god Centeotl, he was sometimes referred to as the 'Corn-flower Prince' or Centeotl-Xochipilli, the 7th Lord of the Day. He could also appear as Ahuiateotl, the god of voluptuousness, as something of a youthful and carefree pleasure-seeker, perhaps with a playfully mischievous streak. He has a sister (or female counterpart), Xochiquetzal. The god was associated with butterflies and poetry and the 11th of the 20 Aztec days: Ozomatli (Monkey). He was especially worshipped at Xochimilco.

Xochiquetzal

'Flower Quetzal,' a goddess of flowers, grain, pleasure, and weavers. She also protected childbirth and young mothers and was the patron of the arts in general. She was associated with the 13th month Hueypachtli (aka Tepeilhuitl) and patron of the day Xochitl (Flower) and trecena 1 Xochitl.

Xolotol

Canine god and companion of Quetzalcoatl who was associated with illness and deformity. He is patron of the day Ollin ( Earthquake).

Yacatecuhtli

'Nose Lord,' god of traders and merchants.

Yohualtecuhtli

'Lord of the Night,' god of the night sun as it descended into the Underworld.

Yohualteuctin

The nine Lords of the Night and their associated augury:

1. Xiuhtecuhtli / Huehueteotl (unfavourable)

2. Itztli (unfavourable)

3. Piltzintecuhtli-Tonatiuh (excellent)

4. Centeotl (excellent)

5. Mictlantecuhtli (favourable)

6. Chalchiutlicue (favourable)

7. Tlazolteotl (unfavourable)

8. Tepeyolohtli-Tezcatlipoca (favourable)

9. Tlaloc (favourable)

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The gods of the Aztecs (1345-1521 CE) were many and varied and, as with many other ancient cultures, deities were closely associated with things and events important to the culture and the general welfare of the community.

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http://www.historymiami.org/wp-content/themes/historymiami/assets/guayabera.html
The guayabera is a unique Mexican wedding shirt with four pockets on the front of the shirt. It was believed that the pockets were used to contain guava.

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https://www.inside-mexico.com/the-legend-of-the-cempasuchil-flower/

This article tells the legend of the cempasuchil flower, which was the love story between Xóchitl and Huitzilin. This legend is important to Mexican culture because it explains the reason cempasuchil flowers are used in the day of the dead.

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This legend tells the love story of two Aztec youths, Xóchitl and Huitzilin, whose romance gave birth to the cempasuchil flower, known as the Day of the Dead flower.

This wonderful love story began when the two young Aztecs were still children. They used to spend all their free time together, playing and exploring their town. Although Xochitl was very sheltered, her family allowed her to join Huitzilin's adventures, and their love blossomed over time.

They particularly enjoyed hiking to the top of a nearby mountain where they would offer flowers to the Sun god Tonatiuh. The god seemed to appreciate their offering and would smile from the sky with his warm rays. On a particularly beautiful day at the top of the mountain, they swore that their love would last forever.

When war broke out the lovers were separated as Huitzilin headed to fight and protect their homeland.

Soon the dreaded news of death reached Huitzilin's Xóchitl. She felt her world falling to pieces, her heart completely torn.

She decided to walk one last time to the top of the mountain and implore the sun god her with her love Tonatiuh, to somehow join Huitzilin. The sun moved by her prayers and threw a ray that gently touched the young girl's cheek. Instantly she turned into a beautiful flower of fiery colors as intense as the sun's rays.

Suddenly a hummingbird lovingly touched the center of the flower with its beak.

It was Huitzilin who was reborn as a handsome hummingbird. The flower gently opened its 20 petals, filling the air with a mysterious and lovely scent.

The lovers would be always together as long as cempasuchil flowers and hummingbirds existed on earth.

This is how the cempasúchil flower came to be the Day of the Dead Flower.

Cempaspuchitl is the name given to Mexican marigold flowers. It comes from the Aztec language, the Nahuatl, and means twenty petals flower.

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This legend tells the love story of two Aztec youths, Xóchitl and Huitzilin, whose romance gave birth to the cempasuchil flower, known as the Day of the Dead flower. This wonderful love story began when the two young Aztecs were still children. They used to spend all their free

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https://www.chapman.edu/about/our-home/busts-collection/juarez.aspx

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"Among individuals, as among nations, respect for the- Benito Juarez Critical Essay By
Dr. William Cumiford
Associate Professor of History
Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences

rights of others is peace."
Out of the tumultuous history of early 19 th-century Mexico, a period of war, economic collapse and political corruption, Benito Juarez emerged as an unlikely leader and reformer, a politician who faced seemingly unsurmountable odds and is honored among the greatest of Mexicans. His legacy, beginning as a humble indigenous lawyer who rose to be the most revered 19 th-century political leader of Mexico, is much debated by historians because of his controversial nationalist agenda against the backdrop of deep economic, racial and social divisions.

Born in Guelato, Oaxaca, Mexico four years before the famous grito of Independence proclaimed by Miguel Hidalgo, Juarez' early years coincided with the utter destruction of Mexico's social and economic fabric stemming from the brutal battles over independence from Spain. As the nation struggled through the instability of Agustin Iturbide's short-lived Mexican Empire (1821-23), the deep political divisions of the First Republic and the periodic disastrous rule of Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, the Mexico bequeathed to Juarez and his reformer allies was torn by foreign interference, deep political division and financial failure. By the time Juarez died Mexico was in its sixth decade of independence, and the country was still plagued with financial instability, severe racial and cultural divisions and protracted political chaos.

Benito Juarez was born into a family of Zapotec Indians and benefitted from an education provided by local church authorities. Both contemporaries and later historians have made a great deal of Juarez' Indian heritage. The truth is that he was the beneficiary of middle-class support, primarily lay Franciscan Catholics who saw his potential and provided Benito with educational opportunities seldom available to Mexican Indians. Attending the relatively prestigious Seminario Conciliar de la Santa Cruz, Juarez pursued a broad range of liberal arts studies, including Latin, theology and metaphysics. He studied first for the clergy but soon switched to law at Mexico's Institute of Sciences and Arts, receiving his degree in 1834. After securing a judgeship, he married Margarita Maza, a young woman from a prominent Italian family from Oaxaca. Dating from his early formal education, Juarez, despite his Indian origins, evolved into a Mexican firmly entrenched in the middle class, adopting Spanish as his first language and strongly attracted to politics.

While lacking the intellectual acumen that characterized many early 19 th-century Mexican politicians, Juarez possessed formidable character traits that suited him well for political leadership. Often stubborn and intractable, he also tolerated opposing ideas and was willing to compromise to achieve his goals. He met adversity with a strength of character rare in Mexican leaders of the time, being especially cognizant of the need for honesty and transparency. He was throughout steady, never shrinking from the challenges of leadership during the most frightful years of early Mexican nationhood. Juarez' political and personal fortitude set him apart from others of his era. It is hard to imagine another leader who could have measured up to his grit and determination through decades of financial collapse, civil war, intra-party factionalism and foreign domination.

Juarez embraced the Liberal Party of Mexico and became increasingly active in politics. Following two separate terms as Governor of Oaxaca (1840s-1850s), he was appointed Secretary of the Interior under President Ignacio Comonfort and, briefly, President of the Mexican Supreme Court in late 1857 before succeeding Comonfort as President of Mexico in January 1858. Juarez was either actual or ex-facto President of Mexico until his sudden death 1872.
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Along with Melchor Ocampo, a scientist and scholar, Juarez revitalized the Liberal Party, a faction historically opposed to the pro-European conservatism led by arch-conservative politico Lucas Alaman and supported by the traditional forces of Mexico, primarily the large landowners, the military and wealthy merchants. Juarez and his Liberal colleagues laid down a program of reform focused on middle class capitalism and a federal government that encouraged state prerogatives and the decentralization of governance. These leaders moved beyond earlier Mexican liberalism by advocating women's rights, the protection of labor and eliminating the special fueros, special privileges, granted by conservative regimes to the church and military establishment.

However, the Liberal movement reflected a significant division characterized by the moderados, those who were willing to work with conservatives for gradual changes, and the puros, reformers intent upon divesting the privileged elements of the Mexican church, higher clergy and the latifundistas (large landowners). The puros were supported by small businessmen, church critics, intellectuals and those hoping to decentralize the government to eliminate Old World influence in Mexican politics. A singular opportunity for the Liberal Party to gain genuine political traction appeared in the aftermath of the war with the United States (1847-48) when, through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidlago, Mexico lost nearly one-half of the country in the Mexican Cession. However, the split between puros and moderados (with the latter in the majority) enabled a Conservative resurgence resulting in the final, brief, but cataclysmic presidency of Santa Anna. This flamboyant "Man on Horseback" finally was ousted for good in the summer of 1855. The Liberal moment had arrived.

At this juncture, with the nation bankrupt and deeply in debt to European financiers, General Ignacio Comonfort issued the Plan of Ayulta, ending the dictatorship and calling for a new constitution. With the aged Juan Alvarez serving as Provisional President, Minister of Justice Juarez and Treasury Minister Miguel Lerdo de Tejada, issued two landmark legislative measures: The Ley Juarez empowered the state to limit clerical and military privileges ( fueros), foundations of institutional power since colonial times, and the Ley Lerdo, which seized and put up for auction church land holdings of properties not used strictly for religious purposes. These measures, both intimately associated with Juarez' legacy, put into action the Liberal plan of creating a middle-class economy in Mexico. Unrented Native American lands were auctioned to the highest bidder, accompanied by a large state sales tax.

Historians and economists have criticized Ley Lerdo because many communal Native American lands passed into the hands of speculators as few Indians could raise the money for land purchases. Further, land claims raised in the Mexican courts by villagers got nowhere due to administrative delays, court fees and legal costs. In effect, the law fulfilled a cornerstone goal of many Liberals, i.e., to move Mexico toward a liberal, middle class economy while eventually eliminating the Indian communities. In the view of many 19 th-century liberals, the communal Indian culture and customs were embarrassing relics of the colonial past; a truly modern Mexico must pursue a future based on Anglo-American entrepreneurial models to foster middle-class prosperity.

The Ley Lerdo infuriated the conservative elite, eventually leading to a bitter and protracted civil war exacerbated by Juarez' attempts to elevate the presidential office above congress and his insistence on reducing the military ranks. Comonfort's fecklessness and occasional collusion with conservatives divided the Liberal cause. When a coalition of military chieftains and disgruntled higher clergy, opposing the new Liberal Constitution of 1857, invaded the capital and disbanded congress, Juarez was jailed. Comonfort, attempting to placate all parties, declared the constitution void but refused to revoke Ley Lerdo and released Juarez, who fled to join Liberal factions in Queretero. Distrusted by both liberals and conservatives, Comonfort fled to the United States. Under the terms of the constitution, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Benito Juarez succeeded to the presidential office.

Now, two governments emerged in Mexico as the Three-Years War began. Known as the Guerra de la Reforma, state and local authorities, regional interests and small landowners opposed owners of great estates ( hacendados), rich merchants, the military and the church. The one unifying force among the Liberals was Benito Juarez, who held the reformist cause together through thick and thin, emerging as the only genuine national leader. Despite early military setbacks Juarez soon formed a government in Vera Cruz while conservatives held the capital at Mexico City. Juarez sanctioned the further seizure of church property through the Veracruz Decrees, resulting in many communal Indian lands falling into the hands of merchants, industrialists and hacendados. As the United States showed greater favor to the Liberal cause (largely to offset European influence), Juarez appointed a young new generation of military leaders who subdued the conservative forces in late 1860. Juarez returned victorious to the capital in January 1861.

Chastened by defeat, influential conservatives turned to European courts, hoping to place a foreign prince at the head of an imperial administration. France, Spain and England, attempting to collect large Mexican debts, jointly occupied Veracruz in early 1862 to force redress on their claims. While Spain and England soon withdrew, Napoleon III's forces remained, leading to Austrian Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, brother of Austrian emperor Franz Josef, being proclaimed the new Mexican Emperor through a manipulated plebiscite. Maximilian was supported by 14,000 French troops, pushing Juarez once again out of the capital. Just as in the Three-Years War, Juarez gradually assembled republican opposition to foreign domination and, in 1866-67, with the North American Civil War over and half a million U.S. million troops amassed across the border, Napoleon withdrew his Mexican forces. Maximilian and his top generals refused to leave and were shot under Juarez' orders in June 1867.

The final years of the Juarez presidency saw significant improvements in labor laws, an broad expansion of the educational system and the beginning of construction on a new rail line from Veracruz to Mexico City. The resurrection of Ley Lerdo, however, further diminished Indian communal holdings as land grabbers took renewed advantage of the law to acquire Native American properties. La Reforma was throughout dedicated to creating a rural bourgeoise in Mexico, which had the ultimate effect of creating a new dominant class in Mexico, further disenfranchising the Indians and creating a lower-class, docile labor force serving the interests of a rapacious upper-middle class. When Juarez reduced the size of the army, he confronted political opposition from the military while suppressing Indian uprisings sparked by the reimplementation of Ley Lerdo. As the nation's instability deepened, Juarez, though reelected in a bitterly disputed campaign in 1871, died of a massive heart attack in mid-July 1872.

Juarez' legacy in Mexico is complex. A strong believer in traditional laissez-faire economics and republican politics, Juarez was a product of his age. The deep colonial divisions over race and ethnicity created in Benito, as in all 19 th-century Mexican politicians, a visceral aversion to Indian culture. Dating from early colonial days the Indian way of life was seen by the Spanish as retrograde and inferior. This sentiment only intensified under middle-class Liberal rule personified by Benito Juarez. Regarded in his native land as the greatest of 19 th-century Mexicans for his unswerving patriotism, political courage and undisputed honesty, Juarez' legacy, particularly as embodied in La Reforma, in many ways unfortunately helped set the stage for the 35-year dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, which in turn inspired the Mexican Revolution of 1911.

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"Among individuals, as among nations, respect for the - Benito Juarez Critical Essay By Dr. William Cumiford Associate Professor of History Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences rights of others is peace."

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZPrPnKAcdko&t=1s

This is a video explaining the meaning behind the different motifs on the coronation stone.

Start at 00:17

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Aztec Coronation Stone | Art Institute Essentials Tour

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https://www.artic.edu/artworks/75644/coronation-stone-of-motecuhzoma-ii-stone-of-the-five-suns

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Coronation Stone of Motecuhzoma II (Stone of the Five Suns)

Date:

1503

Artist:

Aztec (Mexica)
Tenochtitlan, Mexico

About this artwork

This stone, commemorating the beginning of the reign of Emperor Motecuhzoma II, was originally located within the ritual center of Tenochtitlan, the capital of the extensive empire conquered by the Aztecs between 1428 and 1519. The ruins of the city lie beneath downtown Mexico City. Known as the Stone of the Five Suns, this monument draws connections between Aztec history and the cosmic scheme. The quadrangular block is carved with the hieroglyphic signs of five successive cosmic eras, called "suns" in the language of the Aztecs. These eras were mythic cycles of creation and destruction that began in the time of genesis and continued with the birth of humankind and the period of Aztec rule. From "4 Jaguar-sun" in the lower-right corner, the eras proceed counterclockwise through "4 Wind-sun," "4 Rain-sun," and "4 Water-sun." The X carved in the center represents "4 Movement-sun," the sign of the present era for the Aztecs. The year "11 Reed" in the square cartouche refers to 1503, the year of Motecuhzoma's coronation, while the day listed above it-"1 Crocodile"-corresponds to July 15, when the ceremony probably occurred. On the underside, the hieroglyphic date "1 Rabbit" denotes the beginning of things in the distant mythological past. The sculpture thus legitimizes Motecuhzoma's rule as part of the cycle of birth, death, and renewal and presents him as heir to the world in the present era of creation.

On View

Arts of the Americas, Gallery 136

Culture

Aztec (Mexica)

Title

Coronation Stone of Motecuhzoma II (Stone of the Five Suns), Coronation Stone of Moctezuma II ("Stone of the Five Suns"), Stone of the Five Suns

Places

Tenochtitlan (Object made in), Valley of Mexico (Object made in), Mexico (Object made in)

Date

1503

Medium

Basalt

Dimensions

55.9 × 66 × 22.9 cm (22 × 26 × 9 in.)

Credit Line

Major Acquisitions Fund

Reference Number

1990.21

Extended information about this artwork

H.B. Nicholson with Eloise Quiñones Keber, Art of Ancient Mexico: Treasures of Tenochtitlan, exh. cat. (National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C., 1983), pp. 41-42 (ill.).

Richard F. Townsend, ed., The Ancient Americas: Art from Sacred Landscapes, exh. cat. (Art Institute of Chicago, 1992), pp. 58-59, 375 (ill).

John McKay, A History of World Societies, 5th ed. (Houghton Mifflen Company, 1999).

Jean Sousa, Looking at Art Together: A Parent Guide (Art Institute of Chicago, 2002).

Art Institute of Chicago, The Art Institute of Chicago: The Essential Guide, revised ed. (Art Institute of Chicago, 2003), p. 15 (ill.).

Eduardo Matos Moctezuma and Felipe Solis Olguín, Aztecs exh. cat. (Royal Academy of Arts, London, 2003), pp. 455-456, cat. 226 (ill. pg. 41).

Gauvin Bailey, Art of Colonial Latin America (Phaidon Press, 2004).

Eduardo Matos Moctezuma and Felipe Solis, The Aztec Calendar and other Solar Monuments, trans. H. J. Drake (México, D.F., CONACULTA-Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Grupo Azabache, 2005).

Art Institute of Chicago, Art Institute of Chicago The Essential Guide, revised ed. (Art Institute of Chicago, 2009), pg. 24 (ill.).

Richard R. Townsend, The Aztecs, third ed. (Thames and Hudson, 2009), pp. 29-30 (ill.).

Colin McEwan and Leonardo Lopez Lujan, eds. Moctezuma: Aztec Ruler, exh. cat. (British Museum, 2009), pp. 68-69 (ill.)

Richard F. Townsend and Kathleen Bickford Berzock, "The Art Institute of Chicago New Galleries," in Tribal Arts XVI-1/62 (Winter 2011), p. 65, fig. 15 (ill.).

Richard Townsend with Elizabeth Pope. 2016. Indian Art of the Americas at the Art Institute of Chicago. Art Institute of Chicago and Yale University Press, pp. 234-235, cat. 186 (ill.).

Washington, D.C., National Gallery of Art in association with Dumbarton Oaks, Art of Ancient Mexico: Treasures of Tenochtitlan, Sept. 28, 1983-Jan. 8, 1984, cat. pp. 41-42 (ill.).

London, Royal Academy of Arts, Aztecs, Nov. 16, 2002-Apr. 11, 2003, cat. 226, pp. 41, 455-456 (ill.); traveled to Berlin, Germany, Martin-Gropius-Bau, Kulturveranstaltsltungen des Bundes, May 16-Aug. 10, 2003, and Bonn, Kunts-und Ausstellungshalle der Bundersrepublik Deutschland, Sept. 12, 2003-Jan. 11, 2004.

Art Institute of Chicago, The Ancient Americas: Art from Sacred Landscapes, Oct. 10, 1992-Jan. 3, 1993, cat. 3, pp. 58-59, 375 (ill.); traveled to Houston, Museum of Fine Arts, Feb. 4-Apr. 18, 1993, and Los Angeles County Museum of Art, June 6-Aug. 15, 1993.

Chicago, The Field Museum, The Aztec World, Oct. 28, 2008-April 19, 2009, cat.

London, British Museum, Moctezuma: Aztec Ruler, Sept. 24, 2009-Jan. 24, 2010, cat. 14, pp. 68-69 (ill.).

Earl Stendahl (1887-1966), Stendahl Art Galleries, Los Angeles, Calif., from winter 1971 [correspondence in curatorial file]; sold to Seth G. Atwood (1917-2010), the Time Museum, Rockford, Ill., November 14, 1972 [correspondence in curatorial file]; sold to the Art Institute, January 9, 1990.

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Coronation Stone of Motecuhzoma II (Stone of the Five Suns) | The Art Institute of Chicago

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Show this image Show this image Show this image Show this image Show this image Show this image Show this image Coronation Stone of Motecuhzoma II (Stone of the Five Suns) 1503 Aztec (Mexica)Tenochtitlan, Mexico This stone, commemorating the beginning of the reign of Emperor Motecuhzoma II, was originally located within the ritual center of Tenochtitlan, the capital of the extensive empire conquered by the Aztecs between 1428 and 1519.

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above is an audio file of an interview with a luchador. During the interview, the luchador explains the significance of his mask as well as the character he's portraying throughout the wrestling match, which is another important and unique part of Lucha Libre

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Fighting For His Mask: The Life Of A Lucha Libre Wrestler | NBC Latino

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Fighting For His Mask: The Life Of A Lucha Libre Wrestler | NBC Latino

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https://www.tasteatlas.com/chongos-zamoranos

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Chongos Zamoranos | Traditional Dessert From Zamora de Hidalgo | TasteAtlas

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Chongos Zamoranos is a Mexican dessert prepared with raw milk, egg yolks, and rennet tablets. The dish is ready when the milk curdles and develops a rubbery, sponge-like consistency, and it is then flavored with cinnamon and sugar

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https://www.mexicolore.co.uk/aztecs/artefacts/fire-drill

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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Pancho-Villa-Mexican-revolutionary

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Pancho Villa, byname of Francisco Villa, original name Doroteo Arango, (born June 5, 1878, Hacienda de Río Grande, San Juan del Río, Durango, Mexico-died July 20, 1923, Parral, Chihuahua), Mexican revolutionary and guerrilla leader who fought against the regimes of both Porfirio Díaz and Victoriano Huerta and after 1914 engaged in civil war and banditry.

Villa was the son of a field labourer and was orphaned at an early age. In revenge for an assault on his sister, he killed one of the owners of the estate on which he worked and was afterward forced to flee to the mountains, where he spent his adolescence as a fugitive.

In 1910 Villa joined Francisco Madero's uprising against the dictator of Mexico, Porfirio Díaz. During the rebellion, Villa, who lacked a formal education but had learned to read and write, displayed his talents as soldier and organizer. Combined with his intimate knowledge of the land and the people of northern Mexico, those gifts enabled him to place at Madero's disposal a division of trained soldiers under his command. After the success of the revolution, Villa remained in the irregular army.

In 1912, during the rebellion of Pascual Orozco, Villa aroused the suspicion of Gen. Victoriano Huerta, who condemned him to death, but Madero ordered a stay of execution and sent Villa to prison instead. Villa escaped from prison in November and fled to the United States. After Madero's assassination in 1913, Villa returned to Mexico and formed a military band of several thousand men that became known as the famous División del Norte (Division of the North). Combining his force with that of Venustiano Carranza, Villa revolted against the increasingly repressive and inefficient dictatorship of Huerta, once again revealing his military talents by winning several victories. In December 1913 Villa became governor of the state of Chihuahua. With Carranza, he won a decisive victory over Huerta in June 1914. Together Villa and Carranza entered Mexico City as the victorious leaders of a revolution.

Distrust and rivalry between the two men, however, soon led to a break between them, and Villa was forced to flee Mexico City with the revolutionary leader Emiliano Zapata in December 1914. Badly defeated by Carranza in a series of battles, he and Zapata fled to the mountains of the north. In order to demonstrate that Carranza did not control northern Mexico, Villa executed some 17 U.S. citizens at Santa Isabel, Chihuahua, in January 1916 and two months later attacked Columbus, New Mexico, killing about 17 Americans. U.S. Pres. Woodrow Wilson then sent an expedition under Gen. John J. Pershing to that area. Because of Villa's popularity and intimate acquaintance with the terrain of northern Mexico, however, and because of the Mexican government's dislike of Pershing's presence on Mexican soil, it proved impossible to capture Villa.

Villa continued his guerrilla activities as long as Carranza remained in power. After the overthrow of Carranza's government in 1920, Villa was granted a pardon and a ranch near Parral (now Hidalgo del Parral), Chihuahua, in return for agreeing to retire from politics. Three years later he was assassinated amid a barrage of gunfire while traveling home in his car from a visit to Parral.

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Pancho Villa | Real Name, Death, & Facts

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Pancho Villa, Mexican revolutionary and guerrilla leader who fought against the regimes of both Porfirio Diaz and Victoriano Huerta and after 1914 engaged in civil war and banditry. Learn more about Villa's life and revolutionary activities in this article.

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slideshow on introduction to the quinceanera tradition

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slideshow on introduction to the quinceanera tradition

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History Crunch - History Articles, Summaries, Biographies, Resources and More

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While he oversaw the Aztec conquer of several different Mesoamerican city-states, he still had bitter rivals in the Tlaxcala and Huexotzinco. During this time the Aztec continued to carry out the Flower Wars against these two powerful city-states. As well, he built temples and public buildings in Tenochtitlan and expanded his authority over the people. More specifically, he strengthened the Aztec social system of the time and made it more difficult for commoners to increase their status in the society. As tlatoani of the Aztec, he was often carried by guards so that he did not touch the ground and commoners were not allowed to look directly at him.

However, Moctezuma II is most famous for being the Aztec ruler during the Spanish conquests of Mexico. Historians have reported that Moctezuma II was first made aware of the Spanish's arrival in 1517 when Spanish conquistadors landed at the edge of Aztec territory along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. In fact, this was the expedition of Juan de Grijalva who was a Spanish conquistador and one of the first European explorers to arrive in Mexico. Unsure of who these people were or what they wanted, Moctezuma II ordered his people to keep him informed of their movements and actions. In 1519, more Spanish conquistadors arrived, but this time they were led by Hernan Cortés.

Moctezuma II was informed of their arrival, which was in the area of the Yucatan Peninsula, to the east of the main territory of the Aztec Empire. Quickly, Hernan Cortés and his men encountered other Mesoamerican peoples living in the area. For example, they came into contact with the Tlaxcala, which was a powerful city-state to the east of Tenochtitlan. Tlaxcala were traditional enemies of the Aztec as the two had fought each in different battles including the Flower Wars. As such, the Tlaxcala used the opportunity to their advantage and allied themselves with the Spanish against Tenochtitlan. This is important, because Cortés used the Tlaxcala and other enemies of the Aztec in his later conquest of Tenochtitlan. In response, Moctezuma II had gifts sent to Cortés in an attempt to show his prestige and the power of the Aztec over their rivals. Moctezuma II was also unsure of how to respond to Cortés and the other Spanish conquistadors because their arrival into the Aztec territory coincided with an important Aztec prophecy in relation to the Mesoamerican god Quetzalcoatl. The prophecy spoke of Quetzalcoatl's arrival at the same time as the Spanish, and Quetzalcoatl was said to have white skin. Unsure of whether or not Cortés was the god, Moctezuma II responded by greeting him with honor and giving him many gifts.

During the months after Moctezuma II was imprisoned in Tenochtitlan, Cortés was forced to leave to handle a different situation. Cortés had been made aware that Diego Velasquez, the Spanish governor of Cuba, had ordered his arrest for disobeying orders in regards to his expedition to Mexico. As such, Cortés left that spring to stop Pánfilo de Narváez and other Spanish men that were sent to arrest him. While he was gone, the Spanish conquistadors that remained in Tenochtitlan carried out a massacre of Aztec citizens. The Aztec responded and the Spanish were essentially held captive by the Aztec nobility and warriors in Tenochtitlan following the massacre.

Sometime during the conflict between the Spanish and the Aztecs, Moctezuma II was killed, however there are different accounts of the event and historians are unsure of the truth. First, Spanish accounts of the death of Moctezuma II argue that he was killed by his own people while trying to get them to retreat from fighting the Spanish. This version is based on the idea that the Aztec people became so disgusted with Moctezuma's actions and support for the Spanish that they killed him. An account by Cortés suggests that Moctezuma II was stabbed to death by his own people, while another account suggests that he was stoned to death. Supposedly, the Spanish had forced to him to speak to his people in an attempt to allow the Spanish to go free. The second version of his death, which comes from Aztec accounts of the event, is that Moctezuma II was killed by the Spanish as they fled the city following the Aztec retaliation for the Spanish massacre of Aztec people in the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan as part of a festival. In this version, Moctezuma's body was said to have been thrown from the palace as the Spanish fled. The Aztec people cremated his body soon after. Historians are unsure of which version is true based on the truthfulness of the sources of information and the difficulty of assessing an event so far in the past. Regardless, Moctezuma II died during this time and his death was one of several factors that led to the eventual collapse of the Aztec Empire during the Spanish conquest. Cuitláhuac, the younger brother of Moctezuma II, was chosen as the next tlatoani to rule over Tenochtitlan.

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While he oversaw the Aztec conquer of several different Mesoamerican city-states, he still had bitter rivals in the Tlaxcala and Huexotzinco. During this time the Aztec continued to carry out the Flower Wars against these two powerful city-states. As well, he built temples and public buildings in Tenochtitlan and expanded his authority over the people.

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Lila Downs (born Ana Lila Downs Sánchez on 9 September 1968 in Tlaxiaco) is a Mexican singer and actress. She performs her own compositions and the works of others in multiple genres, as well as tapping into Mexican traditional and popular music.

Downs grew up there and in Minneapolis, Minnesota. She began singing ranchera music at an early age, and later sang at the fiestas of the towns in her mountain region, la Mixteca. She sang with the band Los Cadetes de Yodoyuxi and later with La Trova Serrana, a group of folk musicians from the Zapotec town of Guelatao, Oaxaca. At that time she met her musical collaborator Paul Cohen and began to create her own musical compositions, which tap into native Mesoamerican music of the Mixtec, Zapotec, Maya and Nahuatl cultures. Cohen went on to become both Downs's husband and her artistic director.

Downs is the daughter of Mixtec cabaret singer Anita Sánchez and Allen Downs, a Scottish/English-American professor of art and cinematographer from Minnesota. She grew up partly in the Mexican state of Oaxaca, partly in California as a teen, and Minnesota as an adult where she studied voice and social anthropology at the University of Minnesota. She also studied in a school of fine arts (Bellas Artes) in Oaxaca when she later returned to Mexico where she learned to weave.

In following the years, Downs and her band toured widely in Mexico, South America, the US and Europe. She was also heard in a duet with Caetano Veloso for the soundtrack to the movie Frida in a song, Burn it Blue, that was nominated for the Academy Award for Best Song and that she performed at the 75th Academy Awards. Other songs that she performed on the soundtrack are "Benediction and Dream," "Estrella Oscura," and "La Llorona." Other movies with a Lila Downs song are Tortilla Soup, Real Women Have Curves and Fados by Carlos Saura. She was also invited to the Twelve Girls Band's concert in Shanghai, where she sings in French and English. Downs is currently based in Coyoacán, a borough of Mexico City.

Downs 2008 album is "Ojo de Culebra / Shake Away" and includes "I Envy The Wind" (song) by Lucinda Williams and "I Would Never" by The Blue Nile. She also collaborates with artists like La Mari (singer) from Chambao (band) and Enrique Bunbury from Héroes del Silencio.
Getting closer to the "real" story, here's a poignant, fascinating bio of Lila Downs, by an excellent writer: Lila Downs: With a Song in Her Soul
Lorenza Muñoz, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
Lila Downs OAXACA, Mexico-Lila Downs knelt onstage, as if in prayer, in a dark auditorium, only a few dim lights reflected off her onyx-black hair and ruby-red lips. Before a hometown crowd, she directed her prayer-like song to La Llorona. Downs' powerful voice echoed off the stage. Suddenly she became La Llorona-a mythical woman said to haunt the river valleys of Mexico, weeping and moaning for her children whom she drowned in a fit of madness. Her story has been repeated for centuries in Mexican folklore, with a little variation but always the same tragic feeling.

The hushed audience watched her, transfixed, as she knelt in her traditional silk black and red blouse, a huipil, calling out in agony and adoration to the ghost of La Llorona:

You came out of the church one day Llorona and I saw you pass by Such a beautiful huipil you were wearing, Llorona that I thought you were the virgin. Oh my Llorona, Llorona dressed in a celestial blue And even if it costs me my life, Llorona, I will not stop adoring you.

Lila DownsShe ended her song, and for several seconds the audience members seemed not to breathe or move until they heaved a collective sigh. They had been transported to an imaginary place. They had just experienced Lila Downs at her best.

If Downs' performances are marked by anything, it is an uncanny ability to become the character of a song. Whether it is La Llorona, or a sensual jazz singer of "Smoke Gets in Your Eyes" in flawless English, or a coquettish Mexican singing a bolero, or a native Indian conveying the sad stories of Mexico's Mixtec, Nahuatl or Zapotec cultures in their languages, Downs discovers a part of herself in the essence in each song. She is a reflection of a 21st century world culture where ethnicity and national boundaries are blurred.

The 32-year-old is best known in Los Angeles for her electrifying performance at last year's World Festival of Sacred Music. Downs received a standing ovation that night, an honor given to only one other festival participant-the Dalai Lama.

Lila DownsShe has sung before packed houses at the Getty and at LunaPark. In 1998, she performed live on KPFK-FM (90.7). The CD of that performance, a modest endeavor with only acoustic guitar and piano accompaniment, has been the biggest-selling benefit album in KPFK history, said operations director Betto Arcos. At the Sacred Music Festival, "she was singing in Mixtec, Maya, Nahuatl and she stole the heart of not just Latinos but everyone," Arcos said.

A relative newcomer to the music scene, with only two albums released, Downs and her band recently signed a deal with Narada/Virgin records, a company that also distributes other global music acts and labels, including Peter Gabriel's Real World and David Byrne's Luaka Bop. Her first album for Narada, tentatively scheduled for release Aug. 29, will be original songs written by Downs inspired by border life. The music will include cumbias, rancheras and other eclectic mixes. Monday, Downs returns to Los Angeles for a performance at the John Anson Ford Amphitheatre. Downs' bicultural background, her exotic beauty and startling voice, in addition to the growing popularity of world music, could position her to reach international success.

"I was struck by her voice and the commitment that she has made to her cultural background-she integrates it in a very modern way that makes it accessible," said Richard Denhart, senior director of artists and repertoire for Narada. "I think of her as a developing artist. She really has no track record, and so it is a challenge to get her to the United States as much as possible to get her music out."

Indeed, having sung professionally for only seven years, she is still ironing out the kinks in her voice. Some critics say her eclectic song selection and arrangement obstruct the flow of her albums. To get to the next level, they believe, she must refine her performances and find a top-notch producer.

"She doesn't have a perfect voice, but she sure can perform," said Tom Schnabel, host of "Cafe L.A." on KCRW-FM (89.9). "Her strength is the way she can win a crowd. Look, Maria Callas used to blow notes right and left, but she would also blow an audience away. Same with Lila. She has a hell of a lot of stage presence. She can emote and be very dramatic."

Drama has been a constant presence in Lila Downs' life. There is an aura about her that suggests something ethereal. She is thin, with thick straight hair pulled tight into two braids often decorated by the brightly colored ribbons of her native Oaxacan Zapotec and Mixtec Indian culture-a look that has existed for centuries, but which painter Frida Kahlo popularized in the 1930s. Wearing no makeup, she dons only a dark cherry or red lipstick when she performs. Her skin, a light olive shade that allows for very light freckles to form on her nose, is in stark contrast to her dark hair, ink-black eyes and arched eyebrows. Her scent is of a musk oil, sensually perfuming the air around her.

Downs' mother, Anita, a willful, intelligent woman, decided at an early age that she would escape the chains of her ancient village. Born in San Miguel El Grande, deep in the mountains of Oaxaca, Anita was married off to an abusive man at age 15. One night as her husband snored off the day's drunken adventure, she escaped to Mexico City, literally barefoot, penniless and barely able to speak Spanish.

Being a quick study, Anita became fluent in Spanish, though never forgetting her native Mixtec. Being a striking beauty, she quickly found a job singing at a cabaret.

It was there one night in 1961 that Allen Downs appeared in her life. An adventurous professor of art and cinematography, Downs had come to Mexico to film the flight of the blue-winged teal from Canada to the Yucatan Peninsula. But when he set his eyes on Anita, Downs quickly forgot about the ducks.

"He had never seen a Mixtequita like me," recalled Anita, in slightly accented Spanish, laughing at the memory. "Even though he didn't speak Spanish and I didn't speak English, we understood each other."

There was one little snag in their love affair, however. Allen Downs was married. Within a few years, he secured a divorce, moved to Mexico City and married Anita. He wanted to have a baby right away. Wanting to make sure her husband was responsible and would stick around, however, Anita decided to wait. She waited seven years.

Finally, in 1968, their baby girl, named Lila, was born.

Lila lived a double life. Oaxaca was too remote for their daughter, so her father brought her as a teen to Southern California, where his brother lived. At Rowland Heights High School, she learned to read and write English perfectly. Anita opted to stay home in Mexico. So Downs spent most of her teenage years with her father.

When she graduated from high school, she came home to Oaxaca. But here, her identity crisis began setting in. She saw the uglier, racist, envious side of Mexico. Who was this strange child of a strapping, white American father and a petite, bronze-colored Indian mother? In a country still suffering from the scars of many conquests over the Indians, Downs was the personification of everything many Mexicans loathe and yet desperately want to be.

"It was very, very hard," Downs recollected. "I think what I do artistically had a lot to do with me as a person. I was very confused."

Her neighbors would tease her. "You're the little Indian's daughter," the children would taunt. "Yankee go home," they would write in graffiti on the family house.

She sang, but only to her mother. The notion of performing publicly was embarrassing; it reminded her of the way her mother had made a living standing on nightclub tables, surrounded by drunkards.

Suddenly one day, while taking a nap during a visit to Oaxaca, Allen Downs died of a heart attack at 68. Downs, 16 at the time, was the only other person in the house. His death is a topic she still finds difficult to talk about. She flew into a rebellion, angry that her father was dead, taking it out on her mother who in her eyes was helpless, almost submissive to the discrimination she faced in a society that resents its Indian ancestry.

"Up to that point I had spent time with my dad-the white guy," Downs said. "I realized that people treated me better because I was with a man-and a white man. And then suddenly I was left with my Indian mommy. I couldn't handle it. How could I deal with the fact that my mother speaks with a thick accent because her first language was Mixtec? I was ashamed of my Indian roots."

Lila Downs Two years later, she fled to her father's native state of Minnesota for college and buried herself in studies. She studied voice and anthropology until her junior year, but then she became disillusioned. She dropped out for about a year and became a Deadhead, living and breathing the cult-like fascination with the Grateful Dead. Soon she realized she had stopped feeling and thinking for herself. She was, she recalls, like a stoned, unbathed android, unable to put her own emotions to life. She stopped singing-not a note-thinking it a vain and superficial exercise.

Her mother, an elegant, finely kept woman, was horrified.

"I never thought she would dress like that-or that a human being would dress like that and smell like that!" Anita recalled, her eyes widening in disdain. "Her boyfriend had so much hair, he looked like a lamb."

To Lila, that stage in her life was inevitable. "It was good because it was like shedding a skin and going through a growing process which we all go through one way or another."

After two years of therapy and serious introspection, Downs snapped out of the Deadhead mode, returned to the University of Minnesota and received her degrees in voice and anthropology in 1991. But she still felt she was searching for something. She was still unable to sing. It was not until she returned to Mexico that she found the healing qualities of music.

Through music, Downs discovered herself, her Mexican and Indian heritage.

But her link would be soaked in the tragedy that has haunted the Indians of Oaxaca for centuries. Even before the Spanish conquest, her mother's people had been overrun, first by the Zapotecs-a neighboring Indian civilization-and then by the Aztecs, who changed their language, stole their gold and imposed their ways. Today, Oaxaca's enemy is poverty.

One day, home in Oaxaca, Downs was asked by her fellow Mixtecos to translate death certificates in English to their language. Many of their boys who had crossed the border into the United States searching for work had died. And though their bodies had been shipped back to their native land, their relatives wanted to know how they had died.

It was so powerful, being this translator of death. She had to sing about it, to honor these boys with so little time on Earth. She composed "Ofrenda" (Offering).

"It took a long time to decide that I wanted to sing," she said. "I needed something that was a little more intellectual and that motivated me. That is why I started to write."

In 1993, she resumed singing, performing in Oaxacan nightclubs, where she met Paul Cohen, an American saxophonist from the East Coast. They hit it off, becoming romantically involved and collaborating musically. Cohen is today the chief arranger of Downs' songs. With his encouragement she explored the grand Mexican ballads, the rancheras, the boleros, the ancient codices of the Mixtecs and Zapotecs and put them to music. Her mother encouraged her to dig deep for that emotion-sentimiento-she possessed but never really brought out.

Indeed, most audiences seem to forgive her occasional vocal missteps. This was true during a February performance in Oaxaca, where her most fervent fans have rare occasion to see her live. Although she lives in Mexico City, she is considering moving permanently to Los Angeles. Lately, as her fame has increased, her time at home in Oaxaca has been reduced to a few weekends a year. So, many of her friends and relatives, who had come to see their local girl sing on this cool night, brought their affection and love, showering her with flowers and accolades. Her fans, mind you, were not only Oaxacans. A group of visiting Minnesotans heard one of their own was singing that night.

"We flew in from Minneapolis and we are just as proud as peacocks!" said Marge Nordstrom as she shook Downs' hand backstage. "I'm a music teacher, so I know what I heard. We certainly hope you come to Minneapolis soon."

Downs graciously shook everyone's hand, accepted the roses she was handed by petite Indian girls looking up to her as a near-idol. Though smiling, her exhaustion and nervousness was visible on her face. "It is like dying a little bit every time you do pieces like 'La Llorona' because they mean so much to people," she said later. "It's like a love song to death."

The idea of fame makes her uncomfortable. It brings new questions: As her popularity increases, will she be able to handle the demands on her time? Will the new record company force her to sing music that is more popular but not as heartfelt? Without her heart and soul into it, she knows she could never continue singing.
Discography
"I never appreciated being a vocalist. I thought it was so superficial," Downs said. "You have to find the spirit to the songs, otherwise it doesn't matter how pretty you sing. I can't quite explain what it is, but I think it has something to do with getting to know yourself and feeling right about what you're doing."

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

* Chacala, (2011 ? segunda parte de Ojo De Culebra - not released yet)
* Lila Downs y La Misteriosa "en París Live à Fip" (2010)
* Shake Away/Ojo De Culebra (Manhattan Records 2008)
* The Very Best Of El Alma de Lila Downs CD+DVD (EMI 2008)
* La Cantina (Narada 2006)
* Una Sangre (One Blood) (Narada 2004)
* Border (La Linea) (Narada 2001)
* Tree of Life (Yutu tata) (Narada 2000)
* La Sandunga (Narada 1999)
* Azuláo: En Vivo con Lida Downs (1996)
* Ofrenda (1994)

* The Very Best Of El Alma de Lila Downs (DVD Madrid en vivo) (EMI, 2008)
* Lotería Cantada (DVD November 2006)

Lila Downs has one of the world's most singular voices and innovative approaches to music. She is the daughter of a Mixtec Indian woman, Anastasia Sanchez, who ran away from her village at 15 to sing in Mexico City cantinas and a University of Minnesota professor Allen Downs, who saw her singing and fell in love.

Lila grew up both in Minnesota and Oaxaca, and her music and vocal artistry has many influences, including the folk and ranchera music of Mexico and South America and American folk, jazz, blues and hip-hop. Many of her lyrics focus on issues relating to social justice, and often tell the stories of the workers who migrate from rural Mexico to work in the U.S. She studied classical voice and cultural anthropology at the University of Minnesota. "The Mexican American singer has a stunning voice, a confident multicultural vision grounded in her Mixtec Indian roots," Los Angeles Times. "Ms. Downs has multiple voices, from an airborne near-falsetto down to a forthright alto and a sultry, emotive contralto," New York Times.

She and her husband / longtime collaborator, Paul Cohen, have produced 10 studio albums, with "Pecados y Milagros" having earned both a Grammy and a Latin Grammy award, and achieving double-platinum in sales in Mexico. She received her first Latin Grammy for the 2004 release, "Una Sangre." Her current project, "RAÍZ," is a collaboration with Argentinian singer Soledad Pastorutti and Spanish flamenco singer La Niña Pastori. This album has garnered two 2014 Latin Grammy nominations for "Album of the Year" and "Best Folk Album."

Lila Downs has performed at many of the world's most prestigious festivals and venues including Jazz at Lincoln Center, Carnegie Hall and the Festival of Sacred Music - Hollywood Bowl. She has been invited to sing at the White House, and performed on the 75th Annual Academy Awards and the 2012 Latin Grammy Awards televised ceremonies.

Her music has also been included in several feature films such as "The Counselor", "Tortilla Soup," "Real Women Have Curves," "The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada," Carlos Saura's "Fados," "Mariachi Gringo" and "Hecho en Mexico".
Discography
2015 Balas y Chocolate

2014 Raíz / Sony Music Entertainment (2 Latin Grammy nominations)

2012 Pecados y Milagros (Latin Grammy / Grammy)

2010 Lila Downs y La Misteriosa en París Live À FIP

2009 El Alma de Lila Downs

2008 Ojo de Culebra (Shake Away) (Grammy Nomination)

2006 La Cantina

2004 Una Sangre (One Blood) (Latin Grammy )

2001 La Línea (The Border)

2000 Árbol de la Vida (Yutu tata)

1999 La Sandunga

1996 Azuláo: En vivo con Lila Downs

1994 Ofrenda

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Lila Downs age, hometown, biography | Last.fm

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Lila Downs (born Ana Lila Downs Sánchez on 9 September 1968 in Tlaxiaco) is a Mexican singer and actress. She performs her own compositions and the works of others in multiple genres, as well as tapping into Mexican traditional and popular music. Downs grew up there and in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

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The Aztec Fire Drill was a tool used to start fires during the New Fire ceremony.

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The Macuahuitl had blades made of obsidian stone and was used by Aztec warriors during war as a blunt force weapon. It was discovered in 2009 that it’s possible that Aztec warriors used the weapon to knock the enemies unconscious, but not dead, and then drag the person back to sacrifice to their gods.

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There are many different variations of the Mesoamerican Ballgame, but usually the shared objective of the sport was for the players to get a 4 kilogram, solid rubber ball through a stone ring on the wall without using their hands. The players would only use their hips to maneuver the ball. This sport was also associated with war and the Maya would play this sport instead of having wars to settle their disputes. Because this sport was a substitute for war, the team that lost the game would often be sacrificed. Now, the sport is played for recreational purposes. This form of culture may be at risk of disappearing because the sport is being superseded by other western sports like basketball.

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Mayan ball game Xcaret Espectacular in Mexico.

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This stone recorded multiple stories including the date of Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin's Coronation, the day that the Aztecs believed the cosmos was created by the Aztec gods, and the four great eras of time. The alligator and reed glyph correspond to the date July 15, 1503, which was the date of Motecuhzoma's Coronation.

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There are currently 17 discovered Olmec heads of Mexico, which are colossal stone head statues found in San Lorenzo (10), La Venta (4), Tres Zapotes (1), and La Cobata (1). All of the sculptures have unique facial features. Each sculpture is estimated to be from 10 to 15 feet tall and were all made from basalt boulders from the Tuxtla Sierra mountains except for two. The two other heads were made from repurposed stone. There are multiple theories surrounding the purpose of these stone statues. One theory is that the statues represented the Olmec rulers. They believed that the statues were moved around, used in rituals, and represented political power. People also think that the heads may have been buried either to worship them or to attempt to lessen a past ruler's influence.

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Ahuautle is a dish dating back to the pre-colonial era of Mexico. Ahuautle are essentially water fly eggs, which were considered the food of the gods by the Aztecs. This dish was also incorporated into the Aztec human sacrifice ceremonies by covering the empty chest of victims with the eggs as an offering to Xiuhtecuhtli (the god of fire). The colonization of Mexico by Spain caused the dish to lose its popularity. This dish may be at risk of disappearing because of ahuautle is getting increasingly harder to obtain because of the water shortage and because of the lack of cultivators and vendors.

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Chichen Itza is a ruined ancient Maya city that was once a religious, military, political, and commercial center, but was invaded in 550 by the Toltec. When the invaders arrived, they constructed many buildings including El Castillo, which served as a temple for the creator god named Kukulcan. This temple was intentionally positioned so that when Summer Solstice came, the sun would cast shadows on the stairway of the temple and create a pattern that aligned with the carvings at the bottom of the temple. This gave off the illusion that there was a snake on the temple.

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Chongos Zamoranos is a unique dessert that is believed to be invented in convents of Zamora during the colonial era. The dessert is made with raw milk, egg yolks, and rennet tablets (enzymes that curdle the milk). Once the milk curdles, it will have a sponge like consistency and can be eaten with sugar and cinnamon in cazuelas, which are clay pots. This food may be at risk of disappearing because of the health problems raw (unpasteurized) milk may cause.

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I am a member of the Kaleidoscope Museum Project, which is an online community that studies and displays the culture of developing countries. Developing countries are countries with a GNI per capita that is lower than 18,000 USD. Because developing countries are not as economically powerful, less of their culture is able to spread to the rest of the world. The Kaleidoscope Museum Project is an online community made up of concerned individuals, each contributing one study of a country’s culture. In my portion of the project, I will be contributing 10 sections containing culture threads along with 3 items per section regarding the disappearing culture of the United Mexican States. The sections will contain unique cultures from both the pre-columbian (pre-colonial) time period as well as after the colonization of Mexico by the Spanish Empire in 1521. Colonization can affect a country’s culture because the colonizers’ culture can supersede the original culture of the country. This project will be achieved through posts on padlet, which is accessible to everyone, but can only be edited by the creator. The padlet will also be displayed on the school website to reach more people. This allows the spread of information, which helps us achieve our goal, which is to help developing countries preserve unique cultures that are at threat of disappearing, reversing the negative effects of globalization. Culture can help a country’s economy, which can lead to the hybridizations of the country’s original culture and western culture in an attempt to attract more tourists. For example, because the US is above Mexico on the map, many tourists are entering Mexico from the US. This may cause the hybridization of Mexican and American culture. For this reason, this project also aims to prevent the creation of a monocultural world by preserving cultural diversity in the world.

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In this project, I will be a part of the Kaleidoscope Museum which “aims to preserve the uniqueness of world culture” in the online community spreading and preserving the United Mexican States’ unique and threatened cultures as part of an online virtual museum. This will be done on a website platform called “Padlet” and will also be posted on the school website to spread this information and publicize it where anyone can view it to spread their unique culture. This virtual museum is created to help spread awareness of the disappearing culture of economically and politically weaker developing countries like Mexico because of the negative effects globalization brings from creating a shared world, and will help maintain their culture preventing it from disappearing and being replaced or superseded. Today, especially in the twenty-first century, the indigenous Mexican cultures are mainly affected by American culture because of businesses and the geological position Mexico is in, and this will bring negative effects to the Mexican cultures which may increase the possibility of the Mexican culture vanishing.

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Monarch butterflies migrate from Canada and the US around November each year. Since the time of the butterflies' arrival often overlap with the Day of the Dead celebration, the arrival of the monarchs are sometimes connected to the passing of people's ancestors.

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https://youtu.be/1upA1AiLMAY
Above is a video clip showing us how a molinillo can be used to make hot chocolate. Chocolate was used differently in different Mexican civilizations. It is believed that the use of cacao beans started in the Olmec civilization, where they used the plant to create a ceremonial drink. The Mayan civilization also enjoyed and used chocolate in ceremonies, but the drink was made available to almost everyone.

Start at 00:05

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celebration of Mexican traditional music

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celebration of Mexican traditional music

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"In remote regions, still difficult to access, in the Sierra Madre Occidental Mountains of western Mexico, there still remain pockets of Indians who have not yet adopted the predominant Mestizo culture of Mexico, Indians, who by virtue of their remoteness, have kept their own tribal identities, cultures, and languages. One such tribe is the Cora, living in the mountains of the northwestern part of the state of Nayarit, Mexico..."

E. Richard Sorenson and Philip R. Lenna

"En las montañas de la Sierra Madre Occidental de México existen todavía algunas remotas regiones de difícil acceso donde aún permanecen grupos de indígenas que no han adoptado la cultura mestiza predominante en el país; indígenas que por virtud de su aislamiento han mantenido sus propias identidades tribales, sus culturas y sus lenguajes. Una de estas culturas es la tribu Cora, que vive en las montañas del noroeste del estado de Nayarit..."

E. Richard Sorenson y Philip R. Lenna

Track Listing

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"In remote regions, still difficult to access, in the Sierra Madre Occidental Mountains of western Mexico, there still remain pockets of Indians who have not yet adopted the predominant Mestizo culture of Mexico, Indians, who by virtue of their remoteness, have kept their own tribal identities, ...

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podcast about day of the dead traditions in Mexico

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podcast about day of the dead traditions in Mexico

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On this special early-release episode of Out of Office: A Travel Podcast, Kiernan learns about Día de Los Muertos, or Day of the Dead, by talking to Harvard Professor of the Study of Latin America Davíd Carrasco about the history and traditions of the holiday. Kiernan also talks to Texas Monthly writer José Ralat about pan de muerto, the festival's signature bread of the dead. How about Ryan? You know Ryan.

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‎Out Of Office: A Travel Podcast: Day of the Dead/Día de Los Muertos on Apple Podcasts

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On this special early-release episode of Out of Office: A Travel Podcast, Kiernan learns about Día de Los Muertos, or Day of the Dead, by talking to Harvard Professor of the Study of Latin America Davíd Carrasco about the history and traditions of the holiday. Kiernan also talks to Texas Monthly wri...

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soap operas are radio/television series performing over exaggerated domestic situations. They were produced by soap and detergent manufacturing companies as an inexpensive way to fill up the excess time to earn additional ad revenue. Soap operas may be disappearing because they are getting more costly to perform, which defeats its initial purpose, and less people are watching television.

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https://www.foodrepublic.com/2016/05/04/what-is-huitlacoche-and-how-do-you-cook-it/

Huitlacoche is a type of fungus that grows around the kernels of ears of corn.  It has a soft and spreadable consistency that allows it to be used in a variety of dishes including soups, sauces, tamales, and enchiladas. Huitlacoche had ceremonial, culinary, and medicinal uses because of its high amounts of protein and lysine in comparison to regular corn.

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Corn smut, fungus, Mexican truffle - these are just some of the aliases of huitlacoche (pronounced whee-tla-KOH-cheh). But what exactly is this soft, spreadable and dark-as-night ingredient? In simple terms, it's a plant disease that grows on ears of corn around the kernels in puffy, gray clouds that look kind of like river stones. But when you take this strange fungus into the culinary world, huitlacoche becomes a delicacy used in all sorts of dishes from soups to enchiladas to sauces.

Where it's from

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Disponibilidad de un sistema de seguridad para proteger los datos y las finanzas de los jugadores. Los representantes de los 10 mejores aplicaciones de casino con dinero real de la actualidad utilizan los métodos de encriptación SSL. Esta tecnología llegó a los juegos de azar en línea desde el sector bancario y hoy no tiene análogos en términos de fiabilidad y funcionalidad. Disponibilidad de una caja de cobro las 24 horas del día y ausencia de retrasos en los pagos. En los proyectos en línea de los mejores clientes del casino puede recibir dinero a las tarjetas bancarias, carteras electrónicas, el trabajo con los sistemas de pago. El departamento financiero trabaja las 24 horas del día y no impone limitaciones estrictas a las transacciones de los usuarios. El jugador puede recibir el pago después de resolver todas las opciones de bonificación en un par de horas.

The name huitlacoche is Nahuatl, which is the language of the Aztecs still spoken by more than a million people in Central Mexico today. Utilizing this ingredient also dates back to this time. Corn, or maize, was a staple in the Aztecs' diet, and they used the corn fungus mainly in tamales and stews.

The Native American Hopi and Zuni tribes have also worked with huitlacoche from the get-go. The former called the fungus "nanha," and the latter held the ingredient in such high standing they say it symbolized the "generation of life." In fact, huitlacoche has been an important food for indigenous peoples of the Southwest for centuries. So much so that the fungus has ceremonial, culinary and medicinal uses. As far as the healthfulness aspect is concerned, huitlacoche offers more protein than regular corn and has high amounts of lysine, an essential amino acid not found in normal kernels.

Of course, not everyone is okay with plant-ruining diseases creeping in on their crops. Many farmers outside of Mexico destroy infected plants, and new strains of corn have been modified that prove resilient to the fungus. Luckily, with the influx of culinary awareness, huitlacoche has become a bit of delicacy in the States. The semi-popularity of the ingredient came about thanks to Josefina Howard, founder and the first chef-owner of Rosa Mexicano in New York. She served a huitlacoche-focused dinner at the James Beard House in 1989 that went over so well, others started thinking about the food. It's still served at Rosa Mexicano restaurants, as well as many other, mainly Mexican eateries.

When it's in season

As you may suspect, huitlacoche follows the corn season. But instead of harvesting it when the ears are ripe and ready, you get it whenever you see it, which usually happens around the rainy months. This gives the fungus a window of seasonality between May and November.

What to look for

Huitlacoche can be bought at most Mexican food specialty stores and comes frozen, jarred or canned. Since you don't have to strip the corn of the fungus, using huitlacoche in this way proves pretty easy and requires little to no prep. If you do happen upon it fresh, pick the spores when they are light gray in color on the outside and have a spongy texture. Firm samples are overripe and bitter. For a superior earthy-corn taste, go for huitlacoche that forms on the ears, not the stalk. Occasionally, you may find this ideal huitlacoche at a farmers' market or a Mexican grocery.

How to store it

Fresh huitlacoche can be stored in the fridge just as you would store mushrooms. However, the stuff doesn't have a long shelf life, so if you get it right from the ear, use it as soon as possible. Canned, frozen and jarred obviously last longer; once you open a can or jar you can keep it in the fridge and use it for weeks.

How to prepare it

Using huitlacoche in the kitchen is far easier than saying the name. Since it's technically a vegetable, you can use it raw. And because it's a soft fungus, you don't have to worry about chopping, pureeing or shredding, especially if you get it in a can or frozen. If you do manage to source some fresh huitlacoche, first thank the corn gods, then throw it into dishes whole, or delicately tear it apart with your fingers. Don't be surprised when the gray fungus turns black with heat - this is a signature characteristic of the ingredient and the reason why many dishes that contain huitlacoche have a dark hue.

At the Rosa Mexicana chain, executive regional chef Joe Quintana says the ingredient goes with so many things, you will have no trouble finding a way to play with it: "Huitlacoche has many uses, and its earthy flavor gives you options to put it into dishes as well as sauces." At the restaurants, he has paired it with chicken, beef and, surprise, more corn! He also says it goes brilliantly with cheese, especially in quesadillas. In a way, you can think of pairing huitlacoche with items that you would normally add mushrooms to, and beyond. "Most typically we sautée and incorporate huitlacoche into sauces or dishes for its earthy flavor," says Quintana. "It can be puréed with cream to make a delicious sauce for steak, and we have even made huitlacoche flan for more of a savory twist on dessert."

Next time you find yourself with a can of the stuff, spoon some onto freshly poached eggs or dollop it into a quesadilla. It will give your dinner guests something to talk about and help spread the magic of this corn fungus.

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What Is Huitlacoche And How Do You Cook It? - Food Republic

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Corn smut, fungus, Mexican truffle - these are just some of the aliases of huitlacoche (pronounced whee-tla-KOH-cheh). But what exactly is this soft, spreadable and dark-as-night ingredient? In simple terms, it's a plant disease that grows on ears of corn around the kernels in puffy, gray clouds that look kind of like river stones.

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https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/E_Am1894-634
Made with wood from a cedrela odorata plant and covered with turquoise and oyster shell, the double headed serpents were worn as bracelets and anklets by the Aztecs. They believed that serpents were bearers of bad luck and that anyone who finds one on their path should put it on their arm. They thought that if the serpent couldn't be moved, they're near their death.

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Pectoral, in the form of a double-headed serpent. Made of cedro wood (Cedrela odorata) and covered with mosaic made of turquoise and red thorny oyster shell (Spondylus princeps). The teeth in the two open mouths are made from conch shell (Strombus). Two resins are used as adhesive: pine resin and Bursera resin (copal). In the mouths the resin is coloured red with hematite. Beeswax adhesive survives around the eye sockets.

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https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/articles/zhpftrd

mexican wrestling with symbolic mask - since the early 20th century

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The Masked Wrestler competed in bouts in the 1860s - he was thought to be the French Greco-Roman wrestler Theobaud Bauer. It's not known exactly why Bauer wrestled with a mask on, but based on a report in The Times in 1867, it had the effect of creating a spectacle. The newspaper reported that Paris had been "excited by a mysterious individual who appears masked in a circus where wrestling and feats of strength are exhibited".

As North America became the home of professional wrestling in the 20th Century, the first masked stars started to appear. In 1915, Mort Henderson wrestled as the Masked Marvel in the New York area.

With national organisations such as World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE) years away from forming in the United States, wrestling was still operating a territorial or state system at the time. Following Henderson's lead, wrestlers would sometimes start using a mask in a territory once their popularity had waned, in order to appear as a fresh new star.

Lucha libre

Lucha libre had gained popularity throughout Mexico in the early 20th Century - again, like in the United States, through a regional setup.

The style differed from the typical American approach to wrestling - with more of an emphasis on high-flying, fast-paced wrestling compared to the typical mat-based style north of the border.

It's often been thought that the introduction of masks was a nod to the traditions of the Aztecs or Incans, but their initial occasional use in Mexico owed more to wrestlers such as Bauer, Henderson and Cyclone Mackey.

American wrestler Mackey had competed in Mexico previously as Cíclon MacKey for the newly-formed national association Empresa Mexicana de Lucha Libre (EMLL). In 1934, he was invited to return, but this time with a new persona.

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How masks became a big part of wrestling tradition

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The Masked Wrestler competed in bouts in the 1860s - he was thought to be the French Greco-Roman wrestler Theobaud Bauer. It's not known exactly why Bauer wrestled with a mask on, but based on a report in The Times in 1867, it had the effect of creating a spectacle.

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this is an audio file of a teponaztli drum, which is a type of slit drum used by the Aztecs. The teponaztli is a hollowed out piece of dense rosewood with two keys carved out on the top to create two different tones when the instrument is played. When played, the instrument sits horizontally on a surface while the musician uses the mallets on the two keys. The drum was commonly used by Aztecs during religious, military, and royal ceremonies.

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https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/E_Am1977-07-2

The enredo is a traditional mixtec (mexican indigenous group) skirt made with cotton and silk that had been dyed with shellfish mucus

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Enredo (skirt); made of cotton and silk; three-panel wrap-around skirt woven on backstrap loom with warp stripes - hiladillo (cochineal-dyed silk, coloured burgundy), dark blue dyed with indigo, and lilac cotton dyed with the secretion of shellfish.

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Día de la Constitución (Day of Constitution in Mexico)

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Día de la Constitución (Day of Constitution in Mexico)

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- expensive
- rare
- must only be collected during march to april

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video of the food escamoles, where it comes from and how they are eaten

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video of the food escamoles, where it comes from and how they are eaten

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these traditional Mexican drugs and medicine might be vanishing because of the replacement of new medical technologies.