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This article is about human right defenders being murdered. It’s said that at least 331 human right defenders have been killed in 2020, 69 percent were specifically defending Indigenous, land, or environmental rights . 26 percent of the people were focused on the indeginous peoples rights. The indigenous community is still being mistreated and exploited for resources that are contributing to pollution.

This article relates to what we've been learning in class because they mention how they are being exploited and murdered which we have learned happens more often than anyone actually knows about. In this class we learned about the indegenous peoples' land being harvested for resources that often cause pollution which could cause water loss. They are killing people for defending the indigenous peoples land and their rights.

This article was good but I wish they used more current data instead of 2020-2015. I liked this article because they used percentages and they highlighted some important information such as over one-third of defenders killed were Indigenous. This article was pretty crazy to me because it really seems like something that should be easier to find.I only learned about the article or any problems with the indigenous people because of my teacher which I believe is a problem. These problems should be shown in multiple ways like the news or social media. This is a very serious problem and there is not enough recognition of what's happening.

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Content Note: The following includes disturbing information on violence against Indigenous Peoples. We have strived to provide information on each individual, in celebration of their lives and work, without gratuitous detail on their deaths. While we have worked to avoid linking to sources with graphic imagery, please note that the sources linked may contain further details and images may be changed by websites after we have reviewed them.

On a daily basis, Indigenous communities live in relationship with and protect Mother Earth. Too often, this work is required to take the form of defending lands, territories, and communities against attacks by corporations and governments and resisting extractive projects that contaminate lakes, rivers, and entire ecosystems, contributing to climate change. Indigenous communities defend the planet for all Peoples. In return for this labor, their individual and collective rights are regularly violated through land theft, displacement, cultural repression, contamination, and physical attacks.

Violence against Indigenous environmental and human rights defenders is rampant worldwide. As part of our advocacy program, Cultural Survival tracks violence against Indigenous defenders in an effort to draw connections amongst these cases and demonstrate that this crisis, rather than being a set of unconnected attacks on individual people, is systemic. It exemplifies a dominant culture in which Indigenous rights are ignored, crimes against Indigenous Peoples are not taken seriously by governments, and perpetrators of violence against Indigenous Peoples are not held accountable. In some cases, government involvement surpasses negligence or indifference and suggests active complicity with the crimes. Frontline Defenders' Executive Director Andrew Anderson explained, "One of the reasons that attacks and killings of Indigenous human rights defenders is so prevalent is that perpetrators enjoy almost total impunity."

Cultural Survival's advocacy work is targeted: we work alongside community partners in various capacities through on-the-ground capacity building, grantmaking, and legal and policy advocacy at the national and international levels. Related to human rights defenders, our role has been to draw attention, illuminate patterns, and denounce violence to international human rights mechanisms. We do this work in order to build awareness of these crimes at the global level. We encourage questioning by investors in development projects as to the practices of companies on the ground in Indigenous communities, and support calls from communities that the murders of Indigenous defenders do not get swept under the rug but be recognized so that perpetrators may be held accountable.

As a result of structural violence against Indigenous Peoples, many crimes against them are not highly publicized. Cultural Survival tracks all of the cases of violence against Indigenous defenders that we become aware of in the languages that our staff members speak; the majority of these tend to be in Abya Yala (Central and South America).

Former UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Vicky Tauli-Corpuz, has called this trend a "global crisis." Frontline Defenders reported that at least 331 human rights defenders were killed in 2020, 69 percent of whom were specifically defending Indigenous, land, or environmental rights and 26 percent of whom focused on Indigenous Peoples' rights in particular. Of the total of 331 that Frontline Defenders tracked, 247 defenders, or 75 percent, were killed in Central and South America. In the three years prior to October 2020, over 25 percent of rights defenders who were killed were Indigenous, vastly disproportionately higher than Indigenous Peoples' proportion of the global population, which is roughly six percent. Global Witness reported that from 2015 to 2019, over one-third of defenders killed were Indigenous.

In some cases, several articles have been published online about a particular Indigenous defender who was murdered with substantial institutional support for community calls for justice. Other times, there may be just one or two local articles published online, or even just a press release passed to us by a partner on the ground. Finally, there are cases that we learn of through social media posts or by word of mouth, with minimal information about the attack or the life of the person who was attacked. The people involved in little-publicized cases are as important to us as the well known ones, and we are just as committed to making their names and legacies known. Every individual was a beloved person, a community and family member, and someone who is mourned for not only the work they did but for who they were.

In the profiles below, we remember and mourn 33 Indigenous people who were killed in 2021. We also recognize and condemn attacks on seven Indigenous defenders, threats against one, disappearance of one, and the criminalization of four. We acknowledge that our scope is limited and that violence against Indigenous Peoples and against particular defenders of human rights and the environment far surpasses the data that we were able to collect, and we honor all of the Peoples and communities who have been affected. We commit to continuing to work towards justice for Indigenous land and rights defenders alongside the affected communities to the extent that we are able. Defenders are listed by country in alphabetical order, then chronologically by date of the incident.

Colombia Honduras México Nicaragua Perú
Colombia

Despite the fact that the government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia/ FARC) signed Peace Accords in 2016, killings of human rights defenders have surged, with Colombian peace organization Indepaz counting 1,283 murders of defenders and social leaders in Colombia since the Peace Accords were signed and 48 killings of Indigenous human rights defenders in 2021 alone. Here, we profile just a small selection of these cases. For further discussion of the root causes of this violence and profiles of additional cases, please see Cultural Surivival's 2019 StoryMap on Indigenous Defenders in Colombia.

María Bernarda Juajibioy and her granddaughter Jazzlín Camila Luna Figueroa (Kamentsá)
Photo: Maria Bernarda and her granddaughter. Via Jorge Rojas Rodríguez on Twitter.

On March 17, 2021, in Orito, Putumayo, a group of armed men in military uniforms shot María Bernarda Juajibioy, Indigenous leader and mayor of Cabildo Kamentzá Biyá, while she was on a motorcycle. She died along with her one-and-a-half-year-old granddaughter, Jazzlín Camila Luna Figueroa. Also shot and injured were María's 22-year-old daughter, Paola Patricia Pujimuy, and Paola's own nine-year-old daughter. This violence left the 15 Indigenous Peoples of the Putumayo region grieving.
Rafael Domicó Carupia (Embera Eyábida)
Photo via ONIC.

Rafael Domicó Carupia ( Pueblo Emberá Eyábida), reported receiving death threats prior to his assassination by unknown assailants with knives and guns in an ambush at 4:00 a.m. on April 6, 2021. Killed in front of his house in Amparradó Popalito in Colombia, municipality of Dabeiba, Department of Antioquia, Rafael was 63 years old. As Cultural Survival noted in its 2019 In Memoriam report, the Emberá territory is a highly contested zone with the Clan del Golfo, a major narco-criminal organization operating there.
Sandra Liliana Peña (Nasa)
The governor of the La Laguna Siberia Indigenous reserve, Sandra was a respected leader even at a young age. She also served as Education Program Policy Coordinator for the reserve. As governor, she was known for working to remove illicit crops from the reserve, which drew attention to her and made her especially vulnerable to repeated threats against her life. Sandra is remembered as a role model who fought for justice for Indigenous women in Cauca. According to, she leaves behind her father, Climaco Peña, and her sister, Olga Peña Chocue. Sandra's sister described her as "very strong, very out front. She wasn't frightened of anything."

Cultural Survival, the Interamerican Commission on Human Rights, and others have called for a thorough investigation into her killing. On August 23, 2021, several months after Sandra's murder, authorities prosecuted and convicted three men with connections to the drug trade: Pedro Nel Correa Murcia, Farid Arley Chamorro, and Fredy Hoyos Muñoz, alias Moño Moño. They have all been sentenced to time in prison, with 60 years reported for Correa Murcia and Arley Chamorro.

Argenis Yatacué and Marcelino Yatacué Ipia (Nasa)
Argenis is remembered in overflowing praise by her community members and comrades. A memorial video posted by the Asociación shows images of Argenis in various community spaces filled with children and community life, in front of microphones, weaving in a circle, and at celebrations. As one speaker remembers her: "Valiant woman, empowered authority, admired mother, tireless motivator, comrade with a solid heart and in tireless struggle: you have stayed in the heart of the community, the territory, and the organization that today cries for you. Remember, you are appreciated." Another says to Argenis, "We make your example ours. Your unfillable footprints of resistance remain in each of us who were lucky enough to hear you, know you, meet you, and walk together in your path as an educator, community member, leader, authority, and unbreakable fighter."

Hundreds of community members gathered on June 11, under a rainbow, to take part in a symbolic planting to bid farewell and return Argenis and Marcelino to the Earth.
Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia (Emberá)
According to a statement released by Akubadaura, "The Emberá community of Chidima Tolo has always opposed the dispossession of its territory, refuses to plant illicit crops on their lands, and resists forced recruitment of its young people by any of the armed groups." Multiple illegal paramilitary groups operate with impunity in Colombia, competing for control of the illicit drug market. Efrén opposed the Ejército Nacional de Liberación (National Liberation Army) and the Las Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (Gaitanist Self-Defense Forces of Colombia), a paramilitary and drug trafficking group. Some allege that the latter group assassinated Efrén and that, prior to his murder, the group had threatened the communities.

Honduras
Juan Carlos Cerros Escalante (Lenca)
Photo: COPINH.

Many local and international human rights organizations have asked the government for a proper investigation to be carried out and justice to be served, including COPINH, the organization formerly led by Berta Caceres, another Indigenous Lenca defender who was murdered in 2016 as a result of her activism against a dam on a river in her community. COPINH denounced the killing while sharing on Twitter, "The same patterns of violence against water defenders, like those used against our colleague Berta Caceres, are being repeated."

México
Vicente Guzmán Reyes, Ambrosio Guzmán Reyes, and José Luis Chávez Mondragón (Purépecha)
Zitacuaro, a municipality within the state of Michoacán, is home to many Purépecha communities. An increasing presence of organized crime and drug cartels in this region, along with the government's total indifference and lack of action to stop these crises, has led several Purépecha Indigenous communities to establish independent Indigenous Police Corps to patrol and defend their territory. These police corps, made up of volunteers, patrol their territories in order to keep organized crime outside of their communities. Due to the richness in natural resources within their territories, the communities have been subject to increasing violence from organized crime groups who seek to exploit their forests, water, and other resources. These pristine forests are also home to the monarch butterflies who migrate annually from the US and Canada and are an important source of income for the Indigenous communities.

Vicente Guzmán, Ambrosio Guzmán, and José Luis Chávez were part of the volunteer security corps that worked to keep their community safe. On January 17, 2021, all three were killed while on their community rounds. No further information has been found on the perpetrators, as State authorities have not been sent to investigate the case, nor have they issued death certificates for the victims.
Fidel Heras Cruz (Chatino)
Photo via: COPUDEVER

According to Excelsior.com, five days before his death, Fidel presented a report during an assembly of leaders regarding ongoing extraction of gravel from the Río Verde riverbed by a family of local ranchers with approval by the municipal president, Celia Rivas Marquez. "During this meeting, it was revealed that the debt accumulated for this illegal extraction without an environmental impact permit was calculated to be at least 500,000 pesos, which should be collected by the local authorities," reported the source. A report was made to the State's Attorney General to collect the fees and open an investigation. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Office in Mexico, as well as other local and national organizations, have condemned Fidel's murder and urge Mexican authorities to investigate the case so the perpetrators do not go unpunished.

Fidel was known for being kind, community-driven, passionate, and a hard worker. He is remembered by his community as a fervent activist, a great father, husband, and son. He enjoyed singing, playing basketball, telling stories, and reciting verses. He thoroughly enjoyed tending to his milpa and cultivating his corn, and he also had a fierce passion for defending his territory. He defended his community and the well being of their territory and spoke publicly about the threats that the extractive industry posed for Río Verde. He was a friendly, calm man and, as his friend Marcos Leyva described him, "He always had a smile."

Raymundo Robles Riaño (Chatino)Noé Robles Cruz and Gerardo Mendoza Reyes (Chatino)

Raymundo belonged to the Chatino Indigenous community in Paso de la Reyna. On March 14, 2021, he was murdered by unidentified attackers. As in fellow community member Fidel Heras's case, no investigations have been carried out by the authorities to find the culprits. These murders follow a common thread of violence towards the small Paso de la Reyna Chatino community who seek to defend their territory against extractivism and megaprojects that damage their way of life. The community points to a lack of interest by state and federal authorities in relation to these killings and argues that this negligence allows violence against Chatino activists to continue to go unpunished in Paso de la Reyna.

Raymundo was murdered a day after the celebration day dedicated to thank and honor Río Verde. He was a community police officer in Paso de la Reyna and a member of the Consejo de Pueblos Unidos por la Defensa del Río Verde (Council of Peoples United for the Defense of the Verde River). After the murder of his fellow community member Fidel Heras Cruz in January 2021, the Defensoría de Derechos Humanos del Pueblo de Oaxaca (a governmental office for the Protection of Human Rights of the People of Oaxaca) requested that the Fiscalía General de Justicia del Estado (similar to the Attorney General's office in the U.S.) implement precautionary measures for affected community members. Despite this request, an additional four community members including Raymundo were killed within the following two months, and the precautionary measures had not been implemented.

Raymundo is remembered by his community as a responsible and trustworthy member of the community who happily took on the tasks he was assigned, including roles on the school and health clinic committees. He had four children and was also grandfather to four little girls. He enjoyed fishing in Río Verde and dedicated all his life to his land, to growing and cultivating corn, and to the protection of the community's seeds. He enjoyed playing basketball and was one of the best players on the Paso de la Reyna team. He is remembered as a happy man who always enthusiastically danced at the community's fiestas.
Jaime Jiménez Ruiz (Chatino)
Agustín Valdez (Yaqui)
Luis Urbano Domínguez Mendoza (Yaqui) Simón Pedro Pérez López (Tzotzil)

Images Via: Educa Oaxaca (Noé and Gerardo)

Noé and Gerardo, both Chatino, were also members of the Paso de la Reyna community. They were killed by unidentified individuals on March 15, 2021, within the community's territory just a day after the murder of fellow community member Raymundo Robles. The people of Paso de la Reyna are being targeted due to their firm opposition to the development projects, such as the hydroelectric dam, that the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources has approved.
Eleven people (Mayagna + Miskito), including, among others, Victor Manuel Matamoros Morales, Armando Suárez Matamoros, Borlan Gutiérrex Empra, Armando Pérez Medina, Albert Jairo Hernández Palacios, Sixto Gutiérrez Empra, Kedelin Jarguín Gutiérrez, Ody James Waldan Salgado.
Noé was a loving husband to his wife Cristián and father to two little girls and a 17-year-old boy. He loved working in his fields, where he grew watermelon, corn, and pumpkins, and tending his lemon trees, which he watered every day. He often fished in Rió Verde with his son and hunted for wild iguanas for tamales. After working in the fields starting at the crack of dawn, Noé enjoyed playing basketball, volleyball, and football with members of the community. Whenever help was needed, Noé was always collaborative. He participated in most of the community activities, helped in the organization of local festivities and even worked as the local mechanic in charge of fixing broken cars and patching up tires, among other tasks. Two of Noé's favorite things to do in his free time were jaripeos, or bull riding, and attending local dance parties. Noé will be remembered in his community for being a happy, kind, and always helpful guy.

Gerardo was 19 years old at the time of his death. He is remembered as a polite, respectful, and hardworking teen. He had a bright future ahead of him filled with plans and dreams. He loved his parents and his two siblings and was planning to have a family of his own one day. Gerardo enjoyed working in the field, including dedicating time to tending the fields of other members of the community. He was also on the committee for a local clinic. After completing his daily chores, Gerardo enjoyed playing football, spending time with his friends, and going out to the forests to hunt, always in the company of his loyal dog. His friends mourn him, the young man "who knew how to win friends with his heart, the enormous and noble heart God gave him."

Jaime was the fifth Chatino activist from Paso de la Reyna who fought to defend the waters of Río Verde who was killed within two months in 2021. He was an active member of the community, worked as a police agent, and like his colleagues above, participated in the Consejo de Pueblos Unidos por la Defensa del Río Verde. He was murdered on the evening of March 28, 2021, on the road between Santiago de Jamiltepec and Paso de la Reyna. No investigation has been carried out by government authorities. Along with his fellow activists, Jaime opposed the construction of a hydroelectric dam in Río Verde.

Agustín had served as the Yaqui communities' Ethnic Representative to the Sonora State government from 2009 to 2012 during the governorship of Manolo Barro Borgaro. He worked with the local government to advance public policies that addressed his community's needs. His hard work resulted in the establishment of a computer center with internet access for children and young adults. He was always working to address his community's needs and succeeded in convincing the state government to donate medicines to stock up the community's medical supply.

Luis Urbano belonged to the Loma de Guamúchil Yaqui Peoples in Sonora, the community to which Agustín Valdez (profile above) also belonged. He was a water steward and a vocal activist who fought for the protection of his people's water and land. On June 8, 2021, while leaving a bank in downtown Ciudad Obregón, Luis was shot to death. The Fiscalía General de Justicia (similar to the Attorney General's office in the US) in Sonora opened an investigation but there has been no progress and no suspects have been identified thus far. Luis's murder adds to the torment that the Yaqui Peoples have suffered this year, including the murder of leaders Agustín Valdez and Tomás Rojo.

Simón Pedro Pérez was shot in a local market in the southern state of Chiapas on the morning of July 5, 2021, while shopping with his son. The perpetrators were on a motorcycle and quickly fled the scene. A few days later, an individual was detained in a nearby municipality by the Specialized Police corps and was identified as the alleged culprit. He was then transferred to the city of Tuxtla Gutierrez where he was to be detained and prosecuted. Ninety-nine days after the murder, the Abejas de Acteal, an organization of which Simón Pedro was a member, published a press release denouncing a failure of justice to date, especially around the lack of investigation into the case, which the Fiscalia claims was delayed due to COVID-19 pandemic. They dispute the argument of the accused's defense that Simón died from illness rather than bullet wounds to the head, and consented to exhumation for an autopsy despite it going against their cultural traditions.

Simón was a renowned human rights defender and a catechist who preached fervently about nonviolence. He was a member of the Tzotzil Indigenous Peoples of Chiapas and a husband and father of seven children. He belonged to Las Abejas de Acteal, a pacifist organization created by local communities who sought justice after the Acteal Massacre of 1997, in which 45 Indigenous Tzotzil people, including women and children, were murdered by a right-wing paramilitary group. Simón was president of the board of directors of Las Abejas in 2020, a role he describes in a video produced by Las Abejas. His murder comes less than one year after the government of Mexico formally apologized for the massacre and took responsibility for the first time. In an interview with Mexican investigative media Animal Politico in November 2020, Simón shared his fears regarding the release from prison of persons sentenced for the 1997 massacre and their return to the region.
Estela Casanto Mauricio (Ashánika)
Nicaragua

Deforestation for agriculture within the Bosawas Reserve. By Alam Ramírez Zelaya on Flickr.

On August 23, 2021, at least 11 people and as many as 15 were killed in a massacre within the Mayangna Sauni As territory in a mountainous area known as Cerro Kiwakumbai. The victims were members of the Indigenous Mayagna and Miskito communities. The region is in the UNESCO heritage site of Bosawas Biosphere Reserve in Nicaragua, which is the largest forest reserve in Central America and the third largest in the world. Although it has been known as one of the most intact tropical rainforests and cloud forests in the region, invasion by non-Indigenous settlers, loggers, and cattle ranchers has caused ceaseless conflict, leaving the biodiversity threatened and communities with increasing threat to their territories, food sovereignty, and ways of life.
Mario Marcos López Huanca (Asháninka) Further reading: This piece represents months of research by a number of contributors. In addition to Cultural Survival staff members, this work was researched and authored by Cultural Survival interns, including Mariana Navarette and Jessica Aros Castro. Some cases were researched in partnership with the RCA's Human Rights Investigations Lab at the University of California Santa Cruz. We also thank and stand in solidarity with the community members of each individual who have helped bring these cases to light and persevere in seeking justice.
Reports vary on the details of the August 23rd massacre, with official numbers from the National Police identifying only nine victims, while other sources indicated 11 or more. The attackers sexually assaulted two women during the massacre.

According to local sources, one year prior to this incident, Indigenous people of the area had recovered the Cerro Kiwakumbai, an ancestral site for artisanal gold mining, from the colonos, or non-Indigenous settlers, who had been occupying it. At the time, threats were issued that the colonos would return.

The massacre is not an isolated incident, but rather part of a pattern of regular violence related to land grabs within the Indigenous territory in the context of a decades-long struggle for Indigenous autonomy over their lands. In January 2020 a similar massacre took place in which at least six Mayangnas were killed.

In 2001, the Mayangna People won a landmark case against the government of Nicaragua in which the Inter-American Court of Human Rights held that they had a right as an Indigenous Peoples to their collective land. This became known as the Awas-Tingni ruling, named after the community that brought the case. In December 2008, the government completed a process of demarcating and titling the land, securing Mayangna title to a total of 73,394 hectares.

According to documents provided to the news site Confidencial, 12 days before the massacre, the Indigenous territorial government of the region, Gobierno Territorial Indígena de Sauni As, issued a complaint to the local police in Bonanza, the closest city, outlining an emergency situation regarding threats received by two individuals. One of these individuals, Armando Medina, was killed on August 23. In a letter to the Bonanza police, the Gobierno Territorial described threats of forced removal against the people who worked in artisanal mining at Cerro Kiwakumbai. However, the police failed to prevent the massacre.

Instead, the police arrived 24 hours after the violence took place. The official police report recognizes nine victims and identifies three individuals, all Mayangnas from the same community that was attacked, as the masterminds and perpetrators of the crime, which they describe as motivated by a "feud" over land. Between August 27-28, the police raided an estimated 40-50 Indigenous people's homes in Suniwas, Musawas, and Alal as part of their investigation. According to the Center for Legal Attention to Indigenous Peoples (CALPI), the local community has identified a known criminal gang known as Kukalón, led by Isabel Meneses, or "Chabelo," as responsible. This is the same group that was identified as responsible for the January 2020 massacre.

In a press release, the Community Forest Guardians of the Mayangna Sauni As Territory declared the following: "Our territory, which is part of the Bosawas Reserve, and the natural resources, are our ancestral patrimony. We again call on the government of Nicaragua to investigate and take the necessary measures to ensure that the bad actors are punished to the maximum extent of the law for this massacre. We call for justice to be upheld and for our petitions to be heard regarding the cessation of invasion into our territory. As Indigenous Peoples of the Caribbean Coast, we want to live in peace, with justice, health, well being, and gender equality, as is guaranteed to us in the constitution of Nicaragua and in Law 445 regimenting communal property of the Indigenous peoples, and in Law 28, the Statute on Autonomous Regions of the Caribbean Coast. No more assassinations, no more invasions, respect our territory, respect our lives, respect the law."

Perú

Estela's daughters holding her ID. Photo by Crédito: Anthony Quispe of Convoca

Estela Casanto, a respected healer of the Asháninka community of Shankivironi, was found lifeless under mysterious circumstances on March 13, 2021, in the Amazonian department of Junín. Her body was found by family members with bruises on her face in a cave 800 meters from her home. Family members report tracing boot footprints in the mud and signs of a body being dragged. However, according to a government autopsy, her death was caused by choking on coca leaves. Her family strongly disagrees with this interpretation, arguing that it was likely she was simply chewing coca at the time of her attack, as is common in the Ashánika tradition.

For years, Estela fought to protect her community's territory from the extractivist interests of local mafias who want to exploit the natural resources within the Indigenous communities' ancestral lands. Before her death, Estela and other members of the community had received threats from non-Indigenous settlers who claimed to have bought their land. Estela's neighbors had been harassing her for several years, trying to buy her land. The organization Central de Comunidades Nativas de la Selva Central, along with other local groups, demands that authorities carry out a proper investigation so that those responsible can be brought to justice.

Estela, who was one of the founders of the Shankivironi community, had dedicated most of her life to defending her ancestral territory within the jungles of the Peruvian Amazon. Illegal logging, drug trafficking, land theft, and illegal mineral extraction are some of the issues her community faces. Estela was born in 1964 in her ancestral lands and was the fourth of seven children. She was mother to three daughters and two sons, and grandmother to many more. She was well known in her community for her ability to heal with plants, a skill rooted in her ancestral knowledge and honed during the revolutionary wars in Peru in the 1980s. She also served as a midwife and as a leader of Indigenous women within her community. Family members close to her remember that days before her death, Estela voiced that she had a feeling her time on Earth was coming to an end. She is remembered as a brave woman by community leaders.
The case remains under investigation by the Chanchamayo provincial government, presided over by Daniel Coronado, who has reported delays due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Meanwhile, according to Convoca.pe, the family of Estela reports that their neighbors have left the community and at the time of comment had not been seen in over six months.

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In Memoriam: 33 Indigenous Rights Defenders Murdered in 2021 in Latin America

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A ski resort in Lake Tahoe changes it's name from including an offensive term towards Indigenous people.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1lou4erePjTRQzkAx_-2mbGk57oKmzdQkuKwlFFYHEj0/edit?usp=sharing

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A popular ski resort at California's Lake Tahoe has changed its name to remove a racist and misogynistic slur after consultations with local Indigenous groups.

The resort, known as Squaw Valley since 1949, will be called Palisades Tahoe, the business announced on Monday.

"More than one year ago, we came to the conclusion that it was time to change our name. The reasons were clear - the old name was derogatory and offensive," the resort said in a statement. "It did not stand for who we are or what we represent. And we could not in good conscience continue to use it."

Indigenous nations in California had long asked for a name change before the resort, which was a host site for the 1960 Winter Olympics, officially announced its plans last year. Derived from the Algonquin language, the word "squaw" is believed to have once meant "woman", but it morphed into a misogynistic and racist term used to disparage Indigenous women.

"We have been in the area for thousands of years. Olympic Valley is within the ancestral homeland of the Washoe people. The word itself is a constant reminder of the unjust treatment of the Native people, of the Washoe people," Darrel Cruz, with Washoe Tribe Historic Preservation Office, said in a statement provided by the resort. "It's a constant reminder of those time periods when it was not good for us. It's a term that was inflicted upon us by somebody else and we don't agree with it."

As it considered changing its name, the resort consulted the Washoe Tribe, which had previously asked local officials to remove the slur from locations within its ancestral homeland.

The decision to change the name, announced in August 2020, came after a summer of protests against racism and white supremacy in the US after the murder of George Floyd. Following the protests, cities, schools and parks across California began reconsidering controversial names with racist histories.

The San Francisco school board approved, but later reversed, a decision to rename 44 schools with names it said honored figures linked to racism, sexism and other injustices. That plan included schools named for presidents Abraham Lincoln, George Washington and Thomas Jefferson.

Patrick's Point state park in Trinidad, California, is considering a proposal to change its name to Sue-meg state park, the original name for the area used by the Yurok people. The Yurok people have formally requested the change as the park's current name refers to Patrick Beegan, who was accused of murdering Indigenous people in the 19th century.

Last October, the Placer county board of supervisors voted to change a racist street name in north Lake Tahoe after local residents gathered signatures to petition for the change. The Sierra county board of supervisors in June voted to rename Jim Crow Road. And the Gold Rush-era town of Placerville voted this year to remove a noose image from its 19th-century logo.
The Associated Press contributed to this report

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Lake Tahoe ski resort changes name to remove racist and misogynistic slur

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A popular ski resort at California's Lake Tahoe has changed its name to remove a racist and misogynistic slur after consultations with local Indigenous groups. The resort, known as Squaw Valley since 1949, will be called Palisades Tahoe, the business announced on Monday.

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The National Centre for Missing Persons and Unidentified Remains (NCMPUR) of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) is Canada's national centre that assists law enforcement, medical examiners and chief coroners with missing persons and unidentified remains investigations across the country.

This website features profiles of missing persons and unidentified remains that have been published at the request of the primary investigator from either police, coroner or medical examiner agency. The lead investigator determines when and whether to publish a case.

This website does not include a listing of profiles for all missing persons and unidentified remains in Canada.

This site provides descriptions and images of missing persons, along with details about where they were last seen.

Please review the cases and learn how to submit a tip. Investigators review every tip that comes in, and even a small detail could be the key to bringing another child home.
Frequently Asked Questions Search case profiles

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The National Centre for Missing Persons and Unidentified Remains (NCMPUR) of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) is Canada's national centre that assists law enforcement, medical examiners and chief coroners with missing persons and unidentified remains investigations across the country.

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This article talks about missing and murdered indigenous women in Canada.
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1r3FILezSa95iKGoog4K-arUn050ieDmqmDw49IkC6uw/edit

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Looters invading a Brazilian tribes land for beef production

https://docs.google.com/document/d/14alb7SBZM_nUIt8LiHwo4zOf4ogG3N90O5_po0KXJnk/edit

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New overflight photos have revealed that the land of one of the world's most vulnerable uncontacted tribes is being illegally invaded and destroyed for beef production.

The land invasion now underway is in flagrant violation of a 6-month Land Protection Order issued in September which bans all outsiders from the Piripkura Indigenous Territory.

Only two members of Brazil's Piripkura tribe are known to live in the territory, though others are also believed to live there, having retreated to the depths of the forest. Many Piripkura have been killed in past massacres.

The overflight was conducted last month for the "Uncontacted or Destroyed" campaign and petition organized by (the Coordinating Body of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon) and (the Observatory for the Human Rights of Uncontacted and Recently Contacted Indigenous Peoples), with the support of (Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil), (Instituto Socioambiental) and Survival International.

The campaign has just released a dossier "Piripkura: an indigenous territory being destroyed for beef production." It's revealed:

- Land clearances for cattle ranching have now reached an area where the uncontacted Piripkura are known to live.

- Roads, fencing and even an airstrip have been constructed, and hundreds of cattle brought in.

- The rate of deforestation in the territory has "exploded" - by more than 27,000% in the last two years.

OPI has also released a report on the invasion of the Piripkura lands. Their research has revealed that the Piripkura's is now the most deforested uncontacted indigenous territory in Brazil. More than 12,000 hectares has already been destroyed.

The Uncontacted or Destroyed campaign highlights several uncontacted territories currently shielded by Land Protection Orders which are due to expire soon.

The only contacted Piripkura, a woman known as Rita, recently told Survival in a unique video appeal that outsiders operating illegally inside her people's territory could soon kill her relatives, and described how nine of her relatives were massacred in one attack.

Sarah Shenker, head of Survival's Uncontacted Tribes campaign, said today: "There could be no greater proof of the total impunity - indeed, active support - that land invaders enjoy under President Bolsonaro than this: commercial ranching operations in a vitally important indigenous territory that's supposed to be protected by law. The invaders are fast approaching the uncontacted Piripkura. They're resisting with all their might, and so must we. Only a major public outcry can prevent the genocide of the Piripkura and other uncontacted tribes. And an added bonus? A far cheaper and more effective way to protect Amazon rainforest than the fatal 'solutions' pushed by governments at COP."

Elias Bigio of said today: "That area we flew over has been newly-cleared for beef production. They've already logged it, now they're turning it into pasture for cattle."

OPI said: "The Indigenous Territory and the Piripkura are extremely threatened. It's the same thing that's happened in other uncontacted tribes' territories - the destruction is the 'Bolsonaro Effect', as it's accelerated since 2019."

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Uncontacted tribe's land invaded and destroyed for beef production

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New overflight photos have revealed that the land of one of the world's most vulnerable uncontacted tribes is being illegally invaded and destroyed for beef production. The land invasion now underway is in flagrant violation of a 6-month Land Protection Order issued in September which bans all outsiders from the Piripkura Indigenous Territory.

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An interview with Luis Jiménez Cáceres, a representative of the Aymara people.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/11TdvN_W9ehLIGtYYv3EJfXSwIYnfz8UJjNvyck63yXg/edit?pli=1

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Written on . Posted in News
BY PAULINA ACEVEDO Luis Jiménez Cáceres was elected as a Constitutional Assembly Member for the Aymara people. His Aymara roots come from the regions of Arica and Parinacota (Guallatire Community) and Tarapacá (Chiapa Community). A lawyer specializing in the human rights of Indigenous Peoples and the environment, he affirms that the new Constitution must guarantee territorial autonomy and political participation in decision-making, and recognize pachamama as a subject of law. Indigenous Debates: What motivated you to run for the Constituent Assembly?
Luis Jiménez Cáceres: As an Aymara and a lawyer, I am part of a movement that has been demanding the defence of our ancestral territories and Mother Earth. We are diverse people and communities that have come together to defend our malkus, our sacred hills, from the mining projects that are affecting our territories. It was in this context that I decided to apply to be an Assembly Member candidate for the Aymara people.
ID: How does it feel to be a member of the Constituent Assembly representing your people?
LJC: We are very pleased to have been able to gain a seat in the Assembly as this will give us influence over the way in which territorial protection and Indigenous rights are enshrined in the new Constitution. We also feel a great responsibility to defend the historical claims of the Aymara people. In this sense, we feel we are in very good company. Personally, I see it as the culmination of a process in which the Nueva Imperial Agreements formed a key milestone, when the Aymara, Mapuche and Rapanui people, among others, came together to demand constitutional recognition. Finally, 20 years later, this has become a possibility. So we are very happy, very hopeful and have great strength to follow this path.
ID: What are your expectations of the process?
LJC: Our expectation is that we will be able to put an end to this relationship of domination between the Chilean State and the Aymara people. We are seeking guarantees of an equal and intercultural relationship that recognizes us as peoples with the right to self-determination. The State must recognize us as subjects with political rights, the right to govern ourselves and the right to participate in decision-making at the municipal and regional levels, in Congress and in the courts.

"Our expectation is that we will be able to put an end to this relationship of domination between the Chilean State and the Aymara people."
ID: How should Indigenous Peoples participate in such a process?
LJC: Indigenous participation must be as peoples. This means respecting that we are political subjects with the right to self-determination. The constitutional process must therefore be intercultural, it must respect the traditional authorities and traditional forms of decision-making. We hope that the future rules of the Constituent Assembly will reflect this principle of interculturality and that the participation of Indigenous citizens will be as broad as possible, with guarantees for all.
ID: What would you like to see in the new Constitution?
LJC: At least three ideas must be enshrined in the new Constitution. First, the Indigenous Peoples must be recognized by means of a Plurinational State that guarantees territorial autonomy, political participation in all decision-making bodies, and a set of collective rights in accordance with international standards. The second element must be a new development model that goes beyond extractivism, that is supportive, environmentally-sustainable and with an emphasis on science, technology and knowledge, both Western and Indigenous. And, thirdly, there must be recognition that nature, the environment, pachamama, has life and is inextricably linked to us: we are a part of the world, not the centre of it. We are therefore agreed that the new Constitution should recognize pachamama as a subject of rights.
Paulina Acevedo Menanteau is the Communications Coordinator of Observatorio Ciudadano de Chile. She holds a degree in Social Communication from Diego Portales University and a diploma in Human Rights and Democratization Processes from the Human Rights Centre of the University of Chile. Read the original in Debates Indígenas.
Tags: Debates Indígenas

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Chile: "The Constitution must recognize Indigenous Peoples by means of a Plurinational State"

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Luis Jiménez Cáceres was elected as a Constitutional Assembly Member for the Aymara people. A lawyer specializing in the human rights of Indigenous Peoples and the environment, he affirms that the new Constitution must guarantee territorial autonomy and political participation in decision-making, and recognize pachamama as a subject of law.

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The Indian government is planing on building and expanding coal mines on Adivasi land without permission.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/16Ze7bEs4OScHuWqo1tTaLzAAUiN4ZWtQOxoMAjPCXL0/edit?usp=sharing

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Coal mine plans spark huge protest from India’s tribal people

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Indigenous people in India protest the government’s plans for a massive expansion of coal mining on their lands.

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A plan to protect Nunavut's caribou is nearing completion.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1y2XQsLJdDJyRX1rhw_p2s4IQUogBVglMYyOHD40CLe4/edit?usp=sharing

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Hello, Earthlings! This is our weekly newsletter on all things environmental, where we highlight trends and solutions that are moving us to a more sustainable world. (Sign up here to get it in your inbox every Thursday.) This week:

Decades-long plan to protect caribou in Nunavut nearing completion

The climate risk information gap

UBC researchers discover little-known type of killer whale that preys on large sea mammals

Decades-long plan to protect caribou in Nunavut nearing completion

Since the 1990s, some caribou populations in Canada's North have declined by as much as 98 per cent because of challenges exacerbated by climate change.

Caribou migrate seasonally for food and in order to give birth to calves. Sea ice is a means of travel for the caribou from the islands to the mainland, but it has decreased in stability over the years because of a warming climate.

"We know that sea ice is being very affected by the changing conditions," said Justina Ray, president and senior scientist of Wildlife Conservation Society Canada, in an interview with What On Earth host Laura Lynch.

"And then you add to that the fact that there's more travel by shipping by boats during certain times of year, which can make the [caribou] crossover that much more precarious."

The long-awaited Nunavut Land Use Plan (NLUP), which incorporates traditional Inuit knowledge and scientific knowledge, has the potential to protect the caribou. The Nunavut Planning Commission began developing the NLUP in 2007, and after more than a decade of development, it is finally in the consultation phase. This phase allows for extensive community input, with public hearings scheduled for November. The final draft of the NLUP is expected in 2022.

On Baffin Island, the decline in caribou populations and a resulting moratorium on hunting caribou has made it difficult for Inuit to hold onto an important piece of their culture.

Paul Quassa, a former member of the legislative assembly for Aggu in Nunavut, said Inuit rely on caribou not only for survival but also to pass down important cultural traditions. These traditions inform how the animal is used. Some parts are used for food, others for crafts and the rest for tools. In the end, nothing is wasted.

Quassa helped negotiate and sign the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement in 1993, which mandated the creation of the NLUP and its proactive approach to caribou conservation in the region. He has advocated for the plan to be enacted in the legislative assembly, but after 29 years, he's still waiting.

"When we started negotiating our land claims, that was the whole purpose: to ensure that we retain our culture, which is hunting," Quassa said. "But now we're being limited in these areas that we wanted to retain."

Their way of life is being infringed upon by competing interests in mining and other development, which is why the NLUP is increasingly important.

"Climate change and how we put our protection measurements within our territory, I think, are the two most important things that we need to really watch over," Quassa said. "It's often said that forms of wildlife management are not to per se manage animals, but to manage people."

But the fear is that some of these locations will be claimed for development before the NLUP is enacted.

"I think we're setting ourselves up for a lot of conflict and a lot of missed opportunities if we continue to leave these areas open," said Brandon Laforest, senior specialist of Arctic species at World Wide Fund for Nature Canada (WWF).

"And it serves no one. It definitely doesn't serve the caribou. It doesn't serve the communities. And it actually doesn't serve the industrial [mining] development proponents, either, if they're not made aware that these areas should be off-limits."

Laforest said the NLUP is not just about protecting the caribou, but "about protecting the habitat and the habitat that they need for their calving. Inuit knowledge as well as scientific information tells us that this is the time when caribou are at their most sensitive in their yearly cycle."

The reasons for the plan's delay are multifaceted, but mainly have to do with the extensive process of land use planning in the North.

"Obtaining information on land use, hearing the views of Nunavummiut and others through extensive consultation and hearings and developing a plan that fairly balances diverse interests is not an easy task," said Megan MacLean, a spokesperson for Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs, in a statement to CBC.

"With each draft of the plan, more key issues have been addressed. Following the upcoming hearings, the commission has indicated it will revise the plan, as necessary, and submit it for approval."

Ray with the Wildlife Conservation Society Canada is cautious about the progress, as there has been very little action over the years. With the exception of two regional land use plans, a plan addressing the needs of the entire territory has yet to be completed.

"We're already nervous about it because the last draft was five ... six years ago, without any action," said Ray.

"During that time, Nunavut [caribou] herds have suffered and there has been more interest [in developing those areas] and the threats have escalated. So it absolutely has to happen this time."

- Dannielle Piper

Reader feedback

Last week, Fenn Mayes wrote about the ecological benefits of Indigenous fire-setting methods, or cultural burns.

John Eaton: "I am in complete agreement with the cultural burn article. As an ex-technical forest officer (assistant ranger), I remember having to inform an Indigenous person to put out a fire that he had lit in his meadow to burn off the encroaching willows, brush and unwanted species, and then hire him as a firefighter. The forest service in the 1960s and '70s was focused solely on timber values to the detriment of the environmental component of our forests and, by replanting single species, created plantations, not true forests."

Mark Hambridge: "We colonials need to humble ourselves. We need to look to and listen to the people who have been caring for the land for eons."

Old issues of What on Earth? are right here.

There's also a radio show and podcast! This week, an electrifying conversation with Saul Griffith, a scientist and inventor who has dedicated himself to halting climate change. "Electrify everything" is his clarion call. And the work, he says, begins right in your home. What On Earth airs Sunday at 12:30 p.m., 1 p.m. in Newfoundland. Subscribe on your favourite podcast app or hear it on demand at CBC Listen.

The Big Picture: The climate risk information gap

While there is undoubtedly greater public awareness of the effects of climate change, a lot of us are still largely clueless about where it will hit hardest. In fact, Canadians are unknowingly buying and building homes and other infrastructure in areas at high risk of flooding, wildfires and other climate change impacts, according to a report released last week by the Canadian Institute for Climate Choices. And almost no one has the information they need to be able to adapt. "There's pretty poor understanding of climate risks and really poor risk-disclosure practices across the country," said Dylan Clark, a senior research associate at the federally funded think-tank, and co-author of the report. There's little to no public information on current flood, wildfire or permafrost thaw risks, he said. "Information that's readily available to most decision-makers and investors and consumers does not provide enough information to make informed decisions - and that's a key barrier here to adaptation." Researchers were able to obtain data - available for a fee from a private company - that showed 325,000 buildings in Canada are at risk of flooding from heavy rainfall and another 625,000 are at risk from flooding because of rivers breaching their banks. Owners of those buildings "have no way of knowing that their properties are at risk of flooding," the report said. Readthe full story here.

- Emily Chung

Hot and bothered: Provocative ideas from around the web

Some climate activists have talked casually about trying the executives of oil and gas companies for crimes against humanity for knowingly obscuring the effects their products have had on the planet. At least one legal scholar thinks it may be possible. "For at least a decade now, advocates within the international law community have been talking about ecocide as a crime against humanity," he said. "They have been working on the legal strategy and building up the factual basis: e.g., what Exxon knew and when they knew it."

This car commercial is very effective. Just not in the way you're expecting.

The shift to solar and wind power will also shift the times of day when peak amounts of electricity are produced and may require consumers to be more active participants in the power grid. Here's what some experts think that could look like.

UBC researchers discover little-known type of killer whale that preys on large sea mammals

A group of University of British Columbia researchers, set on uncovering the mysteries of the deep, have discovered a little-known type of transient orca that preys on grey whale calves and other large sea mammals.

After analyzing more than 100,000 photographs taken off the Canadian and U.S. west coasts, scientists encountered a group of "outer coast transient whales," who rarely travel to the coast.

"These whales prefer deep water. So they were found offshore near canyon systems, which are very productive areas where there is a lot of nutrient upwelling, and it attracts other marine life," said Josh McInnes, a marine mammal researcher at UBC who led the study.

Of the 155 encounters from 2006 to 2019, most of the whales were found in the offshore waters between Oregon and central California, but 26 were spotted off Vancouver Island.

McInnes said the outer coast whales are thought to be a subset of mammal-eating transients, also known as Bigg's killer whales. Before the study, coastal and outer-coast transients were assumed to belong to a single population.

The difference between the two goes beyond just habitat, McInnes said.

"We see a seasonal trend where they show up in the spring and they follow the grey whale calves that are migrating up from Baja [California]."

McInnes said they will target the whales as prey along with elephant seals and oceanic dolphins, whereas Bigg's transients prefer smaller mammals like harbour seals and porpoises.

The study revealed that when encountered outside California waters, the outer coast whales have been observed associating with other known coastal transient groups but exhibit a unique vocal dialect, distinct from other transient dialects in the coastal waters along the Pacific Northwest.

McInnes said the study, which was a collaboration between UBC and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), also made another astonishing discovery. He said that far past the continental shelf in the open waters of the Pacific, they found an unknown group of killer whales who were eating sharks.

"We have no idea who they are," McInnes said. "They looked like transients. There were some similarities to them as well. Some of them had what we call cookie-cutter bite marks, which are these circular scars on the body of the animal."

He said these were caused by parasitic sharks that live far offshore, giving researchers an idea of where the killer whales might be spending their time.

This is only the first chapter of the work McInnes's team is trying to conduct.

"For me, this is big, because there's been a lot of information missing for some of these animals."

The next step, McInnes said, will be to continue the research into new avenues of comparison between different communities of whales in B.C. and examine the diets and behaviours.

- Brittany Roffel

Stay in touch!

Are there issues you'd like us to cover? Questions you want answered? Do you just want to share a kind word? We'd love to hear from you. Email us at whatonearth@cbc.ca.

Sign up hereto get What on Earth? in your inbox every Thursday.

Editor: Andre Mayer | Logo design: Sködt McNalty

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Decades-long plan to protect caribou in Nunavut nearing completion | CBC News

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Hello, Earthlings! This is our weekly newsletter on all things environmental, where we highlight trends and solutions that are moving us to a more sustainable world. (Sign up here to get it in your inbox every Thursday.)

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This article talks about possible traditional land loss of Indigenous people in Brazil.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1SWeYdXI2VywStXrzwNY0_S6LXYmN0BktLxj3fOSmBXA/edit?usp=sharing

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(São Paulo, August 24, 2021) - Brazil 's Congress should reject a bill that would prevent or hinder many Indigenous peoples from claiming their right to traditional lands, violating their rights under international law, Human Rights Watch said today.

Bill 490/2007, currently pending before the Chamber of Deputies, would prevent Indigenous peoples from obtaining legal recognition of their traditional lands if they were not physically present there on October 5, 1988 - the day Brazil's Constitution was enacted - or if they had not initiated legal proceedings to claim it by that date. But the Constitution recognizes Indigenous people's right to "the lands they traditionally occupy," without any time limits or arbitrary cut-off date.

"Approval of this bill would be one of the most significant setbacks in the recognition of Indigenous peoples' rights over their traditional lands and resources since the return to democracy in Brazil almost three decades ago," said Anna Lívia Arida, Brazil associate director at Human Rights Watch. "It comes at a moment of extreme vulnerability for Indigenous people, who face not only invasion of their lands by miners and loggers, but also open hostility from the Bolsonaro administration."

On August 25, 2021, the Supreme Court is scheduled to start ruling on the legality of the 1988 cut-off date, known in Brazil as the "time frame" argument, although justices can ask for a postponement. The court will rule on a case brought by Santa Catarina state, which is using the "time frame" argument to oppose recognition of traditional land claimed by the Xokleng Indigenous people. The court has established that its decision in this case will apply to all similar cases.

While the case was pending before the Supreme Court, the bill moved forward in Congress. A key congressional committee passed the latest draft of the bill in June. If approved by the full Chamber of Deputies, it would go to the Senate.

Brazil is in the process of examining 237 Indigenous lands for demarcation. Under Brazilian law, demarcation sets out clearly what land belongs to Indigenous peoples, and provides them with secure collective legal rights over that land. Many demarcation requests have been pending for decades. The bill expressly states that its provisions would apply to all those cases, which could delay them even more or impede demarcation altogether.

In 2017, the federal government under President Michel Temer adopted the 1988 cut-off date, and the administration of President Jair Bolsonaro has continued it. The Bolsonaro administration has effectively suspended the demarcation of 27 Indigenous territories based on this policy, according to the Indigenist Missionary Council (CIMI, in Portuguese), an Indigenous rights group.

If approved, the bill would turn that policy into law. It would make it impossible for Indigenous peoples who were expelled from their territory before the arbitrary cut-off date or who are otherwise unable to prove they were there or were involved in an ongoing dispute over their claim on that date to have their land rights recognized.

Brazilian environmental and Indigenous rights groups have told Human Rights Watch that large landowners could use the cut-off date to petition for judicial orders to expel communities from lands, alleging they did not prove they were there in 1988. Such petitions could affect lands in the process of demarcation or lands already demarcated.

The bill had been lingering in Congress since 2007 but gained new strength after President Bolsonaro took office. Bolsonaro, who has made offensive remarks about Indigenous people since he was a member of congress, vowed during the presidential campaign not to demarcate "one centimeter" of Indigenous land. Since he took office in January 2019, he has not approved any demarcations.

At the same time, President Bolsonaro has weakened federal agencies tasked with protecting forests in Indigenous lands. One of his legislative priorities is to open up Indigenous lands to mining and other commercial activities that could exacerbate the rampant destruction of the rainforest under his government.

Choosing an arbitrary cut-off date and refusing to recognize lands claimed after that date violate international standards, Human Rights Watch said. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that Indigenous peoples are entitled to the lands, territories, and resources that they have traditionally occupied or used. States are required to give legal recognition and protection to traditional lands, including those that Indigenous peoples were forced to leave or had otherwise lost.

Brazil voted in favor of this declaration at the UN in 2007 and described it as "a major achievement, long overdue, that will provide new impetus to and acknowledgement of the efforts of States and indigenous peoples to strengthen the promotion and protection of indigenous peoples' rights."

The Inter American Court of Human Rights has also recognized the right to restitution of land historically owned or occupied by Indigenous peoples, and found that possession is not a requirement, as their right remains as long as the material, cultural, or spiritual connection with the land persists.

Bill 490/2007 contains other very problematic provisions. It impedes Indigenous people from claiming additional land to expand already demarcated territories. It would also allow the government to eliminate Indigenous reserves - government land provided to Indigenous people to guarantee their livelihood and cultural survival - when it deems that land is no longer "essential" for those purposes due to changes in their "cultural traits" or other factors due to "passage of time." These overbroad terms could lead to forced removals, Human Rights Watch said.

There are 60 Indigenous reserves in Brazil, which are home to almost 70,000 people, according to the Instituto Socioambiental (ISA), a nonprofit organization.

The bill would also allow the government to contact Indigenous peoples living in voluntary isolation to give medical assistance and to "mediate action in the public interest," without providing any other details. United Nations-supported interpretations of international standards warn that contact with isolated peoples can have dramatic negative consequences for their physical and cultural survival and that governments should take measures to prevent outside contact.

The bill would also allow the government to explore energy resources, set up military bases, and expand strategic roads in Indigenous lands without any consultation with Indigenous peoples. International standards require effective consultation with Indigenous peoples in good faith to obtain their free and informed consent before approving projects that would impact their lands and livelihoods, including for military activities, as well as before approving laws to that effect. Congress is also examining a possible withdrawal from International Labour Organization Convention 169, which recognizes the right of Indigenous people to be consulted about projects in their lands, among other provisions.

The demarcation and protection of Indigenous territories is not only a fundamental step to uphold Indigenous rights but also a cornerstone of successful conservation efforts in Brazil. Studies show that that demarcation and other measures to secure Indigenous lands can slow deforestation, which is key to enable Brazil to meet its commitments under the Paris Agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Under Bolsonaro, deforestation in the Amazon hit its highest rate in 12 years, about 11,000 square kilometers of the rainforest were destroyed from August 2019 through July 2020.

The Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), the main Indigenous organization in Brazil, has said that the bill is one of the main threats against the rights of Indigenous peoples by Congress, and that it violates the Constitution and Indigenous peoples' right to consultation.

"Brazil's Congress is discussing issues of upmost importance to Indigenous peoples without properly consulting them as required by international standards," Arida said. "Legislators should start listening to Indigenous peoples and reject Bill 490."

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Brazil: Reject Anti-Indigenous Rights Bill

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(São Paulo, August 24, 2021) - Brazil 's Congress should reject a bill that would prevent or hinder many Indigenous peoples from claiming their right to traditional lands, violating their rights under international law, Human Rights Watch said today.

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This artical is on an attack from illegal miners on a aboriginal settelment.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1dsIcStuJR8D7NenF0GT4-pbbrYiE5sCYkhvr1M2n_0U/edit#

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Heavily armed goldminers have launched a series of attacks on the Yanomami community of Palimiú in the northern Amazon.

Hutukara Yanomami Association reports that on May 16, 15 boats full of miners opened fire on the community and hurled tear gas canisters at them. The Yanomami report suffering from burning eyes and choking on the gas.

The attack follows an earlier assault on the same community on May 10, when one Yanomami was wounded, and several miners were injured. Footage filmed by a Yanomami captures the miners opening fire from their boat at a group of Yanomami on the riverbank. Several boats full of miners continued to fire at the Yanomami for the next 30 minutes.

In the chaos of the attack many Yanomami children fled into the forest to hide. Two days later the bodies of two children, aged one and five, were discovered floating in the river where they had drowned.

Eight Yanomami representatives from Palimiú travelled to Boa Vista, the state capital, to denounce the attack and to demand the authorities investigate it. In a press conference held on May 15, they expressed their anger at being abandoned by the state.

Timóteo Palimithëri said: "We are exhausted and barely able to hold out. Please, it's urgent, don't you see? The police and FUNAI have to be strong... If the army and police don't act now many indigenous people will certainly die."

In a letter to the police, community leaders denounced the terrible impacts of the mining activities: "The goldminers have been here since 2012 and to date, 578 Yanomami have died from poisoning, yet not a single measure has been taken to stop this. They are destroying our rivers, polluting the water, fish and all the animals. We have serious health problems. We can no longer bathe in the river and both adults and children are losing their hair because of the toxic chemicals they pour into the river."

Since February the community of Palimiú has repeatedly asked the authorities to remove the miners. The miners' attacks this week were reportedly in response to the refusal by the Yanomami to let them collect fuel, quadbikes and equipment they had left there to supply their illegal mine upstream.

Intercepted audio messages by the miners refer to an armed gang operating in the region

Unless the authorities take decisive action now, criminal gangs and drug traffickers are likely to carry out more violent attacks. Last year miners murdered two Yanomami.

There are an estimated 20,000 goldminers working illegally in the Yanomami territory.

Concerns are growing for the safety of uncontacted Yanomami communities, one of which is in a region where miners are operating: the miners reportedly attacked their community in 2018.

A humanitarian crisis is engulfing the Yanomami, who are already reeling from high rates of malaria (in 2020 the indigenous health department registered 20,000 cases of malaria) and Covid-19, a lethal combination which is devastating their health and ability to feed themselves.

This is graphically illustrated in a photo, taken on April 17, of a severely malnourished Yanomami child suffering from malaria, pneumonia and dehydration.

The government's genocidal policies and criminal neglect are killing the Yanomami and other indigenous peoples in Brazil. Please support the Yanomami in their protest.

And sign the petition.

Share

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Armed miners launch violent attacks on Yanomami in Brazil

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Heavily armed goldminers have launched a series of attacks on the Yanomami community of Palimiú in the northern Amazon. Hutukara Yanomami Association reports that on May 16, 15 boats full of miners opened fire on the community and hurled tear gas canisters at them. The Yanomami report suffering from burning eyes and choking on the gas.

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This article highlights the new flag for acknowledging the Residential School System in Canada.

https://www.google.com/url?sa=i&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.tripsavvy.com%2Fmaps-of-canada-4056313&psig=AOvVaw2GDal9a1mf0zJ6V-uEbADV&ust=1632924643660000&source=images&cd=vfe&ved=0CAsQjRxqFwoTCNC947zsofMCFQAAAAAdAAAAABAD

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Over 30 residential school survivors helped decide the elements of the flag

Posted: September 23, 2021
Last Updated: September 24, 2021

The survivor's flag features nine elements that were chosen in consultation with over 30 residential school survivors. (NCTR)

The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR) has unveiled a flag to honour residential school survivors.

"It's an important symbol of bringing people together," said Garnet Angeconeb, who is a survivor of Pelican Lake residential school in Sioux Lookout, Ont.

"Our people know that there are so many unanswered questions in relation to what happened at residential schools but what happened earlier this spring was just a validation of what Indigenous people have been saying all along."

In late May, Tk'emlúps te Secwépemc announced preliminary findings of a ground penetrating radar search of the grounds of the former Kamloops residential school. Approximately 200 potential burial sites have been identified. Other searches are underway at sites across Canada.

The concept for the survivors' flag emerged during a discussion on when it would be appropriate to raise the Canadian flag again after flags were lowered following the discovery at Kamloops, said Christine Lenze, who was the project lead.

"The project quickly grew into conversations with survivors individually, and this gave them space to share very personal experiences and thoughts around what messages the design should embody," Lenze said.

Garnet Angeconeb is one of the residential school survivors who was consulted on the design of the survivors' flag. (Submitted by Garnet Angeconeb)

The flag was designed during six weeks of consultation, discussion and collaboration with survivors from across Canada and the NCTR.

Concepts were sent to survivors for feedback and although not every idea could be included, Lenze said there were rich conversations around what was important to survivors and that made the project special.

There are nine elements to the flag that were selected by over 30 survivors involved in the consultations with NCTR.

One of the elements of the flag is the inukshuk, used as a navigational guide by Inuit and linked to their traditions.

Levinia Brown says there is still a lot of healing to be done for residential school survivors. (submitted Nadia Ciccone)

Levinia Brown, an Inuk residential school survivor from Rankin Inlet, Nunavut, said recognition of the children and their experiences has been a long time coming.

Brown said it's important Inuit be included in reconciliation processes because they also experienced residential schools and federal day schools.

"The healing process seems to be coming slowly together, but it's going to take some time," she said.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Rhiannon Johnson is an Anishinaabe journalist from Hiawatha First Nation based in Toronto. She has been with the Indigenous unit since 2017 focusing on Indigenous life and experiences throughout Ontario. You can reach her at rhiannon.johnson@cbc.ca and on Twitter @rhijhnsn.

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Flag to honour residential school survivors unveiled by National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation

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Posted: September 23, 2021 Last Updated: September 24, 2021 The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR) has unveiled a flag to honour residential school survivors. "It's an important symbol of bringing people together," said Garnet Angeconeb, who is a survivor of Pelican Lake residential school in Sioux Lookout, Ont.