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This article is an editorial of Urban Education.

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But What is Urban Education? - H. Richard Milner, 2012 (sagepub.com)

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This article looks at the six categories typically used to define urban education.

https://go.exlibris.link/VDZ3gtHD

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I found this article about the implementation of RTI on urban . Antonio Gabarre

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I found this article about the implementation of RTI on urban . Antonio Gabarre

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http://www.rtinetwork.org/learn/diversity/urban-school-challenges

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Ahram, R., Fergus, E., & Noguera, P. (2011). Addressing racial/ethnic disproportionality in special education: Case studies of suburban school districts. Boyd, D., Lankford, H., Loeb, S., & Wyckoff, J. (2005). Explaining the short careers of high-achieving teachers in schools with low-performing students. Buffum, A., Mattos, M., & Weber, C. (2009). Cushman, K. (2005). Delpit, L. (1988). The silenced dialogue: Power and pedagogy in educating other people's children.Delpit, L. (2006). Ferguson, R. F. (1991). Paying for public education: New evidence on how and why money matters. Ferguson, R. F. (1998). Teachers' perceptions and expectations and the Black-White test score gap. In C. Jencks & M. Phillips (Eds.), Fine, M. (1991). Gay, G. (2000). Goldhaber, D. (2007). Everyone's doing it, but what does teacher testing tell us about teacher effectiveness? Goldhaber, D. (2008). Teachers matter, but effective teacher quality policies are elusive. In H. F. Ladd & E. B. Fiske (Eds.), Gordon, R., Kane, T. J., & Staiger, D. O. (2006). Griffith, J. (2000). School climate as group evaluation and group consensus: Student and parent perceptions of the elementary school environment. THarry, B., & Klingner, J. (2006). Harry, B., Klingner, J. K., & Hart, J. (2005). African American families under fire: Ethnographic views of family strengths. Kincheloe, J. L. (2010). Why a book on urban education? In S. Steinberg (Ed), Ladson-Billings, G. (1994). Lee, C. (2004). Matute-Bianchi, M. E. (1991). Situational ethnicity and patterns of school performance among immigrant and nonimmigrant Mexican-descent students. In M. A. Gibson & J. U. Ogbu (Eds.), MDRC. (2002). Nieto, S. (1999).Noguera, P. (2003). O'Connor, C., & Fernandez, S. D. (2006). Race, class, and disproportionality: Reevaluating the relationship between poverty and special education placement. Orfield, G. (Ed.). (2004). Perry, T., Steele, C., & Hilliard, A. G. (2003). Reeves, D. (2008). The learning leader: Looking deeper into the data. Rivkin, S. G., Hanushek, E. A., & Kain, J. F. (2005). Teachers, schools, and academic achievement. Rockoff, J. E. (2004). The impact of individual teachers on student achievement: Evidence from panel data.Rumberger, R. W., & Palardy, G. J. (2005). Test scores, dropout rates and transfer rates as alternative indicators of high school performance.Sanders, W. L., & Horn, S. P. (1994). The Tennessee value-added assessment system (TVAAS): Mixed-model methodology in educational assessment. Sanders, W. L., & Rivers, J. C. (1996). Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape the intellectual identities and performance of women and African Americans. Steele, C. (2010). Theoharis, J. (2009). "I hate it when people treat me like a fxxx-up." Phony theories, segregated schools, and the culture of aspiration among African American and Latino teenagers. In G. Alonso, N. Anderson, & C. Su (Eds.), Our schools suck: Students talk back to a segregated nation on the failures of urban education (pp. 69-112). New York, NY: Valencia, R. (2000). Inequalities and the schooling of minority students in Texas. Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U.S.-Mexican youth and the politics of caring. Albany, NY: Wright, S. P., Horn, S. P., & Sanders, W. L. (1997). Teacher and classroom context effects on student achievement: Implications for teacher evaluation.

Additional Articles

Additional Resources

This is the first article in a three-part series.

In this three-part series, we present an overview of the issues most relevant to the development and implementation of Response to Intervention (RtI) models in contemporary urban schools. This first article focuses on describing the broad challenges faced by and within urban school systems in effectively educating students. These issues, we contend, should be well considered-and addressed when possible-prior to implementing an RtI framework. The second article in the series focuses on how RtI frameworks in urban schools should be designed to consider the cultural dimensions of racialization and linguistic hegemony that limit equitable opportunities to learn. The third article seeks to present promising examples of how RTI practices that consider cultural dimensions operate in urban schools.
RtI is a seamless system of continuous, meaningful, and research-based interventions for struggling learners, anchored in high quality, culturally and linguistically responsive instruction and assessments (Buffum, Mattos, & Weber, 2009). As such, it is designed as a model for the prevention of long-term academic failure and thus, is a potentially powerful tool for addressing the needs of all students in all contexts. Given their complexity and expressed challenges, however, urban school systems require a deliberate and thoughtful examination of the context for teaching and learning· prior to their attempt to successfully implement RtI.

Urban School Challenges

It is important to note that the challenges facing urban school systems are not entirely unique to metropolitan areas, nor are all urban school systems confronted with the same challenges. Urban schools do, however, share some unique physical and demographic characteristics that differentiate them from suburban and rural school districts. Unlike suburban and rural school districts, urban school districts operate in densely populated areas serving significantly more students. In comparison to suburban and rural districts, urban school districts are frequently marked by higher concentrations of poverty, greater racial and ethnic diversity, larger concentrations of immigrant populations and linguistic diversity, and more frequent rates of student mobility (Kincheloe, 2004, 2010).

While sociodemographics are not themselves the challenge of urban school systems, they speak to the broader social and economic inequities facing such populations that invariably frame the work of urban schools. As Orfield (2004) explained, segregation and poverty underlie grander issues in urban education systems:
It is wrong to assume that segregation is irrelevant, and policies that ignore that fact simply punish the victims of segregation because they fail to take into account many of the causes of the inequality...Current policy built on [this assumption] cannot produce the desired results and may even compound the existing inequalities. (p. 4)
Sociodemographics are not simply an artifact of urban education; rather, they have a significant impact on how urban schools are structured. The concentration of poverty and racial isolation matters in that it is directly related to school processes that significantly influence student achievement trends (Rumberger & Palardy, 2005). The challenges of urban education cannot be divorced from its sociodemographic context.·
These challenges facing urban school systems have both structural and cultural components. Structural challenges are specific school policies and practices that impede student success or fail to adequately address students' needs. Alternatively, cultural challenges are those policies, practices, and sets of beliefs that contribute to dysfunctional perceptions of students' intellectual abilities-particularly those students who are culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD)-due to limiting predictors of school achievement (Noguera, 2003).

Stuctural Challenges
Urban school systems tend to have specific structural challenges that impede their ability to effectively educate the most vulnerable students. While these structural challenges may be evidenced across all types of educational contexts, they are perhaps most potent in urban settings. They include 1) persistently low student achievement, 2) a lack of instructional coherence, 3) inexperienced teaching staff, 4) poorly functioning business operations, and 5) low expectations of students (Kincheloe, 2004, 2010; MDRC, 2002). We discuss each briefly below and provide suggestions for addressing these structural challenges.
Low Student AchievementEven in the midst of tremendous political attention, low student performance persists. This is often exemplified by a large number of students performing poorly on achievement tests and not performing at grade level, as well as high rates of high school noncompletion and special education classification. Given the sociodemographic backgrounds of the urban school population, students attending urban schools enter at varied levels of academic readiness and oftentimes with particular stressors that challenge students' ability to perform at high levels. The vast majority of students want to succeed in school and view school as important to being successful in life, but structural barriers both inside and outside school often stand in the way of the realization of this (Theoharis, 2009). Moreover, negative stereotypes about families often misinform educators and lead to negative views about students (Harry & Klingner, 2006; Harry, Klingner, & Hart, 2005).
A Lack of Instructional CoherenceUrban schools are bombarded with so many instructional initiatives and approaches that they can become fragmented, or indeed contradict one another. Moreover, the professional development used to launch these initiatives and support teachers' continued learning is too frequently ineffective. The current development and implementation of RtI is a perfect example; many school districts are doing closed-door sessions to develop the framework to "fit" the operational structures already in place and are not developing a plan for institutionalizing the RtI framework as the operating statute of professional learning communities (PLCs), grade level and content meetings, child study team meetings, and staff meetings.
Given the diversity of their student populations' needs, urban school districts require a variety of initiatives, but these need to target specific and identified needs that are aligned within a broader vision of student success and academic standards. Moreover, urban school initiatives should be carefully chosen, with attention paid to what is already being implemented within the school district. Urban school initiatives should utilize expertise within the schools for coaching and program building so that institutional knowledge can be passed on to new and novice teachers who have perhaps the greatest need for professional learning supports.
Inexperienced Teaching StaffThe issue of teacher quality is considered central to growing efforts to understand and reduce performance gaps in achievement between students of color and their White and Asian peers (Ferguson, 1991, 1998). Students in schools with high concentrations of low-income Black and Latino students are more likely to have inexperienced or unqualified teachers, fewer demanding college preparatory courses, more remedial courses, and higher teacher turnover (Lee, 2004). Aside from the school building itself, teachers are perhaps the most visible school resource. Extensive research has demonstrated that teachers have a significant impact on student achievement (e.g., Goldhaber, 2007; Gordon, Kane, & Staiger, 2006; Rivkin, Hanushek, & Kain, 2005; Rockoff, 2004; Sanders & Horn, 1994 Sanders & Rivers, 1996; Wright, Horn, & Sanders, 1997), with a key indicator of teacher experience being related to student performance. Teachers become more effective the longer they teach. In his review of teacher research, Goldhaber (2008) highlighted studies that consistently demonstrate teachers becoming increasingly more effective in the first 3 to 5 years of teaching. Thus, it can be inferred that teachers with fewer than 3 years of teaching experience are less effective than those with 3 or more years of teaching experience.
Experienced teachers, however, are not equally distributed across low- and high-poverty schools. Boyd, Lankford, Loeb, and Wyckoff (2005) demonstrated that teachers are drawn to schools with low concentrations of poverty, low minority populations, and high levels of student achievement, thus framing the problem of teacher quality as one related to professional mobility. Teachers who perform better on the general knowledge certification exam are significantly more likely to leave schools having the lowest achieving students, leading to high teacher turnover rates in lower performing schools. This high turnover rate makes it harder for low-performing schools to build an experienced teaching core, thus creating an unequal distribution of experienced teachers. To address the needs of struggling learners, urban school districts need to consider their teachers as valuable and strategic resources and systemically assign academically underperforming students to effective teachers.·
Poorly Functioning Data Management SystemsGiven the great needs of the students served by them, urban school systems are often under resourced. Urban school districts tend to have ineffective or underutilized data management systems (MDRC, 2002), making it difficult for them to identify student needs and monitor student progress. While much of the budgetary and resource challenges are deeply embedded in other political and economic factors outside the reach of a school system, urban school districts need to develop data systems and promote their use in critical analysis and examination of their own practices. This entails a commitment to data analysis as a continuous process, with clearly stated questions or problem statements, a readiness to question assumptions, and the capacity to go beyond the numbers (Reeves, 2008). As such, data analysis can occur at the district level with improved data collection and monitoring systems. With improved systems, data analysis can also be implemented at the school level with data walks, inquiry groups, and critical friends groups.
Low Expectations of StudentsUrban schools often fail to provide environments of high academic expectations (Griffith, 2000; Matute-Bianchi, 1991; Noguera, 2003; Valencia, 2000; Valenzuela, 1999). While also a persistent cultural challenge, urban school districts have structural challenges that either produce or perpetuate low expectations of students. As characterized by MDRC's (2002) case studies, teachers in urban school districts can feel overwhelmed by what they consider to be the high needs of their students, and thus lower their own expectations for student performance. Structurally, this is exemplified in the absence of demanding and high level courses and programs such as advanced placement courses and gifted and talented programs, as well as school systems that council students out of school (Fine, 1991). Research has shown that given the opportunity and appropriate support, students will live up to the high expectations set forth for them.
Of course, it is not as simple as setting a high bar. The students themselves need to feel, understand, and interpret the structures and culture of the school as requiring their best effort and expecting excellence of them. Urban school districts need to provide access to rigorous courses and increase academic support to struggling students-through programs such as AVID (advancement via individual determination), MESA (mathematics, engineering, science achievement), double period classes, extended learning time, after school sessions (but not just more of the same), and summer school-to support struggling students and help them reach high expectations set for them. Moreover, urban schools must employ early intervention systems to identify struggling students, which are a critical component of any RtI framework.

Cultural Challenges
Along with the structural challenges faced by urban schools, there are also critical cultural challenges that stand in the way of the successful implementation of RtI models. In our work at New York University's Metropolitan Center for Urban Education over the course of more than 8 years across 40 districts, we have identified predominant cultural beliefs that contribute to low performance patterns in the academic achievement of vulnerable student groups-particularly CLD students. We identify these cultural beliefs generally as cultural dissonance that manifests itself in policies, practices, beliefs, and outcomes in myriad interconnected ways. Taken together, these elements of cultural dissonance constitute a prevailing pattern that includes (but is not limited to):

perceptions of race and class as limiting predictors of school achievement;

perceptions of different learning styles versus intellectual deficiencies; and

lack of cultural responsiveness in current policies and practices.

We discuss each of these briefly below followed by some of the practices we suggest for meeting these challenges that are being implemented in some of the more successful urban schools.
Perceptions of Race and Class as Limiting Predictors of School AchievementLow-income and racial/ethnic minority students are often viewed by school practitioners as not "ready" for school (O'Connor & Fernandez, 2006). More specifically, school and district staff at times perceive the cultural practices of the home environment as causing low-income and racial/ethnic minority children to be unable to learn or in conflict with school practices. Taken to the extreme, some urban school practitioners have come to accept the notion that the concept of "urban behavior" and the differences in cultural norms of urban communities from prevailing school norms are the driving force behind the underachievement of Black and Latino students. In fact, such perspectives can be found in many suburban and rural districts as well. To effectively combat these beliefs, we find school districts engage in some form of continued dialogue regarding these beliefs through year-long reading groups, attendance in continuous diversity dialogue seminars, and opportunities to operationalize their new thinking such as in PLCs, grade level and content meetings, staff meetings, collegial circles, and data inquiry groups.
Perceptions of Different Learning Styles Versus Intellectual DeficienciesWithout due diligence, urban schools may unwittingly situate poverty-induced traits and racial/ethnic minority cultural differences as expressions of learning or emotional disability (O'Connor & Fernandez, 2006). These predominant beliefs regarding low-income and racial/ethnic minority students as "deficient" may also result in students feeling a sense of stereotype threat and vulnerability because their low-income or racial/ethnic minority status came to be viewed as a risk factor (Perry, Steele, & Hilliard, 2003).
Steele's (1997, 2010) research indicates that African Americans and other racial/ethnic minority groups for whom there is a societal perception of intellectual inferiority display greater psychological vulnerability to failure and other identity-threatening, social-environmental cues. Students may process school failures, particularly early in their academic experiences, as confirmation of negative stereotypes about their social and racial/ethnic group's intellectual ability.
Lack of Cultural Responsiveness in Current Policies and PracticesThe principles of culturally responsive pedagogy recognize that culture is central to learning and pivotal not only in communicating and receiving information but also in shaping the thinking process of groups and individuals (Ladson-Billings, 1994). A pedagogy that acknowledges, responds to, and celebrates knowledge, information, and processes as culturally bound offers fuller and more equitable access to education for CLD student groups (Gay, 2000; Nieto, 1999).
Reflective practitioners regularly contend with the question of why certain school practices work well for some students and not for others. Too often, schools make policy, curricular, and pedagogical decisions without careful consideration of the racial, ethnic, and cultural realities of the students and communities they serve. For instance, schools with high concentrations of children who are homeless need to construct homework as in-school reinforcement and not as an activity for a home environment that is not universally available for all children.
The dearth of culturally responsive practices leads to a lack of student trust in the school setting (Steele, 2010). Students may interpret the school environment as unwelcoming and thus unworthy of a meaningful, personal investment, making their academic achievement much more unlikely (Cushman, 2005; Valenzuela, 1999).· Delpit (2006) suggested that CLD students may even respond to what they perceive as inhospitable school environments with behaviors that are oppositional to the prevailing norms and values of the school.
Good Practices for Addressing Issues of Cultural DissonanceCultural dissonance and the beliefs relative to the limited abilities of urban students distract practitioners from engaging in conversations about how teaching matters in learning outcomes. That is, we find practitioners are frequently willing to cite the family and community (i.e., poverty, and limited access to social and cultural capital) as the reason why underperforming low-income and racial/ethnic minority students struggle academically.
Cultural dissonance can be profoundly impactful, however, to the school experiences of urban students. It has an impact on the manner in which schools view students; it contributes to misconceptions about students' motivations. It shapes and colors the expectations for achievement and sends critical messages to students about how much (or little) their cultural selves are valued by the school and larger society.
To address these issues of cultural dissonance in the preparation of the implementation of an effective RtI model, urban schools must develop the capacity for these critical components of policy, practice, and belief:

1. Achieve clarity of institutional mission that focuses on cultivating talent, confidence, and competence in all students.

2. Demystify school success.

3. Embrace immigrant students and their culture.

4. Build strong relationships between teachers and students to improve behavior and achievement.

5. Build partnerships with parents and critical stakeholders.

Achieve Clarity of Institutional Mission That Focuses on Cultivating Talent, Confidence, and Competence in All StudentsThe first task in developing clarity around mission in urban schools involves securing the appropriate buy-in from all staff regarding expectations and norms. Any notions, however subtle they may be, that accept the normalization of failure must be deliberately and directly challenged. Urban schools must adopt policies, practices, and beliefs that abandon deficit-based views of students' abilities. School teams should attempt to define explicitly what equity means in the specific context of the school building. In the course of defining equity, schools should identify and implement strategies that support the most vulnerable student populations and that also address the social and emotional needs of students as well as the underlying causes of behavior problems. These efforts should not be viewed as something that occurs in addition to what the school does but, rather, as something that is central to the school's core mission.
Demystify School SuccessEven those schools that exist in the heart of communities with almost entirely low-income and racial/ethnic minority populations have the tendency to promote a culture that mirrors the larger society's codes of power (Delpit, 1988). The individual student's ability to achieve school success is largely a function of a student's ability to navigate within a schema that may differ dramatically from the cultural norms learned in one's home community. For these students whose home cultural frame of reference differs significantly from the school's, the pathway to academic achievement may seem confusing or even counterintuitive. Therefore, it is imperative for the school to explicitly teach the codes of power that underscore the school's cultural code without diminishing the value of native cultural norms and ways of being.
Further, the capacity for developing students' familiarity with the codes of power has to be taught explicitly and thoughtfully incorporated into the fabric of all core instructional offerings so that it will create an internal value to school success for students that does not contradict other critical dimensions of themselves. Schools must accept the responsibility for providing clear guidance for "normed" expectations. These normed academic and social expectations need to be regularly clarified-particularly at critical transition points in the education pipeline.
Embrace Immigrant Students and Their CultureIncreasingly, the children of recently arrived immigrants are enrolling in large numbers at urban public schools. These first-generation and 1.5 generation students are likely to feel a strong obligation to honor the cultural codes of their home communities. Along with cultural differences, language differences create feelings of disconnect and alienation for students trying to decipher the school's prevailing codes and structures. Contrary to the politicized stereotypes that might suggest otherwise, some immigrants do enter the country with a great deal of education and other professional training. The families of the formally educated as well as others with limited levels of formal education invest heavily in the notion that American schools will provide the goods and services that will give their children access to critical social, educational, and economic opportunities. The academic success of immigrant students is largely contingent on how they and their families are treated. Schools serving large numbers of immigrant students must be increasingly vigilant in their commitment to the principles and practices of culturally responsive education (CRE). The school practitioners must be especially aware of the ways in which the acculturation process may produce cultural conflict for recent immigrants. To mitigate the potential for conflict, the school must redouble its efforts to develop both cultural and language competence among staff.
Build Strong Relationships Between Teachers and Students to Improve Behavior and AchievementYoung people who are particularly vulnerable to school failure are most benefited by both good pedagogy that is supported by a carefully planned, rigorous curriculum as well as strong relationships between practitioners and students. Good teaching in urban schools is often a function of leveraging trust and relationships to challenge students to meet the high expectations for learning. In this way, extracurricular activities can be utilized as tools to engage students, and these activities should be designed to develop skill sets beyond athletics that create opportunities for youth leadership and civic engagement. In addition, schools should provide targeted mentoring for most vulnerable student populations that assists in the development of the strong sense of students' academic selves. Urban schools that are successful with low-income and racial/ethnic minority students accept the responsibility of assisting them in the process of reconciling the cultural differences between the different spaces in which they hold membership (i.e., school, community, race, ethnicity, religion, etc.). Good schools produce students who feel they can present their intellectual selves authentically in a way that does not conflict with the cultural ways of being that are also important to their social and cultural selves.
Build Partnerships With Parents and Critical StakeholdersTrust and relationships between students and school practitioners are also facilitated by the careful coordination of services with community partners to meet specific nutrition, health care, and counseling needs. Effective urban schools should seek to build relationships with social service agencies and other community-based organizations. Urban schools should see these other agencies as not having outside interests but, rather, being equal stakeholders in the long-term goals of the school. To this end, urban schools should offer training for staff on effective strategies for communicating with parents. The interactions that parents have with the school should be considered thoughtfully so that they do not send conflicting messages. In partnering with parents, schools should work to provide clear guidance on what they can do to support children. Work with parents should be based on the assumption that all parents want the best for their children and would like to partner effectively with the school. In considering the structures for incorporating the cooperation of parents, schools should remember that the most critical forms of parental support occur at home.

Conclusion
As previously stated, it is important to recognize the complex realities facing urban school systems that challenge the effective development and implementation of RtI. The structural concerns of persistent low achievement, limited teacher and leader capacity, poor data and data inquiry infrastructures, and low expectations of students are not new phenomena but, rather, are historic conditions in urban schools. Additionally, the cultural challenges of teacher and leader perceptions about race and class as limiting conditions and producing intellectual deficiencies, and consideration of culturally responsive pedagogy in policies and practices, are bound to macrosocietal conversations of race and class. As RtI continues to take center stage as a framework for considering equitable and consistent positive outcomes for all students, attention to these structural and cultural challenges is paramount. Otherwise, RtI has the potential, under the weight of these structural and cultural challenges, to become an evidence-based mechanism for tracking ability of racial/ethnic, low-income, and linguistically diverse populations, which would further contribute to low achievement patterns for vulnerable student populations.
Read the second article in our urban school article series >>

References

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Why are so many minorities in special education? Understanding race and disability in schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.
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19 urban questions: Teaching in the city (2nd ed., pp. 1-28). New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing.
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Racial segregation and educational outcomes in metropolitan Boston. Cambridge, MA: The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University.
Minority status and schooling: A comparative study of immigrant and involuntary minorities (pp. 205-247). New York, NY: Garland Press.
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Educational Researcher, 35(6), 6-11. Dropouts in America: Confronting the graduation rate crisis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Young, gifted, and Black: Promoting high achievement among African-American students. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Educational Leadership, 66(4), 89-90. Econometrica, 73(2), 417-458. American Economic Review, 94(2), 247-252. American Educational Research Journal, 42, 3-42. Journal of Personnel Evaluation in Education, 8, 299-311. Research project report: Cumulative and residual effects of teachers on future student academic achievement. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Value-Added Research and Assessment Center. American Psychologist, 52, 613-629. Whistling Vivaldi: And other clues to how stereotypes affect us. New York, NY: Norton. New York University Press. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 22, 445-459. State University of New York Press. Journal of Personnel Evaluation in Education, 11, 57-67.

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Framing Urban School Challenges: The Problems to Examine When Implementing Response to Intervention

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Get Email Updates Sign up to receive the RTI Action Network e-newsletter. Ahram, R., Fergus, E., & Noguera, P. (2011). Addressing racial/ethnic disproportionality in special education: Case studies of suburban school districts. Boyd, D., Lankford, H., Loeb, S., & Wyckoff, J. (2005). Explaining the short careers of high-achieving teachers in schools with low-performing students.

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I found this article that discusses the issues today regarding the current state of Urban Schools https://habermanfoundation.org/urban-education-the-state-of-urban-schooling-at-the-start-of-the-21st-century/

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I found these articles, "Urban" Education in the 21st Century: A Critical Approach through a Social Education Lens Cameron White, PhD

But What is Urban Education Editorial http://uex.sagepub.com

Success for All: First-Year Outcomes of a Comprehensive Plan for Reforming Urban Education, Slavin, Madden, Karweit, Livermon and Dolan The John Hopkins University American Educational Research Journal Summer 1990 Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 255-278

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I found this article interesting.

Minority Achievement Gaps in STEM: Findings of a Longitudinal Study of Project Excite

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This longitudinal study examined the outcomes of Project Excite on reducing minority students' achievement gaps in STEM over 14 years. Project Excite was designed to provide intensive supplemental enrichment and accelerated programming for high-potential, underrepresented minority students from third through eighth grades to better prepare them for advanced math and science courses in high school. This study compared the performance of Project Excite participants with that of students from their local school districts and the state on the Illinois Standards Achievement Test, the Explore test, the Measures of Academic Progress, and on rates of placement in above-grade-level math courses in ninth grade. Project Excite participants consistently outperformed their Black, Latino, and low-income peers, and they came close to the performance levels of White, Asian, and non-low-income students. They were more likely to be placed in above-grade-level math courses than their minority peers in ninth grade.

The achievement gaps between minority students, particularly African American or Latino students, and their nonminority peers, and between low- and higher-income students continue to hold strong, despite concerted efforts to narrow them by national and local policy makers, district and school administrators, and a wide range of leaders. The most recent data released by the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), which measure the performance of students across the country at Grades 4, 8, and 12 on mathematics and reading achievement tests, reveal that the Black-White, Hispanic-White, and free and reduced lunch-nonfree and reduced lunch achievement gaps in mathematics or reading at Grades 4 and 8 remained relatively stable from 2013 to 2015 ( NAEP, 2015).

Longitudinal data over the past 20 years ( Rampey, Dion, & Donahue, 2009) further suggest that while average scores on both mathematics and reading assessments have generally improved since 1990 for all groups, the gaps between the average scores of Black, Hispanic, and low-income students and those of White students and higher income students have remained relatively static. For example, though the Black-White and Hispanic-White achievement gaps in both math and reading at the fourth- and eighth-grade levels have narrowed since the first assessment year for NAEP (1990), the changes over recent years have been minimal ( Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011; NAEP, 2015).

Plucker and colleagues brought attention to an often overlooked aspect of the achievement gap-excellence gaps or disparities among students reaching the highest levels of achievement ( Plucker, Burroughs, & Song, 2010; Plucker, Hardesty, & Burroughs, 2013). They found that children who are eligible for free and reduced lunch, who are second language learners, or who are Black, Hispanic, or Native American are much less likely to score at high levels of achievement when measured via NAEP or state-level assessments. While NAEP data indicate that greater percentages of all racial groups completed more challenging curriculum levels in 2009 than in 2005, only White and Asian groups exhibited significant increases in the percentage of students who completed a rigorous curriculum by the time they graduated from high school. The percentage of White students who completed a rigorous curriculum increased from 11% to 14% during this time, while the rate of Black and Hispanic students who completed a similar curriculum remained stagnant (at 6% for Blacks and 8% for Hispanics). Unsurprisingly, taking high-level mathematics courses was correlated with higher scores on the NAEP mathematics assessment, a greater number of Advanced Placement math courses taken, and higher SAT scores.

Loveless (2014) suggested that the often criticized practice of using tracked classes in math may actually be a route to closing achievement gaps. He reported that low-income, Black and Hispanic middle school students are less likely to have "tracked" advanced math classes in their schools than students who are socioeconomically better off, White or Asian. Additionally, 25% of lower income, Black and Hispanic students were in a course lower than Algebra in Grade 8 despite scoring at the 90th percentile or above in math on NAEP. This research suggests that achievement gaps exist and persist at the highest levels of achievement and performance and are perhaps compounded as minority students are less likely than their White counterparts to have access to more advanced courses, particularly in STEM areas.

Bromberg and Theokas (2013) found that the minority gaps in math achievement, in particular, were likely to be greater among high achievers in both Grades 4 and 8. Additionally, Reardon (2008) claimed that the minority achievement gaps in both mathematics and reading test scores increase at a greater rate between kindergarten and fifth grade among students who enter kindergarten with high levels of skill than among students who enter with lower levels of skill. Indeed, according to Reardon, the gaps grow approximately twice as fast for students who enter kindergarten with scores 1 standard deviation above the mean as for students who enter kindergarten with scores 1 standard deviation below the mean. These findings have enormous implications for students who demonstrate early high potential, both with respect to their continued academic performance in later elementary years and middle school and their long-term performance and course selection, access to elite colleges, and employment in jobs with the highest skill demands and the highest pay. This is particularly striking when considering the National Science Foundation (1986) finding that while college-bound Blacks expressed an interest in majoring in math or science, only a small portion of them actually did.

Project Excite responded to a call for increasing access to academic supplemental programs to close the achievement gap, beginning in the early primary years and through middle school. In 1999, the year before Project Excite began, the College Board published a report titled Reaching the Top: A Report of the National Task Force on Minority High Achievement. The report highlighted a number of findings and provided recommendations in response. First, "Getting off to a good start in elementary school puts children on track to be good students in high school" ( College Board, 1999, p. 8). Another finding was that

Black, Hispanic, and Native American students at virtually all socioeconomic levels do not perform nearly as well on standardized tests as their White and Asian counterparts. Significantly, some of the largest of these gaps are often found at middle and professional class levels, at least when they are measured by the education of students' parents. ( College Board, 1999, p. 9)

Finally, the College Board (1999) Task Force highlighted that "many high-achieving students from all racial and ethnic groups are beneficiaries of extensive formal and informal supplementary educational opportunities over time, many of which are provided directly or paid for by their parents" (p. 25). The College Board Task Force recommended that an important step to closing the achievement gap at the highest levels of achievement would be to establish and increase access to supplementary educational programs beginning in the primary grades. Recent research by Schmidt, Burroughs, Zoido, and Houang (2015) buttresses the argument for expanded learning opportunities to address achievement gaps. These authors found that one third of the relationship between SES and literacy can be accounted for by differences in opportunities to learn, on the basis of PISA data in an international study of the role of schooling in perpetuating inequality. According to the National Summer Learning Institute, about two thirds of the achievement gap between lower and higher income students in the ninth grade is attributable to disparities in access to summer learning opportunities during elementary and middle school ( National Summer Learning Association, n.d.). Research has also demonstrated that closing the excellence gap by eighth grade would safeguard the future professional well-being of underrepresented minorities. Eliminating the test score gap that arises by the end of middle school may be "a critical component of reducing racial wage inequality" ( Fryer & Levitt, 2004, p. 447). In sum, research supports the idea that intervention in the early primary grades by means of supplemental educational programs could have long-ranging and cumulative effects, especially for underrepresented students who have the potential to achieve at the highest levels.

Project Excite was developed in 2000 by Northwestern University's Center for Talent Development (CTD) of the School of Education and Social Policy, in collaboration with Evanston/Skokie School District 65 and Evanston Township High School (ETHS) District 202, two large, racially and socioeconomically diverse suburban school districts north of Chicago. In school districts 65 and 202, African American and Latino students comprise a high percentage of student enrollment. Together, the percentage of African American and Latino students (47.5%) is higher than that of White students (43.4%) at ETHS. However, African American and Latino students in these school districts have been consistently underrepresented in advanced mathematics and science classes. For example, in the first semester of 2013-2014, only 55.6% of ETHS Grades 9 to 12 Black/African American students and 66.1% of all ETHS Hispanic/Latino students were enrolled in one or more honors or Advanced Placement courses, compared with 92.5% of Grades 9 to 12 White students ( ETHS, 2014b).

Project Excite was designed to support and enhance minority students' interest and performance in math and science through extensive supplemental programing, with the ultimate goal of preparing participants for advanced-level math and science coursework in high school. Project Excite can be considered as an exemplary, front-loading program for bridging the gap in the readiness of some culturally, linguistically, and ethnically diverse (CLED) gifted students, nurturing their talents, preparing them for advanced-level courses or programs, and improving their representation and successful participation in gifted programs ( Adams & Chandler, 2013; Briggs, Reis, & Sullivan, 2008).

Over the years, Project Excite's programming components have changed, evolving through two stages. In its first stage, from 2000 to 2013, Project Excite identified high-potential CLED third graders and provided them with enrichment and accelerated learning opportunities through eighth grade. Participating students attended Project Excite activities after school, during weekends, or in the summer in addition to their normal schooling. The specific goals of Project Excite during this stage were to help participating students successfully complete at least Algebra 1 and gain considerable laboratory science experience before entering ninth grade.

Overall, the first stage of Project Excite provided approximately 445 required and 180 optional hours of Saturday, summer and after-school activities that were designed to prepare students for advanced-level math and science coursework in high school. Specifically, the number of required learning hours for Grades 3 through 8 was 15, 40, 40, 145, 80, and 125 hours, respectively (see Lee, Olszewski-Kubilius, & Peternel, 2009, for a detailed description of Project Excite program activities by timing and grade level). All activities supplemented rather than supplanted regular school learning. The specific program activities varied to some degree by grade level.

In the third grade, Project Excite students attended 10 afterschool classes at ETHS and a 6-week, half-day summer program on reading and math at the CTD. Students were routinely divided into small groups facilitated by ETHS students, often former Project Excite students, who served as teaching assistants. In the fourth grade, students attended 16 Saturday classes that provided an integrated mathematics and science course with a focus on mathematical problem solving, science experimentation, and the designing of experiments. They also attended a 6-week, half-day summer program for reading and math. In the fifth grade, students attended an 8-week Saturday enrichment session at CTD in the fall and an 8-week session during the winter. They chose math, science, or technology classes that matched their abilities based on their own interests. Students also attended an 8-week (once a week) summer program held in conjunction with a local library that focused on literacy skills.

In the sixth grade, students took self-contained classes focused on prealgebra concepts and algebraic thinking. They also attended CTD's Apogee program, a 3-week all-day summer program, with a residential add-on component, focusing on enrichment classes in math or science. Additionally, they participated in Northwestern University's Midwest Academic Talent Search, through which they took the Explore test, a test typically given to eighth-grade students, as an above-grade-level assessment. In the seventh and eighth grades, students attended eight Saturday sessions at the CTD in the winter. In the summer, seventh-grade students attended a special 3-week, 4-hours-per-day laboratory science class segmented into 1 week of biology, chemistry, and physics. Students in eighth grade attended a specially designed 4-week, all-day bridge program that consisted of instruction in math, focusing on ensuring that students attained a firm foundation for geometry or Algebra 2 when entering ninth grade. The bridge program also served as an early introduction to the high school's policies and procedures, giving students an edge when the school year began. They also had access to one-on-one or small group tutoring with undergraduates of local universities.

Project Excite also hosted regular parent meetings for each grade level to ensure parents remained informed about the program components and expectations, and organized one to three parent educational events annually for the education and support of parents. Parents were invited to attend parent seminars or workshops held on Saturdays in conjunction with the Saturday Enrichment Program at CTD. Additionally, many families participated in CTD's annual weekend family conference in the summer, "Opportunities for the Future," which provided sessions for parents, enrichment classes for younger students, and workshops on college and career for older students.

Starting in the fall of 2013, Project Excite entered its second stage, wherein a high school component was added to provide substantial continued support for Project Excite students in Grades 9 to 12 in order to help students maintain high academic achievement, make appropriate college choices, and become strong candidates for entrance to prestigious institutions of higher education.

Effect Sizes

We calculated Hedges's g to indicate the difference between the performance of Project Excite students and their comparison groups. Hedges's g is a standardized mean difference. A Hedges's g was calculated by dividing the mean score difference between Project Excite and a comparison group (e.g., District 65 White or overall students) with the average standard deviation of the two groups. The standard deviations of all comparison groups were not reported in any of the reports on which we relied in gathering the aggregated mean or median scores and no individual-level comparison group data were accessible to us. To overcome this problem, we therefore assumed equal variances (standard deviations) for Project Excite students and their related comparison groups. For example, the standard deviation of District 65 Grade 3 ISAT math mean score was assumed to be equal to that of Project Excite third graders, which was 30.34. Due to this limitation, effect sizes in the current study should be only considered as a rough estimation of the effect at most.

Illinois Standards Achievement Test (ISAT) Scores

Tables 2 and 3 show the descriptive information of ISAT math and reading scores and related effect sizes.

To supplement the above analysis on ISAT mean scores, we conducted one-sample median tests (the Wilcoxon signed-rank tests) to assess whether the median scores (i.e., the observed median) of third-, fifth-, and eighth-grade students in Project Excite (i.e., the sample) were significantly different from those of their peers in District 65 and the State of Illinois students (i.e., a known median) as reported in the Evanston/Skokie School District 65's 2013 Accountability & Achievement Report.

Table 4 presents the results of median equality tests on the ISAT math scores. In third grade, students of Project Excite Cohort 13 (median = 241) performed almost equally as well as District 65 students in third grade overall (median = 232), z = 1.55, p = .121. However, their median ISAT math score (median = 241) was significantly lower than that of District 65 Asian (median = 251) and White (median = 247) third grade ( z = −3.12, −2.17, p = .002, .03, respectively).

In fifth grade, students of Project Excite Cohort 11 (median = 280) significantly outperformed District 65 students in fifth grade overall (median = 267), z = 3.03, p = .002. Project Excite students appeared to make large gains in fifth grade, demonstrated by the fact that they performed equally well as Asian (median = 280), White (median = 280), and multiracial (median = 280) students, z = 1.05, p = .293 for all three related tests. In eighth grade, students of Project Excite Cohort 8 (median = 296) were significantly outperformed by District 65 White students in the eighth grade (median = 314), z = −2.48, p = .013. They performed almost equally well with District 65 Asian (median = 305) and multiracial students (median = 296), z = −0.67, 0.99, p = .501, 0.325, respectively. However, they again significantly outperformed District 65 students in eighth grade overall (median = 289), z = 2.46, p = .014. These outcomes suggested that the math achievement gap between Project Excite and District 65 White, Asian, and overall students was reduced after third grade, as measured by ISAT math median scores.

Project Excite students consistently and significantly outperformed all subgroups of the State of Illinois on ISAT math, including White (median = 226, 249, 279 in third, fifth, and eighth grades, respectively), multiracial (median = 221, 244, 274), and students overall (median = 217, 241, 272), with the exception of Asian students. They performed almost equally as well as Asian students in third and eighth grades (median = 241, 300, respectively; z = −0.74, 0.12, p = .458, .904, respectively) and they outperformed Asian students in fifth grade (median = 267; z = 3.03, p = .002). These results can be partially attributed to the fact that District 65's education performance in general is higher than that of the State of Illinois.

Results of one sample median equality tests on ISAT reading scores (see Table 5) revealed a similar pattern to what was found from the analyses on ISAT median math scores. Taken together, the median equality test results showed that across third, fifth, and eighth grades, the achievement gap between Project Excite students, District 65, and the State of Illinois's White and Asian Students was eliminated.

Explore Scores

Table 6 shows descriptive statistics and effect sizes for Explore math, science, reading, English, and composite scores, comparing Project Excite eighth graders and those of ETHS students.

Project Excite students in eighth grade performed almost equally well on Explore math ( M = 19.74) to their peers who took Explore tests in eighth grade and then entered ETHS in ninth grade ( M = 19.8), g = −0.02, 95% CI [−0.54, 0.50]. However, Project Excite students in eighth grade significantly outperformed ETHS Black ( M = 15.03) and Latino ( M = 16.06) students, g = 1.58, 1.21, 95% CI [1.02, 2.13], [0.63, 1.78], respectively. When ETHS ninth-grade students were grouped into low-income and non-low-income students, Project Excite students outperformed ETHS low-income students ( M = 15.1), g = 1.55, 95% CI [1.00, 2.09]; their mean score was slightly higher but not statistically significantly than that of ETHS non-low-income counterparts ( M = 19.3), g = 0.15, 95% CI [1.00, 2.09].

Taken together, as shows graphically, Explore scores suggest that there was still an achievement gap between Project Excite eighth graders (who were primarily low-income Black and Latino students) and their White and non-low-income counterparts in ETHS. However, Project Excite students in eighth grade consistently and significantly outscored their Black, Latino, and low-income peers in ETHS on all subjects and composite scores. They also significantly outperformed ETHS students overall on Explore composite scores.

Table 7 shows the percentages of Project Excite and District 65 students who met or exceeded the CCRS 50th percentile benchmark on MAP scores during spring 2010 through spring 2013. The average percentages of Project Excite students meeting or exceeding the CCRS 50th percentile benchmark on MAP math (92%) and reading (91.2%) across the 4 years were significantly higher than those of District 65 White (math 66.8%, reading 80.5%), Asian (57.9%, 65.6%), multiracial (46.3%, 60.9%), all students (42.4%, 55.4%), Hispanic (20.7%, 32.2%), and Black (14%, 27.2%), p < .001, for all related one-sample tests of proportions (one-tailed). The difference was statistically significant in each respective year, p < .001 (one-tailed). Although one needs to take into consideration the small group sizes of Project Excite, these outcomes at least showed that Project Excite performed impressively well on MAP math and reading as a group.

Ninth-Grade Math Placements

Table 8 show the percentages of at- and above-grade-level math placements in the ninth grade for Project Excite Cohorts 1 to 9, compared with ETHS Students in the 2013-2014 school year. Although the percentage of students who were placed at an above-grade-level math course in ninth grade varied somewhat by cohort, the percentages exceeded that for the district overall and showed an upward trend across years. An average of 76% of Excite students in Cohorts 1 to 9 were placed in an above-grade-level math course (Algebra 2 honors, Geometry honors) in their high school freshmen year, which was not statistically higher than of all ETHS students (72%), z = 1.09, p = .138 (one-tailed one-sample test of proportion), but was statistically higher than that of African American and Latino students (50%), z = 6.35, p < .001.

Across Cohorts 1 to 9, the average percentage of Project Excite students being placed in on grade-level math courses (e.g., Algebra 1) in ninth grade was 23%, which was not statistically different from that of all ETHS students (28%), z = −1.36, p = .174 (two-tailed one-sample test of proportion), but was statistically lower than that of African American and Latino students (50%), z = −6.59, p < .001 (one-tailed one-sample test of proportion).

Together, ninth-grade math placement data showed that the proportion of Project Excite participating students being placed on advanced above-grade-level math courses in ninth grade after exiting the project at end of eighth grade was almost as high as that of ETHS students overall, and was significantly higher than that of their African American and Latino peers. Project Excite improved the representation of minority students in advanced tracks in their high school.

College Placements

Although the first stage of Project Excite focused on Grades 3 through 8, we collected Cohorts 1 to 5 college placement information after their high school graduation. The percentage of students for whom there was college matriculation information available ranged from 37% to 60% for the first five cohorts, with an average of 53%. Some students left the district, others attended schools other than ETHS for high school, and some students did not provide college matriculation information.

Table 9 presents the college placement information of Project Excite students. Among them, 84.5% (49 out of 58) entered a 4-year college, 27.6% (16 out of 58) enrolled a 4-year college that ranked in the top 50 U.S. colleges based on 2014 U.S. News & World Report rankings, and 15.5% (9 out of 58) entered in community colleges or technical schools. The percentages of students attending more selective institutions increased and the percentage of students attending community colleges and technical schools decreased with later cohorts of students. We attribute this partly to the change in our selection procedures and to a greater focus in our parent and student workshops on college guidance and counseling. The college placement information of other students in ETHS was not accessible for comparison purposes. However, the 84.5% college enrollment of Project Excite first five cohorts is substantially higher than the sum (72%) of the national average college enrollment of Black (37.3%, the average of 3 years) and Hispanic students (34.7%, the average of 3 years) between 2010 and 2012, based on the information in the Digest of Education Statistics 2013 ( Snyder & Dillow, 2015).

Summary of Findings

Project Excite was designed to address the math and science achievement gaps between minority and nonminority students within a large, diverse, suburban school district. Students were identified as having potential for future high achievement in the STEM field based on above average, but not stellar performance on standardized tests. They were given significant amounts of supplemental, outside-of-school programming designed to boost their achievement and prepare them for placement in advanced STEM courses in high school. The current study examined the academic outcomes of Project Excite, particularly their ISAT math and reading scores, Explore test scores, MAP scores, high school freshmen math placement, and college placement. The results of the study revealed six findings:

1. The data suggest that Project Excite reduced the math and science achievement gap between disadvantaged high-potential minority and high-achieving majority (i.e., White and Asian) students, prepared them for above-grade-level placement in math, and improved their representation and participation in advanced courses in high school.

2. There was a consistent improvement among participants in multiple subjects (e.g., math, science, and reading) as shown by the overall positive trend in their test scores. Students' achievement scores were comparable to those of students overall in District 65 when they began the program in third grade, but consistently surpassed their peers in both math and reading after fourth grade. In comparison with District 65 students as a whole, Project Excite students made larger achievement gains in science, reading, and math throughout their time in the program.

3. Although the achievement levels of different participant cohorts varied to some degree when they first entered the project and during the early years of their participation, the differences gradually diminished after Grade 5.

4. Although there was no significant difference in the achievement performances of different cohorts, the achievement levels of more recent cohorts appear to be higher than those of the earlier ones, perhaps attributable to the fact that, starting with Cohort 4, Project Excite selected students on both math and reading achievement scores.

5. Participants were well prepared for high school, suggested by their Explore scores which exceeded those of Black and Latino students and were comparable to the scores of White students, the highest scoring group in the district.

6. Participants' college choices ranged but there was a notable trend toward the selection of more academically selective institutions of higher education and away from community colleges and technical schools as time passed.

Implications for CLED Programming Practices

Findings of this longitudinal study of Project Excite suggest that front-loading programs (i.e., identifying high-potential children and providing learning opportunities for advanced work prior to formal identification) can be quite useful for nurturing and identifying the talents of high-potential minority students and increase their overall representation in advanced courses ( Adams & Chandler, 2013; Olszewski-Kubilius & Clarenbach, 2012). As a front-loading program for gifted CLED students, Project Excite has many of the features put forward by Briggs et al. (2008) and Olszewski-Kubilius and Clarenbach (2012) for the identification and participation of CLED students in gifted programs. We highlight several features below.

Briggs et al. (2008) found three main categories of identification strategies used in these programs based on their study of 25 promising programs for CLED gifted students: (a) employing alternative pathways for identification, such as using different assessments tools or eliminating formal identification procedures; (b) early identification, usually at the primary grade level but as early as preschool; and (c) including information about broader perspectives of performance, such as classroom observations or student work portfolios. As described earlier, Project Excite selected high-potential CLED students in third grade using multiple criteria, including nomination from their schools or parents, recommendations from their teachers regarding students' work habits, achievement, ability, and interests, and performance on criterion-referenced tests (e.g., the ISAT) and/or norm-referenced (e.g., the Iowa Tests of Basic Skills; the NNAT). These identification strategies allowed Project Excite to be more inclusive of high-potential CLED students at an early age who otherwise might have not been identified or had their potential developed.

In addition, following the recommendations for best practice of Olszewski-Kubilius and Clarenbach (2012) in a review of exemplary programs for underrepresented gifted students, Project Excite used a lower threshold (i.e., 75th percentile) for students. The lower threshold is in keeping with the concept of "local norms" or using cutoffs that take into consideration students' previous opportunities to learn. Finally, rather than relying exclusively on a nomination process by teachers with little or no training in gifted education, which has been shown to miss many qualified students ( Ford, Grantham, & Milner, 2004), Project Excite invited all minority students from the five participating elementary schools to test for entrance into the program.

Front-loading is a programming strategy that identifies high-potential children at an early age and provides them with opportunities for advanced work prior to formal identification for gifted programs. Its main goal is to bridge the gap in the readiness of some CLED students, nurture their abilities, and prepare them for success in advanced programs. Project Excite supported students from Grades 3 through 8 and aimed to prepare them for advanced-level coursework (especially in math and science) in high school. In total, a typical participating student engaged in approximately 445 required and 180 optional hours of learning through after-school, Saturday, and school break time (i.e., fall, winter, and summer) during the 6-year program from Grades 3 through 8. Assuming students spent 5 hours on learning activities during a normal school day, completing the required 445 hours in Project Excite means that students engaged in additional learning for an equivalent of almost 90 school days (445/5 = 89), not counting the 180 optional hours. In addition, Project Excite intervened early and provided support for a 6-year duration. Such intensive, front-loading programming is a feature that distinguishes Project Excite from many other similar programs (see Adams & Chandler, 2013; Briggs et al, 2008; Olszewski-Kubilius & Clarenbach, 2012, for descriptions of other programs).

Project Excite implemented a continuum of curriculum and learning opportunities, focusing on the needs of students at a particular time in their development. The after-school experiences for third graders were designed to stimulate excitement for STEM, as well as to give students a preview of the large high school they would attend, familiarity and confidence with high school lab spaces, and opportunities to interact with science and math teachers who would potentially teach them in the future. The summer programs for third and fourth graders were designed to intervene early to make sure that basic literacy and math skills were solid, ensuring a high level of academic progress in the later grades. Other project components consisted of early enrichment designed to prepare students for acceleration in mathematics during middle school. In addition, though all of the courses and program components took place outside of the students' regular school day, they were designed to articulate and support in-school learning. For example, the Saturday classes for Project Excite students in sixth grade focused on algebraic thinking as students' prepared to take exams at the end of the school year that would determine their math placement in seventh grade. Some of the curricula were designed to fill in for gaps in the school curriculum, for example, providing significant science laboratory experience in Grades 7 and 8.

Tutoring with undergraduates provided access to supports that other more advantaged families garner on their own as well as giving Project Excite students some mentoring by older, successful students. Parent workshops delivered tacit knowledge about courses and advanced high school programs that more advantaged families might have ready access to. In these ways, lower income families had access to similar supports and information as more advantaged families.

Project Excite put considerable efforts into building connections between families and the program ( Olszewski-Kubilius, Lee, Ngoi, & Ngoi, 2004). For example, it hosted regular parent meetings for the education and support of parents, conducted parent workshops exclusively for Excite families and involves Excite families in other CTD programs such as its Saturday speaker program and its annual summer family conference, "Opportunities for the Future." In addition, it involved parents as volunteers to support or organize family gatherings such as picnics and excursions to plays and museums. In the later years of the program, parents formed their own parent group, ran their own events and identified topics and speakers for parent workshops. Such efforts helped build important bridges between the program and the families. Translators were used to enable Spanish-speaking families to benefit from the parent workshops and meetings. Over time, project coordinators and staff became trusted collaborators with parents in supporting their children's educational paths and aspirations. Parents turned to staff for help with other children and or assistance in negotiating other issues affecting their child's achievement or school adjustment.

Evaluation is an essential component of successful programs for gifted CLED students. Project Excite employed various efforts to track and document students' progress in the program. For example, it collected multiple achievement data across the years, such as scores in ISAT, Explore, MAP tests, and information on ninth-grade math placement and college placement after high school. It also regularly conducted parent, student, and teacher surveys. In addition, Project Excite conducted and published a series of studies to examine important aspects of the project, such as students' performance in math and science, the experience and perceptions of participants and their parents, and factors contributing to or hindering academic success of students (e.g., Cockrell & Olszewski-Kubilius, 2012; Lee et al., 2009; Lee, Olszewski-Kubilius, & Peternel, 2010; Olszewski-Kubilius & Clarenbach, 2014). Such concerted efforts in program evaluation and research helped amass a wealth of information on the students' growth and rich knowledge to further refine the program.

Future Improvement for Project Excite

As discussed above, the comprehensive and intensive features of Project Excite make it exceptional among similar programs for CLED students. However, there is always room for improvement. While Project Excite moved away from relying exclusively on teacher referrals for student nomination and instituted a more inclusive strategy, teacher buy-in for the program and support for Excite students within schools is still important. This could be enhanced if teachers saw themselves as partners with Excite administrators in identifying and providing services to academically talented CLED students. One way to accomplish this is to provide training and helpful tools for partnering school personnel to enable them to better identify and support students. Project U-STARS~PLUS has developed student observational tools (i.e., the Teachers' Observation of Potential in Students) and professional development modules ( Coleman & Shah-Coltrane, 2011), which have been widely used with demonstrated results ( Harradine, Coleman, & Winn, 2014) to help teachers recognize and nurture students' potential in their classrooms. There are other validated instruments available for identifying academic potential of students from low-income families as well such as the HOPE Scale ( Peters & Gentry, 2010).

Second, Project Excite needs to continue to explore the best integration of multiple achievement assessments for identifying eligible students. Like many other gifted programs, Project Excite chose to integrate the NNAT in its identification process because there was some earlier evidence supporting its use as a more appropriate measure of general ability (e.g., Naglieri & Ronning, 2000) that would be at least as effective as other ability tests that contain both verbal and nonverbal components (e.g., Naglieri & Ford, 2003). However, some recent research suggests that the nonverbal battery of Form 6 of the Cognitive Abilities Test (CogAT6) produces smaller gaps between minority groups such as Black, Hispanic, multiracial, and non-Asian English language learners than the NNAT does (e.g., Giessman, Gambrell, & Stebbins, 2013; Lohman, Korb, & Lakin, 2008). Also, following the recommendations of Lohman et al. (2008), using both the NNAT and achievement test scores resulted in a group of students whose aptitudes better matched the STEM program that was the focus of Project Excite.

Third, as described earlier, Project Excite added a high school component and began to serve students from third grade through high school starting in 2013. The high school component addresses important issues arising from the past 14 years of practice. Particularly, although most participants performed quite well during third through eighth grades with the support of Project Excite, some were not able to maintain their achievement after they entered high school, with the ninth grade being an exceptionally challenging and critical transition year. Some students encountered difficulty in selecting colleges or planning for future careers and they often lacked sufficient help and support from their family and school. The high school component aims to provide substantial continued support for students, so that they can maintain their achievement through Grades 9 to 12, and become strong candidates for entrance into selective institutions of higher education. It is reasonable to expect that this high school component can further leverage the comprehensiveness and intensity of Project Excite to better serve high-potential CLED students.

Fourth, Project Excite administrators need to remain flexible, responsive, and open to continuous improvement and making changes that would increase students' participation and retention in the program. As mentioned earlier, the overwhelming majority of Project Excite students (76.5%) completed or are actively participating in the program, 23.5% of students left the program at some point, and only 1.9% left the program citing lack of interest or motivation to continue. This strong retention rate speaks to the fact that Project Excite met the needs of disadvantaged minority students who were eager for a program that would help them strengthen their academic abilities. The retention rate is also attributable to the fact that Project Excite has remained flexible, responsive, and has continuously sought further improvement, which has also led to some programming changes over the years. For example, Project Excite adjusted selection criteria to include reading scores to ensure the readiness of recruited students. Additionally, an invitation to apply for Project Excite was extended to all minority students in the third grade in participating schools rather than relying on teacher recommendations. The thinking was that families who sought out the opportunity, and who made the effort to bring their children for testing on a Saturday would likely be willing and able to support their participation in Saturday, summer and after-school classes. This has generally been the case.

Furthermore, Project Excite administrators increased the number of parent workshops on the ways that families could support their children and help them navigate critical issues such as peer influences, racial identity, and noncognitive aspects of high achievement, such as motivation, grit, and self-control. As students and family situations change over time, affected by significant events such as job losses, family instability, and health issues, Project Excite administrators need to continue to grapple with the level and kinds of support they can reasonably provide to students and families to prevent the attrition of students with issues that significantly affect their academic achievement.

There are also other innovative ways to improve Project Excite in the future. For example, it can consider providing a curriculum for improving students' executive functioning skills, which have been linked to many important aspects of children and adolescents' functioning including academic achievement, school behaviors, self-regulation, social-emotional development, and physical well-being (e.g., Best, Miller, & Naglieri, 2011; Fuhs, Nesbitt, Farran, & Dong, 2014; Langberg, Dvorsky, & Evans, 2013; Young et al., 2009). Another promising area is to nurture students' leadership skills. With the newly added high school component, Project Excite has the potential to involve students in the CTD's Civic Leadership Institute, a 3-week summer service-learning program for high school students that combines hands-on education and service related to addressing significant societal problems.

The Role of Gifted Programming in Closing the Achievement Gap

As a field, gifted education has not been perceived as having anything to contribute to closing achievement gaps, and in some cases, has been accused of contributing to them ( Sapon-Shevin, 1994). This longitudinal study of Project Excite adds to the growing research literature on the role of gifted programming and practices in addressing achievement and excellence gaps. Recent research has shown that advanced curriculum designed specifically for gifted learners can be used successfully with a broad range of students in Title 1 schools when implemented with appropriate scaffolding strategies ( Bland, Coxon, Chandler, & VanTassel-Baska, 2010; Gavin, Casa, Adelson, Carroll, & Sheffield, 2009; Horn, 2015; Reis, McCoach, Little, Muller, & Kaniskan, 2011; VanTassel-Baska, Bracken, Brown, & Feng, 2005, 2009). Achievement gains for students as a result of access to advanced, challenging curricula enable more students to qualify for gifted programs and reach higher levels of achievement commensurate with their abilities. Gifted education specialists have increasingly come to realize the role that problem-based learning, enrichment, and other gifted education strategies can play in addressing broad educational issues.

Limitations

Project Excite was conceived as an outreach project designed to address the achievement gap of a large, racially and socioeconomically diverse suburban school system. Its origins included a concerted effort on the part of administrators from both the elementary and high school districts and faculty at Northwestern University to take action to address a major, complex problem. Most of the effort and all of the funds were used to implement the program. Data were collected as regularly and as systematically as possible to better inform the design of the Excite program, given the many changes to personnel within the districts and changing criteria for accelerated math programs over the course of 14 years. The educational component of Project Excite was tweaked and refined as a result. However, basic research was not a primary focus of this collaborative effort. Therefore, a major limitation of this study is that it lacks a true comparison group and it relied on comparing the achievement data of Project Excite students with their peers in their local school, school districts, or the State of Illinois.

Second, we lacked disaggregated student achievement data for the comparison group and only had mean or median scores reported on school or districts achievement reports. As a result, data analyses were limited to median equality tests and computation of effect sizes assuming equal variance of two comparing groups. Third, there were no true baseline data to allow us to clearly assess whether Project Excite students were equivalent to their comparing peers prior to the program. We thus tentatively used the third-grade ISAT math and reading scores as the baseline data. Fourth, we were not be able to collect any achievement test scores for Project Excite students during high school since they exited from the program after eighth grade. As a result, we could not assess their actual learning performance during this stage. Last, there were only descriptive statistics for Project Excite students' college placement because no such data for the comparison students were publically accessible.

It is relevant to note that, despite these limitations, this study was able to use multiple outcome data including standardized achievement test scores (i.e., ISAT math and reading scores, Explore math, reading, science, English, and composite scores, MAP scores), ninth-grade math placement, and college placement information. Most important, results of our analyses were fairly consistent across the scores of the three different standardized achievement tests. Furthermore, all the data points, taken collectively, inform us about the outcomes of Project Excite.

Directions for Future Research

The current study points to several possible directions for future research on Project Excite and other similar programs for high-potential CLED students. First, research is needed to focus more specifically on the various components of intervention programs such as Project Excite. What components or processes are especially critical and effective? Although several studies have been conducted on Project Excite (e.g., Lee et al., 2009, 2010), the role and efficacy of particular program components has not been studied to date. Second, more research is needed on the processes underlying the impact of the program. For example, does identification for a special program galvanize parents and teachers to raise expectations thereby affecting student achievement? Does success in a challenging academic program involving other talented peers significantly affect the self-concepts, expectations, and academic-related decisions of students and families so that they continue to seek advanced courses and programs? Does support from a wide ranging set of peers (e.g., beyond one's home, school, district, or country) reinforce motivation and commitment to achievement and help students better benchmark their progress? Does access to "near-peers" cultivate motivation and perseverance? Does contact with exceptional teachers increase interest and thus motivation to study? Do challenging yet supportive supplementary programs engender growth mind-sets and other beliefs conducive to high achievement? Understanding how programs such as Project Excite influence students and families would require longer term studies that include measurement of other psychological constructs such as self-concept, social support, sense of belonging, and others. Such research would greatly inform the design of future interventions aimed at achievement gaps.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Author Biographies

Paula Olszewski-Kubilius, PhD, is the director of the Center for Talent Development (CTD) at Northwestern University and a professor in the School of Education and Social Policy. Over the past 30 years, she has created programs for all kinds of gifted learners and written extensively about talent development. She has served as the editor of Gifted Child Quarterly, coeditor of the Journal of Secondary Gifted Education, and on the editorial boards of Gifted and Talented International, Roeper Review, and Gifted Child Today. She is past president of the National Association for Gifted Children (NAGC) and received the Distinguished Scholar Award in 2009 from NAGC.

Saiying Steenbergen-Hu, PhD, is a research assistant professor and the research director of the CTD of Northwestern University's School of Education and Social Policy. Her research focuses on the effectiveness of educational interventions on students' academic achievement and psychosocial development. Her methodological interests and skills include meta-analysis, research synthesis, educational measurement and assessment, quantitative research methodology, and applied statistical analysis. Her meta-analysis, coauthored with Sidney Moon, on the effects of acceleration on high-ability learners won the Gifted Child Quarterly Paper of the Year Award in 2012. She and Paula Olszewski-Kubilius recently published a methodological brief "How to Conduct a Good Meta-Analysis in Gifted Education" in Gifted Child Quarterly (Vol. 60, No. 2, 2016).

Dana Thomson, MSEd, is a doctoral candidate and research associate in the Applied Developmental and Educational Psychology Department at Boston College's Lynch School of Education. Her research focuses on the role of family environment and engagement in early child developmental and educational outcomes. Most recently, her research has examined the role of cumulative contextual stress in the association between poverty in early childhood and long-term child academic and social-emotional outcomes, as well as the role of family processes in moderating these associations and helping children thrive in the face of disadvantage. Previously, she served as Director of Research at the CTD at Northwestern University's School of Education and Social Policy. She received a bachelor of arts in philosophy from Carleton College and a master's degree in education from Northwestern University.

Rhoda Rosen, PhD, is associate director at CTD of Northwestern University's School of Education and Social Policy. She oversees Northwestern University's Midwest Academic Talent Search program, CTD's Weekend Enrichment Programs, Creative Studies, CTD's parent outreach initiatives and outreach for the Jack Kent Cooke Foundation's Young Scholars, and College Scholarship Program. She also chairs the CTD-wide Diversity Committee, tasked to find ways to increase diversity within CTD classrooms and to provide a thriving, welcoming classroom environment for our diverse student population. She had oversight of Project Excite at the time of this research.

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This longitudinal study examined the outcomes of Project Excite on reducing minority students' achievement gaps in STEM over 14 years. Project Excite was designed to provide intensive supplemental enrichment and accelerated programming for high-potential, underrepresented minority students from third through eighth grades to better prepare them for advanced math and science courses in high school.

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new york california florida nevada israel moscow european colleges and universities

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lander college for men women arts and sciences

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law business education medical technology psychology social work schools

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Touro College and University System - Touro students hail from all over the world, from all walks of life, in the pursuit of a common goal: To get the best possible education, to find a promising professional career, and to do so in an environment that respects and supports their backgrounds and beliefs.

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Troops to Teachers program brings diversity from the real world into classrooms.

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Troops to Teachers program brings diversity from the real world into classrooms.

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Troops to Teachers overview. (dayton)

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Since 1993, more than 20,000 military veterans have made their way to the classroom as teachers for their follow on career after military service. According to the Department of Defense program and Defense Activities for Non-Traditional Educational Support (DANTES), military members with 4 year college degrees can become teachers in the school systems and teach kindergarten through 12th grade. The program is known of the Troop To Teachers Program (TTT). See official website: ProudtoServeAgain.com.

Military members with a baccalaureate degree or higher are eligible to begin the teaching certification process to become an academic subject teacher. However, many service members may already qualify to become a vocational/technical teacher. Military members only need the equivalent of one year of college courses and six years of experience in a vocational or technical field to begin the certification process.

To complete the process, individuals can use an Alternative Certification Program (ACP) or University Teacher Preparation Program. Military Members within the European theater may benefit from an ACP, since this method offers online courses to obtain the teaching certification. Even better, there is no cost to participate in the program for the military member. This is free on the job training. The TTT program provides counseling, referrals, and job assistance to all current and former members of the U.S. Armed Forces who want to transition to a teaching career.

Military members from all of the armed forces can use tuition assistance for their teaching certification while on active duty. Members may also be eligible for financial assistance for teacher certification expenses - a $5,000 stipend or up to $10,000 bonus based on eligibility. A commitment to teaching for three years in a "high-need" school district or at a high school with a high percentage of low-income families is part of the obligation for receiving some forms of financial aid.

The Defense Human Resources Activity (DHRA) and the Defense Activity for Non-Traditional Education Support (DANTES) are authorized by statute which permits the Secretary of Defense to make grants to states in order to support efforts of recruiting eligible current and former members of the military for the Troops to Teachers program. This helps to facilitate the employment of participants as K-12 teachers, and career or technical teachers in Vocational Schools. Fiscal Year (FY) 2018 grants help the states selected provide services for a term of up to 5 years through May 2023.

There are 31 state TTT offices nationwide that offer placement assistance for the more than 50 states and territories participating in the program. Offices can assist military members with state certification requirements. Service members can take advantage of the TTT Web site to correspond with representatives and receive alternative certification information.

"It's important to focus on where you want to teach, to start checking what your state's requirements are. Teacher certification is done state-to-state, not nationally. But some states will recognize another state's certification," said John Gantz, director of the TTT program.

The program began in 1993 during the military downsizing of the early 90's as transition assistance towards a teaching career. The military members who have become teachers have established a good reputation for the program with school administrators and principals. "School systems are finding former military members to be very valuable assets. They bring leadership skills, a concern for their students (similar to their troops) and a lot of experience to the classroom," said Gantz.

Schools are also seeing a higher retention rate from former military members than teachers who just finished college.

The cultural diversity of the military is proving an added bonus, as the program is providing individuals from a variety of backgrounds. "Schools are looking for a stronger presence of male and minority teachers at the elementary level. A lot of kids are being raised by one parent, and schools are looking for positive role models to help fill that void," added Gantz.

Teaching positions are available at the elementary, middle and high school levels in suburban, small towns, rural and inner-city areas. There is a higher demand for math, science and special education teachers. Positions for other subjects are obtainable, but applicants may need to be more flexible with location.
Vision of the Troop To Teachers Program
Every service member interested in a career in teaching will receive assistance to transition his or her leadership, training, and core values to teaching in kindergarten through grade twelve schools.
Mission of the Troop To Teachers Program
Assist transitioning Service members with meeting the requirements necessary to become teachers

Assist program participants with finding employment as a teacher when eligible
Goals of the Troop To Teachers Program
Reduce veteran unemployment

Improve American education by providing motivated, experienced, and dedicated personnel for the nation's classrooms

Increase the number of male and minority teachers in today's classrooms

Address teacher shortage issues in K-12 schools that serve low-income families and in the critical subjects - math, science, special education, foreign language, and career-technical education.

Military Members can consult their TTT representative on job availabilities, or check the Department of Education Web site at www.teachers-teachers.com. The Web site lists teaching vacancies for each state.

Service members interested in the Troops to Teachers program can get more information from their state TTT office, stateside DSN 312-922-1241 or on-line at www.ProudToServeAgain.com.

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The Troops-To-Teachers Program for Military Personnel

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Since 1993, more than 20,000 military veterans have made their way to the classroom as teachers for their follow on career after military service. According to the Department of Defense program and Defense Activities for Non-Traditional Educational Support (DANTES), military members with 4 year college degrees can become teachers in the school systems and teach kindergarten through 12th grade.

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Among urban education's many challenges is the facet of motivation.  We've learned that motivation is internal.  This video speaks to "having no problem with aiming high, and missing the mark...but rather the problem of aiming low, and hitting the mark."

Rick Rigsby

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"I Went From 3rd Grade Dropout To ULTRA SUCCESSFUL" | Rick Rigsby

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The Southern Nevada Educator Leadership Conference (SNELS) will be held on January 26th at Spring Valley HS from 8 AM - 5 PM. Registration is $25 for 2 CUs. Breakfast, lunch, and childcare are provided. This will be my first year attending this conference, so I am not sure if urban education will be included. However, I suspect this topic will be relevant since according to the theme the conference is organized around the 7 Domains of Teacher Leader Module Standards we learned about in the first class. If you are interested and haven't seen the registration information sent via email to all staff, contact Theo Small (tsmall@ccea-nv.org) for more information.

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Bridging the Gap Between Urban, Suburban and Rural Education

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Bridging the Gap Between Urban, Suburban and Rural Education

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This article shares characteristics of the three types of educational spaces. It also offers a comparative analysis.

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Bridging the Gap between Urban Suburban and Educational History

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This is an article that may be a great resource to start your research. ~ Tonya and Erica