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Growth Mindset within the System of Support

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Growth Mindset within the System of Support

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We want to prepare our students for careers that have not been invented yet. Students need these transferable skills to solve problems. The Proficiency Based Graduation Requirements and the Personal Learning Plans include a set of Transferable Skills. The Habits of Mind are the lens to teach these Transferable Skills.

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Growth Mindset Toolkit - Transforming Education

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Students with a growth mindset believe that ability can change as a result of effort, perseverance, and practice. You might hear them say, “Math is hard, but if I keep trying, I can get better at it.” Students with a growth mindset see mistakes as ways to learn, embrace challenges, and persist in th…

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Facilitator Guide Growth Mindset Training

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Facilitator Guide Growth Mindset Training

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How to Plan and Implement Continuous Improvement in Schools

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How to Plan and Implement Continuous Improvement in Schools

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The basic tenets of the process involve understanding the problem, defining a manageable goal, identifying the drivers that could help reach that goal, and then testing small ideas to change those drivers. When done in a network, this cycle of improvement is expedited as various participants test different change ideas and share their findings with the group. Through a constant interplay of these elements a few change ideas will rise to the top and can be scaled across a system.
UNDERSTANDING THE PROBLEM
Many of the biggest problems of practice have been around a long time and aren't easy to solve. Too often when trying to improve something leaders jump to solutions before properly examining the problem. Understanding the problem requires valuing many types of knowledge. It means doing empathy interviews with participants in the system including teachers, staff, parents, and students. It involves bringing the best research literature to bear on the problem. And sometimes representing the processes involved in the problem can illuminate areas that are breaking down.

Biag said this stage is crucial and shouldn't be rushed. He's seen improvement projects that require up to a year of study to fully understand the problem, its root causes and the levers of change available to leaders. Often an improvement network will know it's time to move on when participants feel saturated -- they aren't turning up any new perspectives or information.

"Sometimes it's good to stop doing the research and try something," Biag said. Implementing some change ideas often helps inform the problem and may even necessitate that the team revisit and revise the problem statement.
DEFINE THE GOALS AND FOCUS COLLECTIVE EFFORT
Once the group has a "good enough" understanding of the problem it's crucial that they write a clear, succinct aim statement. It should be specific, measurable and focus on a challenging problem, but it should be doable.

The crucial question, Biag said, is "What's within your span of control and what's not? So when you act on this problem you aren't wasting your time on the things that aren't in your control."

He often sees people define the problem too broadly. If the problem is an achievement gap between student populations, a group might say the root problem is inequality or poverty. Those things may contribute to the problem, but they aren't within the control of teachers or principals or even districts to solve. A more manageable aim statement might be: "By June 2020 we're going to increase from 45% to 90% the number of male students enrolling in credit bearing math courses at community colleges."

"It has to be motivating enough for people to continue working on it for several months," Biag said about the reach goal. But it must be specific and concrete enough that the group can see if change ideas are helping progress towards the goal.

"While an aim statement can look deceptively simple, you need to build trust and get on the same page with everyone in your network to even agree on where to focus your efforts," Biag said. The network itself is important because it accelerates the pace of learning about potential solutions.

Once the aim is clear, the group brainstorms three to five primary drivers of the problem. These are the things the group believes provide the most leverage to meet the goal, and that are within the span of control. It's crucial to only have a few of these, not twenty, because the network must work on all of them in tandem. Staying focused allows for more progress.

After identifying the most important drivers, network participants brainstorm change ideas that might affect those drivers. "The word change is very specific to improvement science," Biag said. "It means an actual change in how you do work." In other words, the focus is on the process and results in action. Change ideas are not things like "more money" or "more staff." "It's an actual change of a process or the introduction of a new process," Biag said.
TEST AND BUILD EVIDENCE
Once the group has a good understanding of the problem, its root causes, what drives it and some ideas that will directly affect those drivers, it's time to start testing them. Carnegie uses a "Plan, Do, Study, Act" (PDSA) cycle for testing ideas. The changes should be fairly small and the tester collects data along the way. It doesn't have to be complicated data, just something to help analyze and track whether the change is moving the needle.

"Most schools and districts plan plan plan, then do, and then they never study," Biag said. He advocates that planning include a prediction because participants are more likely to compare a new strategy with the expected effect. If the change idea didn't function as expected there's a lot to learn there.

Many of the best change ideas come from looking at what Carnegie calls "positive deviants" -- the bright spots in a network. For example, if a network sets the aim of improving college readiness for English language learner students, when leaders are assembling their knowledge base they should talk to teachers who seem to be achieving better than average results with that population. Those teachers are "positive deviants" and networks should try to learn from the ways their practices differ from colleagues.

For example, High Tech High Charter Network leaders identified that they wanted to increase the number of African American and Latino males applying to four-year colleges. When they looked at drivers, they realized school attendance was lower for this group and hypothesized that the way teachers communicated with parents might be part of the issue. To try to eliminate variation in parent-teacher communication they tested a change theory that involved using a set of protocols for interacting with families.

They went through several iterations of the protocols, but when they hit on one that seemed to work they spread it throughout their network of schools. Now, when teachers meet with parents around achievement or discipline they all try to make it positive, share data about the student, and co-construct an action plan with the parent, among other things.

The key thing about working in a network is that different people can be trying different change ideas and sharing their data. "The idea is that you're not all working on all the same things at the same time," Biag said. "So you leverage the network, and the power of the network, to increase change ideas."

Some ideas won't work and will be abandoned. Others might seem promising, but more data is needed, so others in the network might try them too. Over time the change ideas that seem to really impact the drivers rise to the top.

"As you're testing and building evidence you're going to find ideas that work and then you can talk about spreading those ideas," Biag said.
SPREAD AND SCALE
Even with the best ideas implementation can be hard. Biag said leaders need to weigh several factors when thinking about how to spread an idea that seems to work. How costly will it be to implement? What are the consequences of failure? How reluctant are the people involved? How confident is the leader in the change idea?

For example, if the change is a parent meeting protocol and the leader doesn't think it's a great idea and that the cost of failure will be high, perhaps she only tests it on her sister first. But, if teachers are ready for the change and there's nothing to lose, then maybe the idea can scale up more quickly. This is where knowing one's own system and culture becomes important.

It's also worth thinking about who within the system needs to be on board for the plan to go well. Those folks can be powerful advocates if convinced that the change idea is a good one. "The best people are those who were pretty skeptical in the beginning and you were able to change them," Biag said.

Another strategy is to roll out the idea with those eager to try it and then demonstrate success to those who are more fearful. It's also necessary to be humble and willing to go back and test new ideas if the ones that seemed to work in the smaller group don't work when scaled. Perhaps the aim statement needs to change, or maybe the drivers aren't actually the most impactful.

"Our theory is possibly wrong and definitely incomplete; that's kind of a Carnegie saying," Biag said. He doesn't want anyone to think this process is linear, rather it's a cycle. And when people get comfortable with the cycle they build it into everything they do naturally. The biggest strength of continuous improvement is that it offers a path for systemic change, a way to build the capacity within the system, rather than building whole new systems.

"What we're trying to do is implement these tools and ways of thinking to empower people to engage in this work," Biag said. And that means having a bias towards action.

"You have to start before you feel ready. Your understanding of the problem will change over time and when you act on that problem the problem will change and so your understanding of that problem will change," Biag said.

People learn how to think about continuous improvement through the process of doing it. They get better at narrowing in on motivating, but achievable aim statements. They learn to include more voices in the information gathering stage. The "Plan, Do, Study, Act" cycles become second nature, and analyzing data gets less scary.

Perhaps one of the best parts of continuous improvement is that it helps empower those within a system to see themselves as the drivers of change. The ideas come from practice as does the data. And while data is often associated with accountability requirements, this improvement process offers practitioners the opportunity to think about and evaluate data that are important to their practice.

In this process, the data is only worthwhile if it shines light on whether the change is working. And when data is used this way, it's easier for educators to be transparent about what they're seeing. Improvement is not about judgement, it's a constant, normal aspect of professional life.

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How to Plan and Implement Continuous Improvement In Schools

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The basic tenets of the process involve understanding the problem, defining a manageable goal, identifying the drivers that could help reach that goal, and then testing small ideas to change those drivers. When done in a network, this cycle of improvement is expedited as various participants test different change ideas and share their findings with the group.

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But does it really work?

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Over the past century, a powerful idea has taken root in the educational landscape. The notion of intelligence as something innate and fixed has been supplanted by the idea that intelligence is instead something malleable; that we are not prisoners of immutable characteristics and that, with the right training, we can be the authors of our own cognitive capabilities.

Nineteenth-century scientists including Francis Galton and Alfred Binet devoted their own considerable intelligence to a quest to classify and understand human cognitive ability. If we could codify the anatomy of intelligence, they believed, we could place individuals into their correct niche in society. Binet would go on to develop the first IQ tests, laying the foundations for a method of ranking the intelligence of job applicants, army recruits or schoolchildren that continues today.

In the early 20th century, progressive thinkers revolted against this idea that inherent ability is destiny. Instead, educators such as John Dewey argued that every child's intelligence could be developed, given the right environment. The self, according to Dewey, is not something 'ready made' but rather 'in continuous formation through choice of action'. In the 1960s and '70s, psychologists such as Albert Bandura bridged some of the gap between the innate and the learned models of intelligence with his idea of social cognitive theory, self-efficacy and motivation. One can recognise that there are individual differences in ability, Bandura argued, but still emphasise the potential for growth for each individual, wherever one's starting point.

Growth mindset theory is a relatively new - and wildly popular - iteration of this belief in the malleability of intelligence, but with a twist. In many schools today you will see hallways festooned with motivational posters, and hear speeches on the mindset of great sporting heroes who simply believed their way to the top. These are all attempts to put growth mindset theory into practice through motivation. However a growth mindset is not really about motivation, but rather about the way in which individuals understand their own intelligence.

According to the theory, if students believe that their ability is fixed, they will not want to do anything to reveal that, so a major focus of the growth mindset in schools is shifting students away from seeing failure as an indication of their ability, to seeing failure as a chance to improve that ability. As Jeff Howard noted almost 30 years ago: 'Smart is not something that you just are, smart is something that you can get.'

Despite extraordinary claims for the efficacy of a growth mindset, however, it's increasingly unclear whether attempts to change students' mindsets about their abilities have any positive effect on their learning at all. And the story of the growth mindset is a cautionary tale about what happens when psychological theories are translated into the reality of the classroom, no matter how well-intentioned.

The idea of the growth mindset is based on the work of the psychologist Carol Dweck at Stanford University in California. Dweck's findings suggest that beliefs about ourselves can have a profound effect on academic achievement and beyond. Her seminal work stems from a paper 20 years ago that reported on a research project with schoolchildren that probed the relationship between their understanding of their own abilities and their actual performance.

In the experiment, a group of 10- to 12-year-olds were divided into two groups. All were told that they had achieved a high score on a test but members of the first group were praised for their intelligence in achieving this, while the others were praised for their effort. The second group were subsequently far more likely to put effort into future tasks while the former took on only those tasks that would not risk their initial sense of worth. Praising ability actually made the students perform worse, while praising effort emphasised that change was possible.

Dweck's work suggests that when people believe that failure is not a barometer of innate characteristics but rather view it as a step to success (a growth mindset), they are far more likely to put in the kinds of effort that will eventually lead to that success. By contrast, those who believe that success or failure is due to innate ability (a fixed mindset) can find that this leads to a fear of failure and a lack of effort.

Imagine two children who are faced with taking a test on a tricky maths problem. The first child completes the first few steps but then hits a wall, and instantly feels demotivated. For this child, the small failure is incontrovertible evidence of simply not being good at maths. By contrast, for the second child, this small failure is merely a barrier to eventual success, and confers an opportunity to improve overall maths ability. The second child relishes the challenge, and works to improve - that child is displaying a growth mindset. According to the theory, the key to encouraging this disposition is to praise the effort and not the ability. By telling children that they are smart or intelligent, you are merely confirming the idea of innate ability, fostering a fixed mindset, and actually undermining their development. Dweck's claims are supported by a lot of evidence, indeed she and her associates have spent more than 30 years exploring this phenomenon, including taking the time to respond to criticism in an open and transparent way.

Growth mindset theory has had a profound impact on the ground. It is difficult to think of a school today that is not in thrall to the idea that beliefs about one's ability affect subsequent performance, and that it's crucial to teach students that failure is merely a stepping stone to success. Implementing these ideas has been much harder, however, and attempts to replicate the original findings have not been smooth, to say the least. A recent national survey in the United States showed that 98 per cent of teachers feel that growth mindset approaches should be adopted in schools, but only 50 per cent said that they knew of strategies to effectively change a pupil's mindset.

The truth is we simply haven't been able to translate the research on the benefits of a growth mindset into any sort of effective, consistent practice that makes an appreciable difference in student academic attainment. In many cases, growth mindset theory has been misrepresented and miscast as simply a means of motivating the unmotivated through pithy slogans and posters. A general truth about education is that the more vague and platitudinous the statement, the less practical use it has on the ground. 'Making a difference' rarely makes any difference at all.

A growing number of recent studies are casting doubt on the efficacy of mindset interventions at scale. A large-scale study of 36 schools in the UK, in which either pupils or teachers were given training, found that the impact on pupils directly receiving the intervention did not have statistical significance, and that the pupils whose teachers were trained made no gains at all. Another study featuring a large sample of university applicants in the Czech Republic used a scholastic aptitude test to explore the relationship between mindset and achievement. They found a slightly negative correlation, with researchers claiming that 'the results show that the strength of the association between academic achievement and mindset might be weaker than previously thought'. A 2012 review for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation in the UK of attitudes to education and participation found 'no clear evidence of association or sequence between pupils' attitudes in general and educational outcomes, although there were several studies attempting to provide explanations for the link (if it exists)'. In 2018, two meta-analyses in the US found that claims for the growth mindset might have been overstated, and that there was 'little to no effect of mindset interventions on academic achievement for typical students'.

'Kids with the growth mindset aren't getting better grades'

One of the greatest impediments to successfully implementing a growth mindset is the education system itself. A key characteristic of a fixed mindset is a focus on performance and an avoidance of any situation where testing might lead to a confirmation of fixed beliefs about ability. Yet we are currently in a school climate obsessed with performance in the form of constant summative testing, analysing and ranking of students. Schools create a certain cognitive dissonance when they proselytise the benefits of a growth mindset in assemblies but then hand out fixed target grades in lessons based on performance.

Aside from the implementation problem, the original growth mindset research has also received harsh criticism and been difficult to replicate robustly. The statistician Andrew Gelman at Columbia University in New York claims that 'their research designs have enough degrees of freedom that they could take their data to support just about any theory at all'. Timothy Bates, a professor of psychology at the University of Edinburgh who has been trying to replicate Dweck's work in a third study in China, is finding that the results are repeatedly null. He notes in a 2017 interview that: 'People with a growth mindset don't cope any better with failure. If we give them the mindset intervention, it doesn't make them behave better. Kids with the growth mindset aren't getting better grades, either before or after our intervention study.'

An enduring criticism of growth mindset theory is that it underestimates the importance of innate ability, specifically intelligence. If one student is playing with a weaker hand, is it fair to tell the student that she is just not making enough effort? Growth mindset - like its educational-psychology cousin 'grit' - can have the unintended consequence of making students feel responsible for things that are not under their control: that their lack of success is a failure of moral character. This goes well beyond questions of innate ability to the effects of marginalisation, poverty and other socioeconomic disadvantage. For the US psychiatrist Scott Alexander, if a fixed mindset accounts for underachievement, then 'poor kids seem to be putting in a heck of a lot less effort in a surprisingly linear way'. He sees growth mindset as a 'noble lie', and notes that saying to kids that a growth mindset accounts for success is not exactly denying reality so much as 'selectively emphasising certain parts of' it.

Much of this criticism is not lost on Dweck, and she deserves great credit for responding to it and adapting her work accordingly. In a recent blog, she noted that growth mindset theory 'is on a firm foundation, but we're still building the house'. In fact, she argues that her work has been misunderstood and misapplied in a range of ways. She has also expressed concerns that her theories are being misappropriated in schools by being conflated with the self-esteem movement: 'The thing that keeps me up at night is that some educators are turning mindset into the new self-esteem, which is to make kids feel good about any effort they put in, whether they learn or not. But for me the growth mindset is a tool for learning and improvement. It's not just a vehicle for making children feel good.'

For Dweck, it's not just about more effort, but rather purposeful and meaningful effort. And it's not just in the classroom where she feels that the growth mindset is being misunderstood, it seems to be happening in the home too: 'We're finding that many parents endorse a growth mindset, but they still respond to their children's errors, setbacks or failures as though they're damaging and harmful,' she said in an interview in 2015. 'If they show anxiety or overconcern, those kids are going toward a more fixed mindset.'

Dweck might be right that the theory is not always well understood or put into practice. There is always the danger of disappointment in the translation from educational laboratory to classroom, and this is partly due to the Chinese whispers effect, whereby research becomes diluted and distorted as it goes through its journey. But there is another factor at work here. The failure to translate the growth mindset into the classroom might reflect a profound misunderstanding of the elusive nature of teaching and learning itself.

Effective teaching, at its best, defies prescription. The same resources and the same approaches that are successful in one classroom can be completely ineffective in another. In his book Personal Knowledge (1958), Michael Polanyi defined 'tacit knowledge' as anything we know how to do but cannot explicitly explain how we do it, such as the complex set of skills needed to ride a bike or the instinctive ability to stay afloat in water. It is the ephemeral, elusive form of knowledge that resists classification or codification, and that can be gleaned only through immersion in the experience itself. In most cases, it's not even something that can be expressed through language. As Polanyi put it so beautifully in his book The Tacit Dimension (1966), 'we can know more than we can tell'. As a contrarian colleague once said to me about his frustration with the increasing codification of the classroom: 'Perhaps we should be brave enough to allow it to remain a mystery.'

Good teachers are like good actors, not in the sense that they are both artists, but in the sense that the best teachers teach you without you realising that you've been taught. If students get a whiff of being part of an 'intervention', then it is likely that the very awareness of this will have a detrimental effect. The growth mindset advocates David Yeager and Gregory Walton at Stanford claim that these interventions should not be seen as 'magic' and should be delivered in a 'stealthy' way to maximise their effectiveness - miles away from the standard use of motivational stories, posters and explanations of brain plasticity. As they put it in 2011: 'if adolescents perceive a teacher's reinforcement of a psychological idea as conveying that they are seen as in need of help, teacher training or an extended workshop could undo the effects of the intervention, not increase its benefits.' Pedagogy is not medicine, after all, and students do not want to be treated as patients to be cured.

How students learn well can be very counterintuitive. You might think it is safe to assume that, once you motivate students, the learning will follow. Yet research shows that this is often not the case: motivation doesn't always lead to achievement, but achievement often leads to motivation. If you try to 'motivate' students into public speaking, they might feel motivated but can lack the specific knowledge needed to translate that into action. However, through careful instruction and encouragement, students can learn how to craft an argument, shape their ideas and develop them into solid form.

The idea that videos of failed sportsmen can translate into a growth disposition is unrealistic

A lot of what drives students is their innate beliefs and how they perceive themselves. There is a strong correlation between self-perception and achievement, but there is some evidence to suggest that the actual effect of achievement on self-perception is stronger than the other way round. To stand up in a classroom and successfully deliver a good speech is a genuine achievement, and that is likely to be more powerfully motivating than woolly notions of 'motivation' itself.

One reason for this might be the over-generalised picture of the growth mindset: it tends to be talked about as a global or general skill as opposed to a domain-specific one. Many interventions focus on kids having a kind of global attitude to their own intelligence that can then be transferred to any learning situation but this is rarely the case. For example, some students can have a positive mindset in maths but a negative mindset in history due to a highly variable range of factors. The idea that a workshop on the plasticity of the brain and some videos of famous sportsmen who have failed in the past can translate into a domain-general growth disposition is simply unrealistic.

Students are most engaged when they are being supported through specific tasks to stretch their understanding beyond its current base, but 'engagement' doesn't necessarily mean they're learning anything. As the New Zealand education researcher Graham Nuthall showed in The Hidden Life of Learners (2007), 'students can be busiest and most involved with material they already know. In most of the classrooms we have studied, each student already knows about 40-50 per cent of what the teacher is teaching.' Nuthall's work demonstrates that students are far more likely to get stuck into tasks they're comfortable with and already know how to do, as opposed to the more uncomfortable enterprise of grappling with uncertainty and indeterminate tasks. The psychologists Elizabeth Ligon Bjork and Robert Bjork at the University of California, Los Angeles, describe such activities as 'desirable difficulties', which refers to the kinds of things that are difficult in the short term, but that lead to greater gains in the long term. These point to a range of strategies that are more prosaic and less attractive than growth mindset interventions - familiar strategies such as testing, self-quizzing and spacing out learning.

Clearly, something has gone wrong somewhere along the way between the laboratory and the classroom. The US education scholars Marilyn Cochran-Smith and Susan Lytle outline a fundamental problem with the education system. Teachers, they say in their book Inside/Outside (1992), are subject to top-down models of school improvement, and are often passive objects of study in the educational research that underpins those models:

The primary knowledge source for the improvement of practice is research on classroom phenomena that can be observed. This research has a perspective that is 'outside-in'; in other words, it has been conducted almost exclusively by university-based researchers who are outside of the day-to-day practices of schooling.

In a very real sense, teachers have been given answers to questions they didn't ask, and solutions to problems that never existed. It is not surprising that they feel subject to fads and theories about students that do not hold up to scrutiny. For example, the problem of how to plan lesson content to match the individual 'learning style' of students has now been proven to have been a waste of time, and a sad indictment of how much time and energy has been expended on theoretical interventions with little to no evidence to support them.

Recent evidence would suggest that growth mindset interventions are not the elixir of student learning that many of its proponents claim it to be. The growth mindset appears to be a viable construct in the lab, which, when administered in the classroom via targeted interventions, doesn't seem to work at scale. It is hard to dispute that having a self-belief in their own capacity for change is a positive attribute for students. Paradoxically, however, that aspiration is not well served by direct interventions that try to instil it. Yet creating a culture in which students can believe in the possibility of improving their intelligence through their own purposeful effort is something few would disagree with. Perhaps growth mindset works best as a philosophy and not an intervention.

All of this indicates that using time and resources to improve students' academic achievement directly might well be a better agent of psychological change than psychological interventions themselves. In their book Effective Teaching (2011), the UK education scholars Daniel Muijs and David Reynolds note: 'At the end of the day, the research reviewed has shown that the effect of achievement on self-concept is stronger that the effect of self-concept on achievement.'

Many interventions in education have the causal arrow pointed the wrong way round. Motivational posters and talks are often a waste of time, and might well give students a deluded notion of what success actually means. Teaching students concrete skills such as how to write an effective introduction to an essay through close instruction, specific feedback, worked examples and careful scaffolding, and then praising their effort in getting there, is probably a far more effective way of improving confidence than giving an assembly about how unique they are, or indeed how capable they are of changing their own brains. The best way to achieve a growth mindset might just be not to mention the growth mindset at all.

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Schools love the idea of a growth mindset, but does it work? | Aeon Essays

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A generation of schoolchildren is being exhorted to believe in their brain's elasticity. Does it really help them learn?

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Measurement Matters: Assessing Personal Qualities Other Than Cognitive Ability for Educational
Purposes

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A Detailed List of 9 Self Assessment Questions for a Growth Mindset

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Trevor Ragan

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Growth Mindset Introduction: What it is, How it Works, and Why it Matters

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Trevor Ragan

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(Carol Dweck | TEDxNorrkoping)

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The power of believing that you can improve

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Carol Dweck researches “growth mindset” — the idea that we can grow our brain’s capacity to learn and to solve problems. In this talk, she describes two ways to think about a problem that’s slightly too hard for you to solve. Are you not smart enough to solve it … or have you just not solved it yet? A great introduction to this influential field.

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QUIZ Take This one First

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Do you have a growth or fixed mindset? (Video Quiz)

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Dr. Alia Crum
Understanding how mindsets affect important outcomes outside the realm of medicine, in the domains of behavioral health and organizational behavior

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Change your mindset, change the game | Dr. Alia Crum | TEDxTraverseCity