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After Napoleon conquered Italy and tried to unite them, Italy separated again into six parts. After a bit some began to unite and after a while, all but the Austrian owned part of Italy were combined. Then, they were defeated and Italy became a whole country.

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John had made his son Pedro the Prince of Brazil. Brazil stayed with Portugal. Pedro was supposed to sign a new construction in Portugal but he got convinced to stay. Pedro travel the country after the attempt of munity's. Pedro got news that the Cortez in Portugal wanted to abolish all reforms his government had made and remove his powers. Pedro then declared independence and traveled back to Rio. They got their freedom.

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Brazilian Independence | 3 Minute History

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 2) a short video of the revolution with a brief summary 5) an article and summary of the leader(s) of the revolution.

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 2) a short video of the revolution with a brief summary 5) an article and summary of the leader(s) of the revolution.

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Dom Pedro responded by defying the Cortes with a speech called Fico, and most Brazilians supported his decision. On June 3 Dom Pedro brought together a legislative and constituent assembly, and on September 7, at Ipiranga, near the city of São Paulo, he announced the independence of Brazil, he was crowned emperor on December 1. The United States recognized the new nation of Brazil in 1824, and the Portuguese acknowledged Brazilian independence in 1825, after that other European monarchies established diplomatic relations.

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in 1864 Bismarck began to establish a series of wars by having Prussian power in Europe with Austrian support. He used to Prussian army to capture the German-speaking territories of Schleswig and Holstein from Denmark. He then started war with France as a strategy to unify Germany's loose confederations against an outside army.

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Otto von Bismarck (1815–1898) / German Unification

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Germany = 1871
Italy = 1870
Haiti = 1804
Brazil = 1822

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The German Empire was founded on January 18th, 1871. After 7 years, Denmark, the Habsburg, and France were defeated. They were defeated by Prussia who owned a majority of German land. Prussia remained the dominant force because they owned 3/5 of the land and population.

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The German Empire was founded on January 18, 1871, in the aftermath of three successful wars by the North German state of Prussia. Within a seven-year period Denmark, the Habsburg monarchy, and France were vanquished in short, decisive conflicts. The empire was forged not as the result of the outpouring of nationalist feeling from the masses but through traditional cabinet diplomacy and agreement by the leaders of the states in the North German Confederation, led by Prussia, with the hereditary rulers of Bavaria, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Württemberg. Prussia, occupying more than three-fifths of the area of Germany and having approximately three-fifths of the population, remained the dominant force in the nation until the empire's demise at the end of another war in 1918.

At its birth Germany occupied an area of 208,825 square miles (540,854 square km) and had a population of more than 41 million, which was to grow to 67 million by 1914. The religious makeup was 63 percent Protestant, 36 percent Roman Catholic, and 1 percent Jewish. The nation was ethnically homogeneous apart from a modest-sized Polish minority and smaller Danish, French, and Sorbian populations. Approximately 67 percent lived in villages and the remainder in towns and cities. Literacy was close to universal because of compulsory education laws dating to the 1820s and '30s.

Domestic concerns

From its origins in 1871, the empire was governed under the constitution designed four years earlier by Otto von Bismarck, the Prussian prime minister, for the North German Confederation. This constitution reflected the predominantly rural nature of Germany in 1867 and the authoritarian proclivities of Bismarck, who was a member of the Junker landowning elite. There were two houses: the Reichstag, to represent the people, and the Bundesrat, to represent the 25 states. The former comprised 397 members elected by universal manhood suffrage and a secret ballot. The constituencies established in 1867 and 1871 were never altered to reflect population shifts, and rural areas thus retained a vastly disproportionate share of power as urbanization progressed. In theory the Reichstag's ability to reject any bill seemed to make it an important reservoir of power; in practice, however, the power of the lower house was circumscribed by the government 's reliance on indirect taxes and by the parliament's willingness to approve the military budget every seven (after 1893, every five) years. Most legislative proposals were submitted to the Bundesrat first and to the Reichstag only if they were approved by the upper house. Although members of the Reichstag could question the chancellor about his policies, the legislative bodies were rarely consulted about the conduct of foreign affairs. Imperial ministers were chosen by and were responsible to the emperor rather than to the legislature.

A problem that was to plague the empire throughout its existence was the disparity between the Prussian and imperial political systems. In Prussia the lower house was elected under a restricted three-class suffrage system, an electoral law that allowed the richest 15 percent of the male population to choose approximately 85 percent of the delegates. A conservative majority was always assured in Prussia, whereas the universal manhood suffrage resulted in increasing majorities for the political centre and left-wing parties in the imperial parliament. William I was both German emperor (1871-88) and king of Prussia (1861-88). Apart from two brief instances the imperial chancellor was simultaneously prime minister of Prussia. Thus, the executives had to seek majorities from two separate legislatures elected by radically different franchises. A further problem was that government ministers were generally selected from the civil service or the military. They often had little experience with parliamentary government or foreign affairs.

The constitution had been designed by Bismarck to give the chancellor and monarch primary decision-making power. Universal manhood suffrage had been proposed because of Bismarck's belief that the rural population would vote for either the Conservative or Free Conservative parties. (Female suffrage had not been proposed because politics was considered a male preserve at the time.) The Progressives, a left-wing liberal party, were expected to do poorly in the two-thirds of Germany that was rural in 1867. Bismarck had not counted on new parties such as the Centre Party, a Roman Catholic confessional party, or the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands; SPD), both of which began participating in imperial and Prussian elections in the early 1870s. The Centre generally received 20-25 percent of the total vote in all elections. The SPD grew from 2 seats in the first imperial election to 35 by 1890, when the SPD actually gained a plurality of votes. Bismarck termed the Centre and SPD along with the Progressives Reichsfeinde ("enemies of the empire") because he believed that each sought in its own way to change the fundamental conservative political character of the empire.

Beginning in 1871, he launched the Kulturkampf ("cultural struggle"), a campaign in concert with German liberals against political Catholicism. Bismarck's aim was clearly to destroy the Centre Party. Liberals saw the Roman Catholic church as politically reactionary and feared the appeal of a clerical party to the more than one-third of Germans who professed Roman Catholicism. Both Bismarck and the liberals doubted the loyalty of the Catholic population to the Prussian-centred and, therefore, primarily Protestant nation. In Prussia the minister of ecclesiastical affairs and education, Adalbert Falk, introduced a series of bills establishing civil marriage, limiting the movement of the clergy, and dissolving religious orders. All church appointments were to be approved by the state. As a result hundreds of parishes and several bishoprics were left without incumbents. Clerical civil servants were purged from the Prussian administration.

The Kulturkampf failed to achieve its goals and, if anything, convinced the Roman Catholic minority that their fear of persecution was real and that a confessional party to represent their interests was essential. By the late 1870s Bismarck abandoned the battle as a failure. He now launched a campaign against the SPD in concert with the two conservative parties and many National Liberals. Fearing the potential of the Social Democrats in a rapidly industrializing Germany, Bismarck found a majority to outlaw the party from 1878 to 1890, although constitutionally it could not be forbidden to participate in elections. Party offices and newspapers were closed down and meetings prohibited. Many socialists fled to Switzerland and sought to keep the party alive in exile. During the 1880s Bismarck also sought to win the workers away from socialism by introducing legislation granting them modest pensions, accident insurance, and a national system of medical coverage. Like the Kulturkampf, the campaign against the SPD was a failure, and, when the 1890 elections showed enormous gains for the Reichsfeinde, Bismarck began to consider having the German princes reconvene, as in 1867, to draw up a new constitution. The new emperor, William II, saw no reason to begin his reign (1888-1918) with a potential bloodbath and asked for the 74-year-old chancellor's resignation. Thus, Bismarck, the architect of German unity, left the scene in a humiliating fashion, believing that his creation was fatally flawed. Indeed, his policy of supporting rapid social and economic modernization while avoiding any reform of the authoritarian political system did lead to an atmosphere of persistent crisis.

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Germany - Unification, Imperialism, WWI: The German Empire was founded on January 18, 1871, in the aftermath of three successful wars by the North German state of Prussia. Within a seven-year period Denmark, the Habsburg monarchy, and France were vanquished in short, decisive conflicts.

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Count Camillo Benso unified all of Italy in the end. He also acted in the final part of unifying all of Italy. He also remade the capital of Italy into Rome.

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Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page

Cavour, Count Camillo Benso di (1810-1861)

Cavour, Count Camillo Benso di (1810-1861) The figure who forged the Kingdom of Italy, designe d the constitutional structure of the unitary state and served as its first prime minister was the second son of an aristocratic Piedmontese family. Born in Turin when it was under French control, he was sponsored in baptism by Napoleon's sister Pauline, and her husband, Prince Camille Borghese, after whom Camillo was named. Both Camillo and his older brother Gustavo were initially educated at home. Whereas Gustavo, as the first son could expect a position in the administration or the diplomatic corps in Piedmont, Camillo, as the second son of a nobleman, was earmarked for a career in the army, even though his interests were more political than military. In 1820 he enrolled in the military academy of Turin, and in July 1824 was named a page to Charles Albert, the king of Piedmont (1831-1849), who opened the first war of independence against Austria. Camillo resigned from the army at the end of 1831.

He administered the family estate at Grinzane, some forty kilometers outside the capital, ser ving as mayor there from 1832 to the revolutionary upheaval of 1848. He traveled widely in Europe, though not much in Italy, visiting France, Switzerland and Great Britain. Convinced that economic reconstruction had to proceed political change, he stressed the advantages of free trade and railroad construction in the peninsula. Suspicious of the Papacy, he did not support the Neo-Guelph program which dreamed that the pope would play a leading role in the unification movement. Instead, Cavour in the 18 40s jo ined the ranks of those who looked to Charles Albert to effect the liberal and national program in Italy. Following the election of Pius IX in 1846, the Piedmontese monarch allowed the congress of scientists meeting in Genoa in September to issue a series of patriotic pronouncements.

In 1847, when Carlo Alberto introduced a series of reforms, Cavour took advantage of the revised press law to establish the newspaper Il Risorgimento. As 1848 opened with revolution in Palermo and dem onstrations in Genoa calling for liberalization of the Piedmontese state, a group of journalists met in Turin to support their demands. Cavour led the call for a Statuto, proclaiming the need for constitutionalism in the columns of the Risorgimento he edited. By a decree of February 8, 1848, Charles Albert complied.

As Piedmont initiated its constitutional regime under the leadership of Cavour's friend and business associate Cesare Balbo, word arrived that t he people of Milan on March 18 had initiated a war of national liberation by rising against the occupying Austrian forces. On March 23, 1848, in a momentous article in the Risorgimento, Cavour called upon his king to join the national crusade, arguing that the supreme hour for the Piedmontese monarchy had arrived. Carlo Alberto concurred and entered the conflict. Cavour, who entered the new Piedmontese parliament in June 1848, was dismayed by his country's military defeat at Custozza in July, the armisti ce with the Austrians and the evacuation of Milan. Cavour warned against resuming the war without French assistance, but his words were not heeded. The reopening of the war on March 20, 1849, was followed by the defeat at Novara on March 23 and the abdication of Carlo Alberto in favor of his son, Vittorio Emanuele.

Cavour capitalized on the anti-Papal sentiment in Italy following Pius IX's refusal to wage war upon Austria in 1848. The failure of 1848 also convinced him of the nee d for a powerf ul ally to dislodge Austria from Italy. In October 1850, at the age of 40, Cavour entered the ministry of Massimo D'Azeglio as minister of agriculture, industry and commerce. Following his connubio or political alliance with Urbano Ratazzi of the left-center, Cavour was able to dislodge D'Azeglio from power, becoming prime minister at the end of 1852. Seeking to project a liberal image abroad and to win the approval of patriots at home, Cavour continued his policy of limiting th e privileges of the Catholic church. During the course of the Crimean War, he ranged Piedmont alongside England and France, and in 1856 presented the Italian case before the Congress of Paris and the tribunal of world opinion. In Paris the Count sought to ingratiate himself with Napoleon, whose support of he considered crucial to avenge the defeat of 1848-1849, while seeking the adherence of exiles from the restoration of 1848 such as Daniele Manin, who formed the national society. The latter organization provided popular support for Cavour's anti-Austrian, national campaign in 1859-1860.

In July 1858 Cavour met Napoleon III at Plombières where the two plotted a war against Austria and the reorganization of the Italian peninsula. An enlarged Piedmont, forming a Kingdom of Northern Italy, as had emerged briefly in 1848-1840, would be united with Tuscany, a truncated Papal State, and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in an Italian Confederation. For his efforts on behalf of the It alian cause, Napoleo n asked for the cession of Nice and Savoy. These provisions were concretized in the treaty of December 10, 1858. The Second War of Italian Independence opened in April 1859, approximately a decade after the close of the First War of Independence, and was decided by the battles of Magenta, San Martino, and Solferino. Following the Austrian withdrawal into the quadrilateral of fortresses, in July Napoleon signed an armistice at Villafranca with Franz-Josef, without consulting his Piedmo nt allies. Cavour, unw illing to accept the terms which left Venetia in Austrian hands, resigned.

Cavour returned to power in January 1860, and in March signed another secret agreement with Napoleon turning over Nice and Savoy to France, in return for French support for Piedmont 's annexation of central Italy. The count allowed Garibaldi's expedition to leave Genoa for Sicily, and following the collapse of the Neapolitan Kingdom, engineered its annexation. He also received French approv al to occupy the greater part of what remained of the Papal States, scrupulously avoiding the French occupied city of Rome and its immediate environs. On March 17, Cavour had the Piedmontese parliament proclaim Victor Emanuel II, king of Italy. Cavour also persuaded the parliament to proclaim the city of Rome the future capital of the kingdom, hoping to resolve the Roman question on the basis of an agreement with the church. He died shortly thereafter, and did not live to see the Italian occupation of Rom e in 1870.

Frank J. Coppa

Bibliography

Coppa, Frank J. Camillo di Cavour. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1973.

Il Carteggio Cavour-Nigra dal 1858 al 1861. Bologna: Zanichelli, 1961.

Mark Smith, Denis. Cavour. New York: Knopf, 1985.

Romeo, Rosario. Cavour e il suo tempo. 4 vols. Bari: Laterza, 1969-1984.

Ugolini, Romano. Cavour e Napoleon III nell' Italia Centrale. Rome: Instituto per la storia del Risorgimento Italiano, 1973.

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Krista Durchik revised this file ( http://www.ohiou.edu/~chastain/ac/cavour.htm) on April 22, 1998.

Please E-mail comments or suggesti ons to chastain@www.ohiou.edu

© 1998 James Chastain.

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Cavour, Count Camillo Benso di (1810-1861)

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Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page Cavour, Count Camillo Benso di (1810-1861) The figure who forged the Kingdom of Italy, designe d the constitutional structure of the unitary state and served as its first prime minister was the second son of an aristocratic Piedmontese family.