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The "Institutional Racism" Wikipedia article is an essential resource for learning about how organizational prejudice and discrimination affect the financial prospects as well as access to justice of underprivileged individuals across the world. According to the definition given on the website, institutional racism is prejudice that is ingrained in legislation, regulations, and structures of society, resulting in long-lasting inequalities in education, health care, job opportunities, wealth, and the judicial system. The page skillfully combines historical background, industry-specific examples, and international viewpoints to show how institutional racism endures in many locales and continues to influence the socioeconomic conditions of oppressed communities. This investigation looks at how well Wikipedia's material conveys these urgent concerns and how well it captures the worldwide scope of institutional discrimination and its effects.

Disparities in schooling are one of the main ways that institutional racism restricts socioeconomic prospects. The Wikipedia article explores the ways that curricular representation, discriminatory disciplinary procedures, and uneven school financing are examples of systemic racism in education. Compared to wealthy, predominately white regions, schools in mainly racial minority populations frequently get less money, which results in lower-quality instruction, out-of-date substances, and fewer opportunities for children. The website also emphasizes how racial minorities—especially Black and Aboriginal students—are disproportionately hit by harsher disciplinary actions, which results in the "school-to-prison pipeline," which criminalizes vulnerable individuals from a young age.

The influence of institutional racism on job chances is also examined on the Wikipedia page. People who are marginalized are unable to achieve economic stability due to pay differences, discriminatory employment practices, and disparity in access to business networks. Data on the website demonstrates that, even in cases when educational attainment is equal, racial minorities experience greater rates of unemployment and poorer salaries than their white equivalents.It also talks about the "glass ceiling" impacts that prevent ethnic minorities from advancing in their careers in government and business settings. These discrepancies are made worse by the absence of plurality in positions of authority, as minority perspectives are frequently left out of decisions being made. The systematic denial of opportunity to develop wealth through discriminating in dwelling is an additional significant subject discussed. The Wikipedia article looks at redlining, the practice of banking and property firms denying racial minorities loans and housing prospects. Since ownership represents one of the main ways families create wealth for future generations, such laws have had a lasting impact on wealth creation. The article uses experiences from the US, Canada, and the UK to show the way prejudiced lending policies and discriminatory housing laws have consistently prevented ethnic minorities from enjoying economic prosperity.

The function of racial prejudice in the legal system is among the topics that receive the most discussion on the Wikipedia page. Stats and cases are presented on the page to show how law enforcement unfairly targets ethnic minorities, which results in increased detention rates, harsh punishment, and mass imprisonment. For example, Black people are more likely than white people to be ceased searched, and incarcerated in the USA for very minor infractions. Similar to this, institutional biases in policing and legal processes result in far higher imprisonment rates for Indigenous communities in Canada and Australia.

The page also emphasizes racial discrepancies in sentencing, pointing out that minorities frequently receive lengthier jail sentences for comparable offenses than white people. Racial minorities are preferentially given the death penalty, demonstrating that this bias even extends to this system. The website also looks at how aggressive enforcement practices like stop and search and zero-tolerance rules lead to the prosecution of racial minorities in underprivileged neighborhoods. All of these elements work together to restrict access to reasonable and equitable legal counsel. The impact of institutional discrimination on access to equitable legal counsel is also covered in the Wikipoiedia page. Larger conviction rates and lengthier sentence result from marginalized populations' frequent inability to pay for a strong legal defense. Due to their frequent caseload overload, public defenders are unable to offer sufficient legal representation. Due to their frequent caseload overload, public defenders are unable to offer sufficient legal representation. Legal outcomes are also influenced by judicial bias, as courts have traditionally given preference to white defendants over ethnic minorities in comparable cases. The article offers case studies from several nations, showing how these trends are present globally.

The Wikipedia page's incorporation of global instances of institutionalized discrimination shows that the problem is not limited to any one nation, which is one of its strong points. The page in Australia draws attention to the systematic discrimination that Native Australians experience in fields including healthcare, education, and land rights. For Indigenous populations, policies like the forcible deportation of Indigenous children, referred to as "Stolen Generations," continued having a lasting impact. The historical and current isolation of Indigenous populations in Canada is examined, along with the effects from boarding schools and structural impediments to economic engagement. There is discussion about racism as an institution in the UK's police force, namely with regard to stop-and-search procedures and racial profiling. The page also discusses how racial minorities are impacted by workplace discrimination.

Although the article on Wikipedia effectively describes the effects of institutional racism, there are a few places where it may be strengthened. The page would benefit from a more thorough examination of racist practices in Africa, Asia, and Latin America as it mostly uses Western examples, especially those from the US and the UK. Furthermore, even while the website offers accurate information, it occasionally omits the most recent data or statistics that would support its claims. The research might also gain depth by a more thorough examination of intersectionality, examining the ways in which racism interacts with socioeconomic status, gender, and ability.

Although the article on Wikipedia effectively describes the effects of institutional racism, there are a few places where it may be strengthened. The page would benefit from a more thorough examination of racist practices in Africa, Asia, and Latin America as it mostly uses Western examples, especially those from the US and the UK. Furthermore, even while the website offers accurate information, it occasionally omits the most recent data or statistics that would support its claims. The research might also gain depth by a more thorough examination of intersectionality, examining the ways in which racism interacts with socioeconomic status, gender, and ability.

The significant effects of systemic discrimination on macroeconomic possibilities and entry to opportunity for underprivileged people across the world are well conveyed on the Wikipedia article on institutional prejudice. The page illustrates how deeply ingrained racial prejudice still shapes economic and social inequities by offering historical background, industry-specific examples, and worldwide viewpoints. Although the article is instructive, it would be even more thorough if it were broadened to include more recent statistics and cases from throughout the world. In the end, this resource is essential for increasing public understanding of institutionalized discrimination and its long-term effects, so reaffirming the necessity of structural changes to attain racial justice.

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Institutional racism, also known as systemic racism, is a form of institutional discrimination based on race or ethnic group and can include policies and practices that exist throughout a whole society or organization that result in and support a continued unfair advantage to some people and unfair or harmful treatment of others. It manifests as discrimination in areas such as criminal justice, employment, housing, healthcare, education and political representation.

The term institutional racism was first coined in 1967 by Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton in Black Power: The Politics of Liberation. Carmichael and Hamilton wrote in 1967 that, while individual racism is often identifiable because of its overt nature, institutional racism is less perceptible because of its "less overt, far more subtle" nature. Institutional racism "originates in the operation of established and respected forces in the society, and thus receives far less public condemnation than [individual racism]".

Individual or formal equality of opportunity typically disregards systemic or institutional aspects of inequality and racism. Institutional racism could be caused by power imbalance. Combating institutional racism is a motivation for structural changes. Substantive equality with equality of outcomes for people of different races and ethnicity could be one way of preventing institutional racism. Diversity, equity, and inclusion can be applied to diminish institutional racism.

In the past, the term "racism" was often used interchangeably with "prejudice", forming an opinion of another person based on incomplete information. In the last quarter of the 20th century, racism became associated with systems rather than individuals. In 1977, David Wellman defined racism as "a system of advantage based on race" in his book Portraits of White Racism, illustrating this definition through countless examples of white people supporting racist institutions while denying that they are prejudiced. White people can be nice to people of color while continuing to uphold systemic racism that benefits them, such as lending practices, well-funded schools, and job opportunities. The concept of institutional racism re-emerged in political discourse in the mid and late 1990s, but has remained a contested concept. Institutional racism is where race causes a different level of access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society.

Professor James M. Jones theorised three major types of racism: personally mediated, internalized, and institutionalized. Personally mediated racism includes the deliberate specific social attitudes to racially prejudiced action ( bigoted differential assumptions about abilities, motives, and the intentions of others according to their race), discrimination (the differential actions and behaviours towards others according to their race), stereotyping, commission, and omission (disrespect, suspicion, devaluation, and dehumanization). Internalized racism is the acceptance, by members of the racially stigmatized people, of negative perceptions about their own abilities and intrinsic worth, characterized by low self-esteem, and low esteem of others like them. This racism can be manifested through embracing "whiteness" (e.g. stratification by skin colour in non-white communities), self-devaluation (e.g., racial slurs, nicknames, rejection of ancestral culture, etc.), and resignation, helplessness and hopelessness (e.g., dropping out of school, failing to vote, engaging in health-risk practices, etc.).

Persistent negative stereotypes fuel institutional racism and influence interpersonal relations. Racial stereotyping contributes to patterns of racial residential segregation and redlining, and shapes views about crime, crime policy and welfare policy, especially if the contextual information is stereotype-consistent.

Other examples sometimes described as institutional racism are racial profiling by security guards and police, use of stereotyped racial caricatures, the under- and misrepresentation of certain racial groups in the mass media, and race-based barriers to gainful employment and professional advancement. Additionally, differential access to goods, services and opportunities of society can be included within the term "institutional racism", such as unpaved streets and roads, inherited socio-economic disadvantage and standardized tests (each ethnic group prepared for it differently; many are poorly prepared).

Some sociological investigators distinguish between institutional racism and " structural racism" (sometimes referred to as "structured racialization"). The former focuses upon the norms and practices within an institution, and the latter upon the interactions among institutions, which interactions produce racialized outcomes against non-white people. An important feature of structural racism is that it cannot be reduced to individual prejudice or to the single function of an institution.

The French political thinker Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859) supported colonization in general, and particularly the colonization of Algeria. In several speeches on France's foreign affairs, in two official reports presented to the National Assembly in March 1847 on behalf of an ad hoc commission, and in his voluminous correspondence, he repeatedly commented on and analyzed the issue. In short, Tocqueville developed a theoretical basis for French expansion in North Africa. He even studied the Quran, sharply concluding that Islam was "the main cause of the decadence... of the Muslim world". His opinions are also instructive about the early years of the French conquest and how the colonial state was first set up and organized. Tocqueville emerged as an early advocate of "total domination" in Algeria and subsequent "devastation of the country".

On 31 January 1830, Charles X capturing Algiers made the French state thus begin what became institutional racism directed at the Kabyle, or Berbers, of Arab descent in North Africa. The Dey of Algiers had insulted the monarchy by slapping the French ambassador with a fly-whisk, and the French used that pretext to invade and to put an end to piracy in the vicinity. The unofficial objective was to restore the prestige of the French crown and gain a foothold in North Africa, thereby preventing the British gaining advantage over France in the Mediterranean. The July Monarchy, which came to power in 1830, inherited that burden. The next ten years saw the indigenous population subjected to the might of the French army. By 1840, more conservative elements gained control of the government and dispatched General Thomas Bugeaud, the newly appointed governor of the colony, to Algeria, which marked the real start of the country's conquest. The methods employed were atrocious; the army deported villagers en masse, massacred the men and raped the women, took the children hostage, stole livestock and harvests and destroyed orchards. Tocqueville wrote, "I believe the laws of war entitle us to ravage the country and that we must do this, either by destroying crops at harvest time, or all the time by making rapid incursions, known as raids, the aim of which is to carry off men and flocks."

Tocqueville added: "In France I have often heard people I respect, but do not approve, deplore [the army] burning harvests, emptying granaries and seizing unarmed men, women and children. As I see it, these are unfortunate necessities that any people wishing to make war on the Arabs must accept." He also advocated that "all political freedoms must be suspended in Algeria". Marshal Bugeaud, who was the first governor-general and also headed the civil government, was rewarded by the King for the conquest and having instituted the systemic use of torture, and following a " scorched earth" policy against the Arab population.

Following the defeats of the resistance in the 1840s, colonisation continued apace. By 1848, Algeria was populated by 109,400 Europeans, only 42,274 of whom were French. The leader of the Colons delegation, Auguste Warnier (1810-1875), succeeded in the 1870s in modifying or introducing legislation to facilitate the private transfer of land to settlers and continue Algeria's appropriation of land from the local population and distribution to settlers. Europeans held about 30% of the total arable land, including the bulk of the most fertile land and most of the areas under irrigation. In 1881, the Code de l'Indigénat made the discrimination official by creating specific penalties for indigenes and by organising the seizure or appropriation of their lands. By 1900, Europeans produced more than two-thirds of the value of output in agriculture and practically all of the agricultural exports. The colonial government imposed more and higher taxes on Muslims than on Europeans. The Muslims, in addition to paying traditional taxes dating from before the French conquest, also paid new taxes from which the Colons were normally exempted. In 1909, for instance, Muslims, who made up almost 90% of the population but produced 20% of Algeria's income, paid 70% of direct taxes and 45% of the total taxes collected. Also, Colons controlled how the revenues would be spent and so their towns had handsome municipal buildings, paved streets lined with trees, fountains and statues, but Algerian villages and rural areas benefited little, if at all, from tax revenues.

The colonial regime proved severely detrimental to overall education for Muslims, who had previously relied on religious schools to learn reading, writing and religion. In 1843, the state appropriated the habus lands, the religious foundations that constituted the main source of income for religious institutions, including schools, but colonial officials refused to allocate enough money to maintain schools and mosques properly and to provide for enough teachers and religious leaders for the growing population. In 1892, more than five times as much was spent for the education of Europeans as for Muslims, who had five times as many children of school age. Because few Muslim teachers were trained, Muslim schools were largely staffed by French teachers. Even a state-operated madrasa often had French faculty members. Attempts to institute bilingual and bicultural schools, intended to bring Muslim and European children together in the classroom, were a conspicuous failure, and were rejected by both communities and phased out after 1870. According to one estimate, fewer than 5% of Algerian children attended any kind of school in 1870. As late as 1954, only one Muslim boy in five and one girl in sixteen received formal schooling. Efforts were begun by 1890 to educate a small number of Muslims along with European students in the French school system as part of France's "civilising mission" in Algeria. The curriculum was entirely French and allowed no place for Arabic studies, which were deliberately downgraded even in Muslim schools. Within a generation, a class of well-educated, gallicized Muslims, the (literally "evolved ones"), had been created.

Following its conquest of Ottoman Algeria in 1830, France maintained for well over a century its colonial rule in the territory that has been described as "quasi- apartheid". The colonial law of 1865 allowed Arab and Berber Algerians to apply for French citizenship only if they abandoned their Muslim identity; Azzedine Haddour argues that it established "the formal structures of a political apartheid". Camille Bonora-Waisman writes, "In contrast with the Moroccan and Tunisian protectorates", the "colonial apartheid society" was unique to Algeria.

Under the French Fourth Republic, Muslim Algerians were accorded the rights of citizenship, but the system of discrimination was maintained in more informal ways. Frederick Cooper writes that Muslim Algerians "were still marginalized in their own territory, notably the separate voter roles of 'French' civil status and of 'Muslim' civil status, to keep their hands on power." The "internal system of apartheid" was met with considerable resistance by the Algerian Muslims affected by it, and it is cited as one of the causes of the 1954 insurrection.

Following the views of Michel Foucault, the French historian Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison spoke of a "state racism" under the French Third Republic, a notable example being that the 1881 Indigenous Code applied in Algeria. Replying to the question "Isn't it excessive to talk about a state racism under the Third Republic?", he replied:

"No, if we can recognize 'state racism' as the vote and implementation of discriminatory measures, grounded on a combination of racial, religious and cultural criteria, in those territories. The 1881 Indigenous Code is a monument of this genre! Considered by contemporary prestigious jurists as a 'juridical monstruosity', this code planned special offenses and penalties for 'Arabs'. It was then extended to other territories of the empire. On one hand, a state of rule of law for a minority of French and Europeans located in the colonies. On the other hand, a permanent state of exception for the "indigenous" people. This situation lasted until 1945".

Prior to the Nakba (the mass displacement of Palestinians in 1948), the population of Palestine was around 1.9 million, with approximately 1.3 million Palestinians and 600,000 Jewish residents. By the end of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, over 750,000 Palestinians-more than half the indigenous population-had been forcibly displaced, and more than 500 villages were destroyed. Many of these refugees and their descendants, now numbering around 5.9 million, are stateless and are denied the right to return under Israeli law, despite Israel granting automatic citizenship to Jewish immigrants under the 1950 Law of Return.

It is estimated that the population of Aboriginal peoples prior to the European colonisation of Australia (starting in 1788) was about 314,000. It has also been estimated by ecologists that the land could have supported a population of a million people. By 1901, they had been reduced by two-thirds to 93,000. In 2011, First Nations Australians (including both Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islander people) comprised about 3% of the total population, at 661,000. When Captain Cook landed in Botany Bay in 1770, he was under orders not to plant the British flag and to defer to any native population, which was largely ignored.

Land rights, stolen generations, and terra nullius

Torres Strait Islander people are indigenous to the Torres Strait Islands, which are in the Torres Strait between the northernmost tip of Queensland and Papua New Guinea. Institutional racism had its early roots here due to interactions between these islanders, who had Melanesian origins and depended on the sea for sustenance and whose land rights were abrogated, and later the Australian Aboriginal peoples, whose children were removed from their families by Australian federal and state government agencies and church missions, under acts of their respective parliaments. The removals occurred in the period between approximately 1909 and 1969, resulting in what later became known as the Stolen Generations. An example of the abandonment of mixed-race (" half-caste") children in the 1920s is given in a report by Walter Baldwin Spencer that many mixed-descent children born during construction of The Ghan railway were abandoned at early ages with no one to provide for them. This incident and others spurred the need for state action to provide for and protect such children. Both were official policy and were coded into law by various acts. They have both been rescinded and restitution for past wrongs addressed at the highest levels of government.

The treatment of the First Nations Australians by the colonisers has been termed cultural genocide. The earliest introduction of child removal to legislation is recorded in the Victorian Aboriginal Protection Act 1869. The Central Board for the Protection of Aborigines had been advocating such powers since 1860, and the passage of the Act gave the colony of Victoria a wide suite of powers over Aboriginal and " half-caste" persons, including the forcible removal of children, especially "at risk" girls. By 1950, similar policies and legislation had been adopted by other states and territories, such as the Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897 (Qld), the Aborigines Ordinance 1918 (NT), the Aborigines Act 1934 (SA) and the 1936 Native Administration Act (WA).

The child-removal legislation resulted in widespread removal of children from their parents and exercise of sundry guardianship powers by Protectors of Aborigines up to the age of 16 or 21. Policemen or other agents of the state were given the power to locate and transfer babies and children of mixed descent from their mothers or families or communities into institutions. In these Australian states and territories, half-caste institutions (both government Aboriginal reserves and church-run mission stations) were established in the early decades of the 20th century for the reception of these separated children. Examples of such institutions include Moore River Native Settlement in Western Australia, Doomadgee Aboriginal Mission in Queensland, Ebenezer Mission in Victoria and Wellington Valley Mission in New South Wales.

In 1911, the Chief Protector of Aborigines in South Australia, William Garnet South, reportedly "lobbied for the power to remove Aboriginal children without a court hearing because the courts sometimes refused to accept that the children were neglected or destitute". South argued that "all children of mixed descent should be treated as neglected". His lobbying reportedly played a part in the enactment of the Aborigines Act 1911; this made him the legal guardian of every Aboriginal child in South Australia, including so-called "half-castes". Bringing Them Home, a report on the status of the mixed race stated "... the physical infrastructure of missions, government institutions and children's homes was often very poor and resources were insufficient to improve them or to keep the children adequately clothed, fed, and sheltered".

In reality, during this period, removal of the mixed-race children was related to the fact that most were offspring of domestic servants working on pastoral farms, and their removal allowed the mothers to continue working as help on the farm while at the same time removing the whites from responsibility for fathering them and from social stigma for having mixed-race children visible in the home. Also, when they were left alone on the farm they became targets of the men who contributed to the rise in the population of mixed-race children. The institutional racism was government policy gone awry, one that allowed babies to be taken from their mothers at birth, and this continued for most of the 20th century. That it was policy and kept secret for over 60 years is a mystery that no agency has solved to date.

Similarly, the Chief Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia, A. O. Neville, wrote in an article for The West Australian in 1930: "Eliminate in future the full-blood and the white and one common blend will remain. Eliminate the full-blood and permit the white admixture and eventually, the race will become white".

Official policy then concentrated on removing all black people from the population, to the extent that the full-blooded Aboriginal people were hunted to extinguish them from society, and those of mixed race would be assimilated with the white race so that in a few generations they too would become white.

By 1900, the recorded First Nations Australian population had declined to approximately 93,000.

Western Australia and Queensland specifically excluded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from the electoral rolls. The Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902 excluded "Aboriginal natives of Australia, Asia, Africa and Pacific Islands except for New Zealand" from voting unless they were on the roll before 1901.

In 1981, a land rights conference was held at James Cook University, where Eddie Mabo, a Torres Strait Islander, made a speech to the audience in which he explained the land inheritance system on Murray Island. The significance of this in terms of Australian common law doctrine was taken note of by one of the attendees, a lawyer, who suggested there should be a test case to claim land rights through the court system. Ten years later, five months after Eddie Mabo died, on 3 June 1992, the High Court announced its historic decision, namely overturning the legal doctrine of terra nullius, which was the term applied by the British relating to the continent of Australia - "empty land".

In his 2008 address to the houses of parliament apologising for the treatment of the First Nations population, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a plea to the health services regarding the disparate treatment in health services. He noted the widening gap between the treatment of First Nations and non-Indigenous Australians, and committed the government to a strategy called " Closing the Gap", admitting to past institutional racism in health services that shortened the life expectancy of the Aboriginal people. Committees that followed up on this outlined broad categories to redress the inequities in life expectancy, educational opportunities and employment. The Australian government also allocated funding to redress the past discrimination. First Nations Australians visit their general practitioners (GPs) and are hospitalised for diabetes, circulatory disease, musculoskeletal conditions, respiratory and kidney disease, mental, ear and eye problems and behavioural problems yet are less likely than non-Indigenous Australians to visit the GP, use a private doctor, or apply for residence in an old age facility. Childhood mortality rates, the gap in educational achievement and lack of employment opportunities were made goals that in a generation should halve the gap. A national " Close the Gap" day was announced for March of each year by the Human Rights Commission.

In 2011, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare reported that life expectancy had increased since 2008 by 11.5 years for women and 9.7 years for men along with a significant decrease in infant mortality, but it was still 2.5 times higher than for the non-indigenous population. Much of the health woes of the First Nations Australians could be traced to the availability of transport. In remote communities, the report cited 71% of the population in those remote Fist Nations communities lacked access to public transport, and 78% of the communities were more than 80 kilometres (50 miles) from the nearest hospital. Although English was the official language of Australia, many First Nations Australians did not speak it as a primary language, and the lack of printed materials that were translated into the Australian Aboriginal languages and the non-availability of translators formed a barrier to adequate health care for Aboriginal people. By 2015, most of the funding promised to achieve the goals of "Closing the Gap" had been cut, and the national group monitoring the conditions of the First Nations population was not optimistic that the promises of 2008 will be kept. In 2012, the group complained that institutional racism and overt discrimination continued to be issues, and that, in some sectors of government, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was being treated as an aspirational rather that a binding document.

Systemic racism in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is primarily manifested through its kafala (sponsorship) system, which governs migrant labor, as well as through citizenship policies that favor the native Emirati population while marginalizing expatriates and stateless groups such as the Bidoon. Human rights organizations have documented widespread racial and ethnic discrimination in employment, legal rights, and social mobility, disproportionately affecting South Asian, African, and Southeast Asian migrant workers, who make up the majority of the country's population. The kafala system has been widely criticized as a form of modern-day slavery due to its restrictions on workers' rights and its potential for abuse. As of 2020, an estimated 90% of the UAE's workforce consists of migrant laborers, predominantly from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and the Philippines.

The UAE's citizenship laws heavily favor native Emiratis, who make up only 11% of the total population but receive state subsidies, free healthcare, and government jobs. Meanwhile, long-term residents-many of whom have lived in the country for generations-are effectively barred from citizenship. Palestinians, Syrians, and Sudanese nationals face particular barriers to residency and employment, often denied the same legal protections afforded to Western expatriates.

The living standard of indigenous peoples in Canada falls far short of those of the non-indigenous, and they, along with other 'visible minorities' remain, as a group, the poorest in Canada. There continue to be barriers to gaining equality with other Canadians of European ancestry. The life expectancy of First Nations people is lower; they have fewer high school graduates, much higher unemployment rates, nearly double the number of infant deaths and significantly greater contact with law enforcement. Their incomes are lower, they enjoy fewer promotions in the workplace and as a group, the younger members are more likely to work reduced hours or weeks each year.

Many in Europe during the 19th century (as reflected in the Imperial Report of the Select Committee on Aborigines), supported the goal put forth by colonial imperialists of 'civilizing' the Native populations. This led to an emphasis on the acquisition of Aboriginal lands in exchange for the putative benefits of European society and their associated Christian religions. British control of Canada (the Crown) began when they exercised jurisdiction over the first nations and it was by Royal Proclamation that the first piece of legislation the British government passed over First Nations citizens assumed control of their lives. It gave recognition to the Indians tribes as First Nations living under Crown protection.

It was after the treaty of Paris in 1763, whereby France ceded all claims in present-day Canada to Britain, that King George III of Great Britain issued a Royal Proclamation specifying how the Indigenous in the crown colony were to be treated. It is the most significant pieces of legislation regarding the Crown's relationship with Aboriginal people. This Royal Proclamation recognized Indian owned lands and reserved to them all use as their hunting grounds. It also established the process by which the Crown could purchase their lands, and also laid out basic principles to guide the Crown when making treaties with the First Nations. The Proclamation made Indian lands transferred by treaty to be Crown property, and stated that indigenous title is a collective or communal rather than a private right so that individuals have no claim to lands where they lived and hunted long prior to European colonization.

In 1885, General Middleton after defeating the Metis rebellion introduced the Pass System in western Canada, under which Natives could not leave their reserves without first obtaining a pass from their farming instructors permitting them to do so. While the Indian Act did not give him such powers, and no other legislation allowed the Department of Indian Affairs to institute such a system, and it was known by crown lawyers to be illegal as early as 1892, the Pass System remained in place and was enforced until the early 1930s. As Natives were not permitted at that time to become lawyers, they could not fight it in the courts. Thus was institutional racism externalized as official policy.

Unlike the effect of those Indian treaties in the North-West, which established the reserves for the Indigenous, the protection of Métis lands was not secured by the scrip policy instituted in the 1870s, whereby the crown exchanged a scrip in exchange for a fixed (160-240 acres) grant of land to those of mixed heritage.

Minnesota Historical Society Location No. HD2.3 r7 Negative No. 10222 "Mixed blood (Indian and French) fur trader" c. 1870

In 1920, a law was passed to authorize enfranchisement without consent, and many Aboriginal peoples were involuntarily enfranchised. Natives automatically lost their Indian status under this policy and also if they became professionals such as doctors or ministers, or even if they obtained university degrees, and with it, they lost their right to reside on the reserves.

The enfranchisement requirements particularly discriminated against Native women, specifying in Section 12 (1)(b) of the Indian Act that an Indian status woman marrying a non-Indian man would lose her status as an Indian, as would her children. In contrast non-Indian women marrying Indian men would gain Indian status. Duncan Campbell Scott, the Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, neatly expressed the sentiment of the day in 1920: "Our object is to continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada that has not been absorbed into the body politic, and there is no Indian question and no Indian Department" This aspect of enfranchisement was addressed by passage of Bill C-31 in 1985, where the discriminatory clause of the Indian Act was removed, and Canada officially gave up the goal of enfranchising Natives.

With the goal of civilizing and Christianizing Aboriginal populations, a system of 'industrial schools' was developed in the 19th century that combined academic studies with "more practical matters" and schools for Natives began to appear in the 1840s. From 1879 onward, these schools were modelled after the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania, whose motto was " Kill the Indian in him and save the man". It was felt that the most effective weapon for "killing the Indian" in them was to remove children from their Native supports and so Native children were taken away from their homes, their parent, their families, friends and communities. The 1876 Indian Act gave the federal government responsibility for Native education and by 1910 residential schools dominated the Native education policy. The government provided funding to religious groups such as the Catholic, Anglican, United Church and Presbyterian churches to undertake Native education. By 1920, attendance by natives was made compulsory and there were 74 residential schools operating nationwide. Following the ideas of Sifton and others like him, the academic goals of these schools were "dumbed down". As Duncan Campbell Scott stated at the time, they did not want students that were "made too smart for the Indian villages": "To this end the curriculum in residential schools has been simplified and the practical instruction given is such as may be immediately of use to the pupil when he returns to the reserve after leaving school."

The funding the government provided was generally insufficient and often the schools ran themselves as "self-sufficient businesses", where 'student workers' were removed from class to do the laundry, heat the building, or perform farm work. Dormitories were often poorly heated and overcrowded, and the food was less than adequately nutritious. A 1907 report, commissioned by Indian Affairs, found that in 15 prairie schools there was a death rate of 24%. Indeed, a deputy superintendent general of Indian Affairs at the time commented: "It is quite within the mark to say that fifty percent of the children who passed through these schools did not benefit from the education which they had received therein." While the death rate did decline in later years, death would remain a part of the residential school tradition. The author of that report to the BNA, Dr. P.H. Bryce, was later removed and in 1922 published a pamphlet that came close to calling the governments indifference to the conditions of the Indians in the schools 'manslaughter'.

Anthropologists Steckley and Cummins note that the endemic abuses - emotional, physical, and sexual - for which the system is now well known for "might readily qualify as the single-worst thing that Europeans did to Natives in Canada". Punishments were often brutal and cruel, sometimes even life-threatening or life-ending. Pins were sometimes stuck in children's tongues for speaking their Native languages, sick children were made to eat their vomit, and semi-formal inspections of children's genitalia were carried out. The term Sixties Scoop (or Canada Scoops) refers to the Canadian practice, beginning in the 1960s and continuing until the late 1980s, of taking ("scooping up") children of Aboriginal peoples in Canada from their families for placing in foster homes or adoption.

Starting in the 1990s, the government started a number of initiatives to address the effects of the Indian residential school. In March 1998, the government made a Statement of Reconciliation and established the Aboriginal Healing Foundation. In the fall of 2003, the Alternative Dispute Resolution process was launched, which was a process outside of court providing compensation and psychological support for former students of residential schools who were physically or sexually abused or were in situations of wrongful confinement. On 11 June 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued a formal apology on behalf of the sitting Cabinet and in front of an audience of Aboriginal delegates. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission ran from 2008 through to 2015 to document past wrongdoing in the hope of resolving conflict left over from the past. The final report concluded that the school system amounted to cultural genocide.

The overt institutional racism of the past has clearly had a profoundly devastating and lasting effect on visible minorities and Aboriginal communities throughout Canada. European cultural norms have imposed themselves on Native populations in Canada, and Aboriginal communities continue to struggle with foreign systems of governance, justice, education, and livelihood. Visible Minorities struggle with education, employment and negative contact with the legal system across Canada.

Perhaps most palpable is the dysfunction and familial devastation caused by residential schools. Hutchins states; "Many of those who attended residential schools have been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder, suffering from such symptoms as panic attacks, insomnia, and uncontrollable or unexplainable anger. Many also suffer from alcohol or drug abuse, sexual inadequacy or addiction, the inability to form intimate relationships, and eating disorders. Three generations of Native parents lost out on learning important parenting skills usually passed on from parent to child in caring and nurturing home environments, and the abuse suffered by students of residential schools has begun a distressing cycle of abuse within many Native communities." The lasting legacy of residential schools is but only one facet of the problem.

The Hutchins report continues: "Aboriginal children continue to struggle with mainstream education in Canada. For some Indian students, English remains a second language, and many lack parents with sufficient education themselves to support them. Moreover, schooling in Canada is based on an English written tradition, which is different from the oral traditions of the Native communities. For others, it is simply that they are ostracised for their 'otherness'; their manners, their attitudes, their speech, or a hundred other things which mark them out as different. "Aboriginal populations continue to suffer from poor health. They have seven years less life expectancy than the overall Canadian population and almost twice as many infant deaths. While Canada as a nation routinely ranks in the top three on the United Nations Human Development Index, its on-reserve Aboriginal population, if scored as a nation, would rank a distant and shocking sixty-third."

As Perry Bellegarde National Chief, Assembly of First Nations, points out, racism in Canada today is, for the most part, a covert operation. Its central and most distinguishing tenet is the vigour with which it is consistently denied. There are many who argue that Canada's endeavors in the field of human rights and its stance against racism have only resulted in a "more politically correct population who have learnt to better conceal their prejudices". In effect, the argument is that racism in Canada is not being eliminated, but rather is becoming more covert, more rational, and perhaps more deeply imbedded in our institutions.

That racism is alive is evidenced by the recent referendum in British Columbia by which the provincial government is asking the white majority to decide on a mandate for negotiating treaties with the Indian minority. The results of the referendum will be binding, the government having legislatively committed itself to act on these principles if more than 50% of those voting reply in the same way. Moreover, although it has been revised many times, "the Indian Act remains legislation which singles out a segment of society based on race". Under it, the civil rights of First Nations peoples are "dealt with in a different manner than the civil rights of the rest of Canadian citizens".

The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry in Manitoba, the Donald Marshall Inquiry in Nova Scotia, the Cawsey Report in Alberta and the Royal Commission of Aboriginal People all agree, as far as Aboriginal people are concerned, racism in Canadian society continues institutionally, systematically, and individually.

In 2020, after the death of Joyce Echaquan, the Prime Minister of Canada, Justin Trudeau, recognized a case of systemic racism.

In 2022, Pope Francis visited Canada for a week-long tour called a "pilgrimage of penance." Vatican officials called the trip a "penitential pilgrimage". The Pope was welcomed in Edmonton, where he apologized for Indigenous abuse which took place in the 20th century at Catholic-run residential schools, which have since closed. During his stay, he met with Indigenous groups to address the scandal of the residential schools. "I am sorry," The Pope said, and asked forgiveness for the church and church members in "projects of cultural destruction and forced assimilation" and the systematic abuse and erasure of indigenous culture in the country's residential schools.

The Chinese Immigration Act, 1923, better known as the "Chinese Exclusion Act", replaced prohibitive fees with a ban on ethnic Chinese immigrating to Canada - excepting merchants, diplomats, students, and "special circumstance" cases. The Chinese who entered Canada before 1923 had to register with the local authorities and could leave Canada only for two years or less. Since the Exclusion Act went into effect on 1 July 1923, Chinese-Canadians referred to Canada Day (Dominion Day) as "Humiliation Day", refusing to celebrate it until the Act's repeal in 1947.

There are records of slavery in some areas of British North America, which later became Canada, dating from the 17th century. The majority of these slaves were Aboriginal, and United Empire Loyalists brought slaves with them after leaving the United States.

Institutional racism exists in many domains in the People's Republic of China, though certain scholars have noted the Chinese government's portrayal of racism as a Western problem, while intentionally ignoring or downplaying the existence of widespread systemic racism in China.

Under the leadership of Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping, the Uyghurs - a mostly Muslim ethnic minority group living in the Chinese Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region - have faced widespread persecution from authorities and mass detentions. Since 2017, it has been reported that at least one million Uyghur Muslims have been detained in so-called " re-education camps" commonly described as concentration camps, where they have been subject to torture, forced labor, religious discrimination, political indoctrination and other human rights abuses. Testimonials from escaped inmates have indicated inmates are subject to forced sterilization. In many cases, they are forced to work for mass-manufacturing industries such as fast-fashion companies such as Shein and Temu.[1] It regarded as the violation of the Uyghur Forced Labour Prevention Act, which bans the utilization of cotton from Xinjiang in imported clothing if it is not guaranteed as employing equally paid workers.

Birth rates in two Xinjiang regions have dropped by more than 60% between 2015 and 2018, a result of measures by the Chinese government to lower the Uyghur population artificially. The situation has been described as an ongoing genocide by numerous sources, and others have argued that it is likely the "largest mass detention of a religious minority group" since the Holocaust according to the New Statesman. A study from 2013 found local government officials in China "were 33 percent less likely to provide assistance to citizens with ethnic Muslim names than to ethnically-unmarked peers."

Since the People's Republic of China gained control of Tibet in 1951, there has been institutional racism in the form of an elaborate propaganda system designed by the Chinese Communist Party to portray Tibetans as being liberated from serfdom through China and Han Chinese culture. A state-organized historical opera performed in 2016 in China portrayed Tibet as being unsophisticated prior to Princess Wencheng's marriage to Songtsen Gampo, a Tibetan emperor, in the year 641. This propaganda is described by Tibetan activist Tsering Woeser as being a "...vast project that rewrites history and 'wipes out' the memory and culture of an entire people."

A 1991 journal article identified how forced abortion, sterilization and infanticide in Tibet were all part of a severe CCP birth-control program in the region, which was designed specifically to target Tibetans.

During the 2008 Tibet protests, a local eyewitness claimed Chinese military police "were grabbing monks, kicking and beating them" after riots around the closure of the Sera monastery near Lhasa.

Racism against African people or people perceived to be of African descent has long been documented in China.

Published in 1963, African student Emmanuel Hevi's An African Student in China details "the arrests of Chinese girls for their friendships with Africans, and particularly, Chinese feelings of racial superiority over black Africans." One notable instance was the Nanjing anti-African protests of 1988, in which African university students were the subject of racist beatings and other attacks. In some cases, Chinese university students shouted racist slogans such as "'Down with the black devils!' and 'Blood for blood!'" Despite these obvious instances of racism against Africans, the Chinese state media portrayed the attacks as being instigated by the African students.

In modern China, racism remains an issue in certain universities, such as the state-funded Zhejiang Normal University. A black graduate student described how "African students would hear Professors and classmates make xenophobic comments, such as 'Africans are draining our scholarship funds'" and how African students, despite having higher grades, were receiving lower level scholarship funds through the ZJNU's three-tiered scholarship system than their classmates.

One study noted how Africans were being portrayed as "waste" and "triple illegals" through racial profiling by police in Guangzhou. In 2007, African nationals were targeted in Beijing's Sanlitun district by police during an anti-drug raid. They were the victims of police brutality and targeted on the basis of their skin color, something which the police later denied.

Yinghong Cheng asserts in a 2011 journal article that " Cyber racism against Africans is certainly not the only racial thinking but it is perhaps the most explicit and blatant one." He details the ubiquity of "manifestations of racial stereotypes, hierarchy perception and insensitivity", in addition to how "systematic discourse of race has developed in much more articulate, sophisticated and explicit ways in education and pop culture to accommodate contemporary Chinese nationalism." The adoption of a more state capitalist form of government in the PRC has led to the widespread internet popularity of commercialized Chinese singers and songwriters, some of whose material is racial in subject matter. As Cheng notes: "'The Yellow Race' (Huangzhongren 黄种人) and 'Yellow' (Huang 黄), [were] created in 2006 and 2007 respectively and dedicated to China's hosting of the Olympics. The racist language in these songs, such as 'the Yellow Race is now marching on the world,' combined with nationalist claims such as 'After 5,000 years, finally it is the time for us to show up on the stage,' coloured Xie's popularity among his young Chinese fans."

An anti-Japanese sign at the Guangzhou Higher Education Mega Center in 2007

In 2018, CCTV New Year's Gala, a state media television programme which has in the past been viewed by up to 800 million people included a racist neocolonial skit featuring a Chinese actress who wore blackface makeup. The skit "praises Chinese-African cooperation, showing how much Africans benefit from Chinese investment and how grateful they are to Beijing." Later the same year, the Daily Monitor reported that citizens of Uganda and Nigeria were discriminated against in Guangzhou by the Chinese government, through incidents such as taxis being halted and passports from African countries being confiscated, as well as hotels and restaurants being ordered to erect notices banning service to Africans. In addition, some African-owned stores were forcibly shut down.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, multiple instances of systemic racism against African people were documented, including misinformation and racist stereotyping which portrayed Africans as carriers of the virus. According to The Guardian, Africans were "refused entry by hospitals, hotels, supermarkets, shops and food outlets. At one hospital, even a pregnant woman was denied access. In a McDonald's restaurant, a notice was put up saying 'black people cannot come in.'" The local government in Guangzhou implemented mass surveillance, compulsory testing, and enforced a 14-day quarantine for all African nationals, regardless of whether they had traveled outside of China in the past two weeks.

Anti-Japanese sentiment exists as a modern issue in China, largely due to historical grievances. There have been reports of restaurants and public institutions refusing service or entry to Japanese people, which stems especially due to the Second Sino-Japanese War which had included Japanese war crimes such as the Nanjing massacre and Unit 731.

In recent years, there has been joint communiqués between the leaders of these two countries to try and mend as well as improve relations with each other.

Malaysians of Chinese and Indian descent - who make up a significant portion of ethnic minorities in Malaysia, with them making up around 23.2% and 7.0% of the population respectively - were granted citizenship by the Malaysian Constitution but this implied a social contract that left them at a disadvantage and discriminated in other ways, as Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia refers to the special "position" and "privileges" of the Muslim Malay people as supposed initial dwellers of the land.

However, due to the concept of Ketuanan Melayu (lit. Malay supremacy), citizens who are not considered to be of Bumiputera status face many roadblocks and discrimination in matters such as economic freedom, education, healthcare and housing. Opposition groups, government critics and human rights observers have labeled the Malaysian situation as being highly similar to apartheid policies due to the de facto status of some as second-class citizens. Such policies have also led to a significant brain drain from the country.

As for the elite Malays, this 'privilege' has been abused to the point where the poor Malays remain poor, while the rich Malays becomes richer; which is the result of Malay cronyism, non-competitive and non-transparent government project tender processes favouring Bumiputera candidates - causing deeper intra-ethnic inequality. However, the actual indigenous people (better known as Orang Asli) remain marginalised and have their rights ignored by the Malaysian government. Since Article 160 defines a Malay as "professing the religion of Islam", those eligible to benefit from laws assisting bumiputra are, in theory, subject to religious law enforced by the parallel Syariah Court system.

While 179 countries around the world have ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), Malaysia is not one of them. The Pakatan Harapan (PH) government that replaced Barisan Nasional (BN) from 2018 to 2020 had indicated a readiness to ratify ICERD, but did not, possibly due to the convention's conflict with the Malaysian constitution and the racial and religious norms in Malaysia established since its independence. Furthermore, a mass rally was held in 2018 by Malay supremacists at the country's capital to prevent such ratification, threatening racial conflicts if they do so. The PH government would eventually lose power amid the 2020-2022 Malaysian political crisis to BN.

Nigeria contains over 250 ethnic groups, but the country is politically dominated by three major ethnic groups - the Hausa-Fulani of the north, the Igbo of the southeast, and the Yoruba of the southwest. National politics in Nigeria have largely revolved around competition between the three dominant ethnic groups, with the minority ethnic groups having less political representation.

The Nigerian constitution promises equality among all ethnic groups, but in actuality, the concept of "indigeneity" is widespread across local and state governments (and to a lesser extent, the federal government), which has been criticized by Human Rights Watch as a form of discrimination and a violation of international human rights law. Citizens are recognized as "indigenes" of a particular locality if they belong to an ethnic group that is considered to be indigenous to that locality. Citizens from other ethnic groups, regardless of how long they or their families have been living in a locality, are legally recognized as non-indigenes and they face discrimination from government laws that limit their socioeconomic mobility.

Public universities in Nigeria favour indigenes during the admissions process, and non-indigenes are subject to discriminatory admissions policies that attempt to limit the number of non-indigene students. Non-indigene students are required to pay higher tuition and they are denied academic scholarships. Non-indigenes are often unable to participate in local politics and they are also excluded from government jobs. In some cases, non-indigenes have faced mass purges from government jobs in order to create more jobs for indigenes.

Human Rights Watch has claimed the indigeneity policies relegate "millions of Nigerians to the status of second-class citizens". Nigerian Vice President Yemi Osinbajo compared indigeneity policies to apartheid.

Nigeria is an oil-rich country where much of its oil resources can be found in the Niger Delta region, which is inhabited by ethnic minorities such as the Ogoni and Ijaw. The native inhabitants of the Niger Delta do not receive much of the wealth generated by Nigeria's vast oil industry, and it is, paradoxically, one of Nigeria's poorest regions. Oil wealth has been used to develop other parts of Nigeria while the Niger Delta region itself remains underdeveloped. The Niger Delta is constantly polluted and destroyed by the activities of both the Nigerian government and oil companies such as Shell Nigeria and Chevron Nigeria. Struggle for oil wealth has fueled violence in the Niger Delta, causing the militarization of nearly the entire region by ethnic militia groups and Nigerian military and police forces.

The Ijaw and Ogoni people have been subject to human rights violations in the form of environmental destruction and pollution. A 1979 amendment to the Nigerian constitution gave the federal government the authority to seize and distribute Ogoni territory to oil companies without any compensation. In 1990, the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People was founded by Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa to seek self-determination for the Ogoni people, compensation for environmental destruction, and payment of royalties from oil production. In 1995, he was arrested and executed, along with nine other Ogoni activists, by the regime of the Nigerian military dictator Sani Abacha, which was internationally condemned as a violation of human rights.

While the Nigerian government has become more democratic ever since the death of Sani Abacha, the ethnic groups in the Niger Delta still lack representation and remain excluded from the mainstream of Nigerian politics, economy and society. Government security forces in the Delta region regularly engage in torture, killings and confiscation of property as a result of the Conflict in the Niger Delta. The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization condemned the Nigerian government for its discrimination against the Ogoni people and failure to clean environmental pollution from the Niger Delta region.

The Igbo people traditionally maintain a system of discrimination from the Odinani religion that discriminates against a class of people known as Osu ( Igbo: outcast). Osu are regarded to be spiritually inferior beings, and they are distinguished from Nwadiala or diala ( Igbo: real born). They are ostracized from wider society and Igbo are discouraged from marrying them. They were historically either sold into slavery or were delivered to be enslaved to certain deities who were believed to ask for human sacrifice during festivals in order to clean the land from abomination, thus leading to the purchase of a slave by the people.

The status of Osu is permanent and inherited at birth. Despite influence from colonialism and Christianity, discrimination against Osu still persists in the modern day. In modern times, Osu are often barred from marriage, traditional leadership positions, and running from political office.

According to some human rights groups who are calling for its abolishment, some of the punishments meted out against the Osu include: parents administering poison to their children, disinheritance, ostracism, denial of membership in social clubs, violent disruption of marriage ceremonies, denial of chieftaincy titles, deprivation of property and expulsion of wives.

The South African government has done things to combat racial economic disparity in South Africa for example, BEE (Black Economic Empowerment) is a South African government programme aimed at facilitating black people's fuller participation in the economy, particularly to address imbalances established by apartheid. It offers incentives to businesses that contribute to black economic empowerment through a variety of measurable criteria, such as partial or majority black ownership, hiring black employees, and contracting with black-owned suppliers, as well as preferential treatment in government procurement processes. BEE's preferential procurement feature has been hailed as a model for a long-term procurement strategy in which government procurement is used to accomplish social policy goals.

The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report, and the public's response to it, were among the major factors that forced the Metropolitan Police to address its treatment of ethnic minorities. More recently, the former Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir Ian Blair said that the British news media are institutionally racist, a comment that offended journalists, provoking angry responses from the media, despite the National Black Police Association welcoming Blair's assessment.

In the English and Welsh prison system, government data that was compiled in 2020 showed that youths of color are disproportionally subject to punishment that the UN regards as violating the Mandela Rules on the treatment of prisoners. The COVID-19 pandemic had caused some minors being held in pre-trial detention to be placed in solitary confinement indefinitely. Minorities under 18 comprised 50% of the youth inmates held and 27% of the overall prison population. Ethnic minorities made up 14% of the overall population.

According to the Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, scholars have drawn on a 1979 work by social psychologist Michael Billig - "Psychology, Racism, and Fascism" - that identified links between the Institute of Psychiatry and racist/ eugenic theories, notably in regard to race and intelligence, as for example promoted by IOP psychologist Hans Eysenck and in a highly publicised talk in August 1970 at the IOP by American psychologist Arthur Jensen. Billig concluded that "racialist presuppositions" intruded into research at the Institute both unintentionally and intentionally. In 2007, the BBC reported that a "race row" had broken out in the wake of an official inquiry that identified institutional racism in British psychiatry, with psychiatrists, including from the IOP/Maudsley, arguing against the claim, while the heads of the Mental Health Act Commission accused them of misunderstanding the concept of institutional racism and dismissing the legitimate concerns of the black community in Britain. Campaigns by voluntary groups seek to address the higher rates of sectioning, overmedication, misdiagnosis and forcible restraint on members of minority groups. According to 2014 statistics, black adults had the lowest treatment rate of any ethnic group, at 5.2%. The treatment rate for whites is 17.3%. Figures from March 2019 show that black people were more than four times as likely as white people to be detained under the Mental Health Act in the previous year.

Critics contend that part of the institutional racism in education in the UK is in the curriculum. Arguments for and against decolonizing the curriculum are outlined on the BBC's Moral Maze podcast.

The equality and human rights commission reported that black workers with degrees earned 27.1% less income on average than whites. This gives some light for the reasons behind the stark inequalities that black people and to a lesser extent, other ethnic minorities face in the UK. For example, 56% of families with a black household head were living in poverty compared to 13% of families led by a white person.

Implementing the e-Gate system, the UK divides people by their nationalities into two groups at the airports. The system itself is practical and effective to avoid congestions and long queues. However, it is also the fact that people from certain countries such as Romania and China were disturbed and put under a special attention.

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Institutional racism, also known as systemic racism, is a form of institutional discrimination based on race or ethnic group and can include policies and practices that exist throughout a whole society or organization that result in and support a continued unfair advantage to some people and unfair or harmful treatment of others.

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Especially in light of the COVID-19 epidemic, the infographic "Coronavirus & Ethnic Inequality" graphically illustrates the ways that institutional racism and prejudice affect underprivileged areas. It draws attention to how the virus has disproportionately impacted Black and Latino communities, highlighting long-standing disparities in socioeconomic prospects, access to healthcare, and financial stability. The premise that racial disparities are structural rather than accidental is successfully communicated via the use of strong imagery, bold typeface, and organized information. This research looks at how the infographic presents the worldwide problem of systematic racism and discrimination, especially how it restricts disadvantaged people' access to justice and socioeconomic opportunity.

The infographic's main objective on the uneven health effects of COVID-19 on Black and Latino populations is among its most prominent features. In comparison to white people, these groups are twice as likely to contract the virus and three times as likely to die from it, the text highlights. The racial differences in healthcare quality and access are shown by this statistical representation. The prevalence of underlying medical disorders such as obesity, hypertension, and diabetes is frequently higher in marginalized populations, which exacerbates the seriousness of COVID-19. These circumstances, however, are not only biological phenomena; they are also the consequence of systemic issues like poor nutrition brought on by food deserts, restricted access to healthcare, and environmental risks in communities with a high concentration of non-white residents.

The infographic also clarifies how the epidemic has affected Black-owned companies economically. It claims that these companies were more unlikely to obtain federal financing and assistance and had the worst economic effects. This idea is essential to comprehending the wider economic disparities brought about by systematic racism. Black company owners have historically been unable to accumulate money for future generations due to discriminatory lending practices including discrimination and biased loan approvals. These differences were made worse by the pandemic's lack of funding, which caused a greater percentage of Black-owned firms to close than white-owned ones. The economic mobility of excluded populations is directly impacted by this comprehensive exclusion from financial possibilities, which feeds the vicious circle of plight and intellectual disengagement.

The infographic's coverage of ethnic minorities' job hazards is another crucial topic. It draws attention to the fact that plenty of Black and Latino people work on the front lines, increasing increasing exposure to COVID-19. Despite being considered vital during the epidemic, jobs in industries including health care, food service, public transit, and retail sometimes lack proper safeguards, medical insurance, and paid time off for sickness. Workers wearing masks are graphically shown in the infographic, highlighting the increased hazards they faced. This portrayal emphasizes how ethnic minorities are disproportionately assigned to dangerous jobs with little assistance, highlighting the ways that systematic racism shows itself in both employment possibilities and working conditions.

Inequality in housing is also covered in the infographic as a significant contributor in the racial differences in COVID-19 infections related fatalities. It highlights how many Latino and Black families depend on public transportation and live in small spaces, making social distancing almost impossible. This graphic depiction is important because it demonstrates how historical and current housing discrimination has pushed underprivileged populations into densely populated, low-income areas with subpar infrastructure. Generational differences in ownership and wealth development have resulted from past policies like discrimination and racist restrictions that prohibited Black families from buying properties in affluent, predominately white neighborhoods. Because of their overcrowding and dependence on public transportation, these areas are therefore more vulnerable to public health emergencies.

One of the more insightful parts of the infographic is the section on the function of misinformation and mistrust in healthcare institutions. It asserts that the pervasive deceptive content on social media leads to a lack of trust in healthcare organizations, which affects underprivileged groups' decisions on healthcare and vaccination acceptance. This is a crucial component in understanding how systematic bias fosters a widespread mistrust of institutions in addition to creating economic and physical disparities. Historical events such as the Tuskegee Syphilis Research Project and unethical medical care of Black and Indigenous people have contributed to a justifiable suspicion of the healthcare system. This mistrust is vividly depicted in the infographic by a person discussing vaccinations as social media icons, which stand for the influence of misleading information, hover about.

The infographic acknowledges attempts to maintain fairness in vaccination delivery, despite the grim facts depicted. It emphasizes how Black public health experts spearhead initiatives to provide equal access to vaccines. Because it recognizes the agency of underrepresented populations in combating structural prejudice, its inclusion is significant. It supports the notion that leaders in the impacted communities must push for equitable and just medical practices in order to bring about systemic change, in addition to policy changes. But the very fact that such initiatives are required at all shows how inadequate current systems are at fairly addressing racial health inequalities.

The infographic's use of strong, contrasting colors and a well-organized style to convey the seriousness of racial injustices is one of its key strengths. Racial inequalities are a critical, time-sensitive issue, as shown by the words "Coronavirus & Racial Inequity" being centrally placed within a dark clock-like form. The material is visually appealing while remaining somber thanks to the use of digital images and handwritten-style typefaces. In order to ensure that even a cursory scan carries the main themes of systematic racism and inequality, facts and keywords are strategically placed in various shades (e.g., "Disproportionately" in red in color, "financial Implications" in yellow).

Furthermore, the visualization does not go into great detail on the structural processes and underlying causes of systemic racism, even while it effectively draws attention to its symptoms, which include disparities in healthcare, economic injustices, and employment dangers. It does not specifically address the past policies that caused these discrepancies, such as the racial wealth gap and discriminatory banking practices, even though it notes that Black-owned firms received less financial help. More historical background would aid viewers in comprehending the reasons behind these gaps and how policy changes might eliminate them.

To sum up, the "Coronavirus & Racial Inequity" infographic effectively illustrates how systemic prejudice and bias affect marginalized populations' access to justice and socioeconomic opportunity. The serious racial disparities shown by the COVID-19 epidemic are successfully communicated with the use of strong imagery, well-placed statistics, and intentional color contrasts. Key challenges such unequal housing, economic discrimination, employment vulnerability, disproportionate health repercussions, and mistrust of medical institutions are highlighted in the infographic.

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Protests Against Racism and Police Brutality

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Protests Against Racism and Police Brutality

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The worldwide problem of systematic racism and how it affects underprivileged populations' access to justice are both skillfully conveyed in the political cartoon. George Floyd, whose passing at the command of law enforcement personnel in 2020 triggered protests against racial inequality throughout the world, is shown in the artwork. A well-known statement by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. is used in the cartoon: "The path of the moral realm is prolonged, nonetheless it swings into justice." This expression, which frequently evokes optimism for social transformation, is graphically represented by Floyd's raised fist, which directs the path into what he calls "Justice." The picture is a potent statement on racial injustice, representing the continuous fight for justice as well as the protracted fight for civil rights. Through its visual composition, historical references, and symbolic elements, the cartoon demonstrates how systemic racism continues to impact the socioeconomic realities and legal experiences of marginalized groups worldwide.

The concept that oppressed groups must actively fight for justice rather than having it handed to them effortlessly is one of that cartoon's main themes. The combined efforts of activists calling for structural change are symbolized by Floyd's raised fist, a popular sign of resistance and unity in racial justice campaigns. The picture implies that the fight for justice is a continuous one that calls for perseverance. The cartoonist uses Dr. King's quotation to suggest that although change may come gradually, it is unavoidable but only if individuals who oppose injustice take action. Floyd's inclusion in this picture highlights the fact that institutional racism is a long-standing worldwide problem rather than a new development by connecting current racial battles to the larger background of human rights campaigns.

It is especially noteworthy because George Floyd is portrayed as the main character in this piece of art. Floyd's death sparked international conversations about oppressive systems, disparities in race, and police violence. In addition to being a representation of a single person, his figure in this cartoon represents innumerable victims of systemic racism. The artist uses Floyd's likeness to highlight the larger trend of ethnic hatred and assault that occurs not solely in the US but also internationally. His position as a symbol of the campaign for racial justice is further highlighted by the name he uses on his hoodie. By personalizing the struggle, this visual approach gives viewers a sense of urgency and immediacy.

One of the most important aspects of the cartoon's structure is the arc itself. The metaphor is graphically reinforced by the way the words "The path of the universe of ethics is prolonged, however it leans towards righteousness" are organized in a curved pattern. However, the animation implies that Floyd's raised fist—and thus, the action of oppressed communities—is what pushes the arc in that way rather than showing it simply curving toward justice. This suggests that achieving justice calls for activity, opposition, and social pressure; it cannot be a passive process. Through the use of motion lines surrounding the notion of "bends," the cartoonist implies that Floyd's legacy is actively pressing for change in history. This perspective is consistent with the fact that, after decades of fighting, systematic racism still exists and that only by working together can justice be achieved.

The cartoon's simple yet effective color palette is another significant feature. The message is made more startling by the sharp contrast between Floyd's photograph and the white writing on the mostly dark background. While Floyd's raised fist and the white letters indicate optimism, resistance, and the quest of justice, the background's blackness may reflect the persecution and hardships endured by oppressed populations. The overall idea that systematic racism still casts a deep shadow but that movements in the direction of righteousness can and will succeed is reinforced by this interplay of brightness and gloom.

The political satire also discusses how institutional racism affects society more broadly. The piece of art subtly addresses concerns that negatively affect Black communities and other oppressed groups, such as racial profiling, economic disenfranchisement, and police violence, by focusing on Floyd. By restricting access to financial resources, work opportunities, and education, systemic racism contributes to economic inequality and therefore impacts social mobility. Floyd's life story mirrors these difficulties; he was vulnerable to the identical institutions that ultimately caused his death due to institutional hurdles and financial challenges. Thus, the cartoon reminds us that racial bias is closely linked to economic disparity and is not limited to legal prejudice.

This cartoon appeals to viewers throughout the world who are aware of comparable discriminatory trends in their own nations. across addition to Black communities across Europe, Indigenous populations in Canada and Australia, Dalits in India, and Roma communities in Eastern Europe, the battle against racial profiling, police brutality, and economic marginalization transcends American boundaries. The cartoonist emphasizes a worldwide fight against structural oppression by putting Floyd in the center of the piece, reaffirming that racial injustice is a global issue that calls for global response.

The quotation from Martin Luther King Jr. also gives the comic more historical context. A key player in the Human Rights involving Dr. King promoted racial equality via peaceful protest. His remarks, which are frequently brought up in conversations on justice, imply that advancement is achievable in spite of challenges. However, the cartoon questions a passive reading of King's remark by showing Floyd stretching the arc. It implies that pursuing justice actively is necessary and does not happen organically over time. As opposed to putting off history to make amends, this encourages viewers to take responsibility for creating a more equitable society.

Furthermore, the cartoon's portrayal of righteousness as a far-off yet reachable objective captures the glacial pace of structural transformation. Racial prejudice in the judicial system still affects many vulnerable populations, resulting in false convictions and harsher sentences. Institutional prejudices frequently cause justice to be postponed or denied. By showing the lengthy journey toward justice and highlighting the fact that, despite advancements, full equality is still a long way off and calls for ongoing struggle, the cartoon recognizes this reality.

This political satire's impact is further enhanced by its clarity and accessibility. Visual media, such as political cartoons, may swiftly communicate complicated social topics to a wide audience, in contrast to long essays or scholarly debates. The graphic is a powerful technique for bringing attention to systematic racism and prejudice because of its simplicity, which makes the message instantly clear to viewers. A potent visual story that speaks to both past and present racial justice movements is produced by fusing Floyd's image, King's speech, and the metaphorical arc.

In summary, this political cartoon depicts the ongoing fight for racial equality and successfully conveys how structural racism affects access to justice. The cartoon emphasizes the ongoing obstacles minority populations confront in attaining genuine justice through Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s historical allusion, George Floyd's strong imagery, and the symbolic portrayal of righteousness being an arm that needs to be actively bent.

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By concentrating on how Black males are viewed online, this commercial successfully conveys the widespread prevalence of systematic racism and prejudice. A search bar is overlaid over the face of a Black guy who is facing the viewer in the picture. Negative stereotypes and prejudices toward Black males, such as "setbacks," "unsuccessful," "a disrepute," and "insensitive," are reflected in the search bar's auto-suggestions. This graphic metaphor demonstrates how racial biases are pervasive in society and how media and technology serve to perpetuate them. "RACISM" is bolded across the topmost corner of the advertising. IT ENDS WITH ME. Viewers are urged by the appeal to action to acknowledge their personal prejudices and assume accountability for eliminating systematic inequality.

By demonstrating how digital platforms—which are sometimes thought of as neutral—actually reinforce racial prejudices, the commercial tackles systematic racism. Because search engines use commonly searched phrases to produce auto-suggestions, these unfavorable assumptions about Black males are not arbitrary; rather, they are a reflection of societal biases. This demonstrates how systematic discrimination is perpetuated in the digital era, impacting Black people's perceptions in social, professional, and legal contexts. These preconceptions' pervasiveness online has real-world repercussions, including schooling, career prospects, law enforcement, and general social mobility.

The commercial highlights the detrimental effects and prejudices based on race on the economic prospects of underserved populations from a socioeconomic standpoint. Black men's capacity to get employment, grow in their careers, and achieve financial security is directly impacted if society perceives them as failures, disrespectful, and disgraceful. Employers may absorb these preconceptions, whether intentionally or inadvertently, which might result in discriminatory hiring practices. According to studies, regardless of skills, job seekers with names that are seen as "ethnic" get less calls than those with names that seem more typically white. Within marginalized populations, this institutional prejudice perpetuates poverty cycles and erects obstacles to upward mobility.

The commercial also emphasizes the connection between access to justice and racial intolerance. Black males and other underrepresented groups are overpoliced due to negative preconceptions, which results in disproportionately high imprisonment rates and harsher punishment. These prejudices exacerbate the racial imbalances already present in the system of criminal justice, thereby rendering it harder for Black people to be treated fairly in court. Racial profiling, disproportionate force, and legal injustice are justified when society perceives Black males as naturally violent or unreliable. Real-world repercussions like erroneous convictions, police violence, and systematic denial of legal safeguards result from this.

The commercial humanizes the problem by superimposing the search button on the visage on a Black man, demonstrating that these misconceptions impact actual individuals and are not only theoretical ideas. It makes the audience face the fact and racial inequality is a larger social framework that marginalizes particular populations rather than just isolated instances of prejudice. The commercial urges people to accept responsibility, which not only poses a problem but also provides a solution. "IT STOPS WITH ME" challenges viewers to confront their own prejudices and promote racial fairness by implying that change starts on a personal level.

Furthermore, the commercial emphasizes how the media shapes public opinion. Negative stereotypes are frequently reinforced by the way marginalized populations are portrayed in popular media, such as movies, news articles, and internet material. A biased narrative that permeates real-world treatment is reinforced when Black males are overrepresented in unfavorable situations, for instance crimes reported or evil parts in entertainment. By drawing attention to this problem, the commercial urges viewers to demand more truthful, varied, and uplifting portrayals of underrepresented groups and to be more aware of the media that they consume.

The utilization of digital competence as an advocacy tool is another noteworthy feature of this commercial. It subtly challenges viewers to think about the ways in which artificial intelligence and internet algorithms support systematic prejudice. The prejudices that are ingrained in society are reflected and magnified through digital platforms because tech firms create algorithms that give priority to phrases that are commonly searched. Therefore, a reassessment of the design and use of technology is also necessary to address systemic racism. A crucial component of the struggle for racial justice is activism on the internet, such as advocating for more moral AI and making tech companies responsible for their prejudiced algorithms.

The advertisement is also relevant globally since systematic racism and prejudice affect vulnerable people everywhere and are not just a problem in one nation. Whether in the US, Europe, Australia, or another country, racial and ethnic minorities encounter obstacles in the legal, healthcare, education, and job sectors. A worldwide strategy to combat prejudice is necessary, as evidenced by the experiences of Indigenous Australians, African Americans, Afro-Caribbeans, and other racial minorities, which show shared patterns of institutional exclusion. The ad's global theme calls on cultures everywhere to confront the prejudices that support inequity.

In conclusion, by showing how racial prejudices are ingrained in media, technology, and society attitudes, this commercial effectively conveys the worldwide problem of systematic racism and discrimination. It illustrates how these prejudices have real-world repercussions, such as social isolation, restricted opportunities for justice, and economic disadvantages. With the slogan "IT STOPS WITH ME," the commercial calls for personal responsibility and promotes proactive involvement in eliminating systematic inequality.It draws attention to the necessity of ethical technology, media literacy, and legislative changes in order to build a society that is more just and equal. In the end, the commercial is an alarming signal that racial prejudice is a contemporary worldwide problem that calls for coordinated action rather than only being a historical one.

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Systemic prejudice and economic injustice are satirically and sharply criticized in the cartoon strip. The graphic depicts a deeply ingrained power system where firms owned by excluded groups continue to face disadvantages while white-owned enterprises prosper on a properly set base. The composition does a good job of illustrating how white and non-white populations differ in terms of economic possibilities, commercial performance, and wealth accumulation.

The image's focal point is a wealthy white guy sitting on a podium marked "White-Owned Businesses," encircled by big sacks of cash, signifying economic domination, financial stability, and generational riches. His easygoing stance, laid-back style, and arrogant manner reveal an aura of comfort and wealth, unaffected by the hardships endured by underprivileged communities. As he understands the financial benefits of "cultural variety" but only as a recent discovery implying that structural obstacles had long barred marginalized communities from obtaining comparable economic opportunities the conversations bubble over him further reveals the image's satirical nature.By making reference to "Jim Crow," the cartoonist draws attention to the ways that previous social and legal frameworks purposefully prevented Black people and other oppressed groups from advancing economically. The irony in the character's remarks is that profit, not true equity, is frequently the driving force behind the current corporate emphasis on diversity.

The way that institutions, laws, and social media platforms continue to sustain systemic economic imbalances is demonstrated by the people in suits, who are probably corporate executives, supporting the organization of white-owned enterprises beneath the pedestal. The fact that there is a Black graduate with a degree indicates that structural obstacles continue to prevent disadvantaged people from achieving comparable levels of financial success even in the face of educational achievement. Education, which is frequently promoted as a means of achieving equality, does not always eliminate the institutional advantages that white-owned firms have had for a long time.

The way that institutions, laws, and social media platforms continue to sustain systemic economic imbalances is demonstrated by the people in suits, who are probably corporate executives, supporting the organization of white-owned enterprises beneath the pedestal. The fact that there is a Black graduate with a degree indicates that structural obstacles continue to prevent disadvantaged people from achieving comparable levels of financial success even in the face of educational achievement. Education, which is frequently promoted as a means of achieving equality, does not always eliminate the institutional advantages that white-owned firms have had for a long time. Furthermore, a vulture, which represents economic death and decay, is shown in the far right corner next to a broken and deserted pedestal that reads "ADOS-Owned Businesses" (perhaps implying "American Descendants of Slavery"). This segment of the cartoon implies that Black-owned enterprises, especially those originating from historically impacted neighborhoods by racial injustice and slavery, have been completely locked out and deserted by the system of economy.

The cartoon strip does a good job of illustrating how much systematic racism affects socioeconomic prospects. The deeply embedded economic systems that continue to harm marginalized people are not always addressed by diversity and inclusion programs, despite the fact that they may appear to be a step in the right direction. The graphic challenges the performative aspect of corporate diversity initiatives, highlighting the fact that profit, not justice, is frequently the driving force behind them. According to this theory, real economic equality necessitates more than just superficial inclusion; rather, it calls for the destruction of the structures that have long supported white economic domination at the cost of underprivileged groups.

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The paper his "Reflection on Race and Racism" in American Libraries Magazine offers a thorough and comprehensive analysis of systematic racism in the library industry and in American society at large. The article, which was published in June 2020 amid a national reckoning on racial injustice, gathers thoughts from a range of American Library Association (ALA) executives, each of whom offers a distinct viewpoint on the widespread problem of racism and the need for revolutionary change.

In the article's introduction, ALA Executive Director Tracie D. Hall highlights how urgent it is to eradicate racism in society as well as in the fields of libraries and information services. Any library institution's reach and potential to fulfill its potential of an equally educated audience are constrained, she claims, by the existence of racism, intolerance, and bigotry. Halls call to act is unmistakable: the library profession has to commit to the practical effort required to eradicate institutional racism and go beyond token gestures. Addressing racism in both communities and institutions is necessary to achieve this, as is making sure that inner processes and managerial procedures accurately reflect racial justice and inclusion.

The president of the African-American Library Association's (BCALA) Black Caucus, Richard E. Ashby Jr., considers the importance of his position as a Black librarian. He recognizes carrying on the traditions of his forebears and overcoming obstacles that were formerly believed to be insurmountable. Ashby stresses the necessity of working together to combat systematic racism, calling attention to the needless killings of many Black people, such as George Floyd, as unacceptable crimes that necessitate coordinated action. He urges librarians to band together in support of the aspirations and goals of the profession's forerunners and contemporary members, acknowledging the vital role books play in promoting equality and strengthening communities.

ALA President Wanda Kay Brown emphasizes the value of representation in the library field. She suggests that more diversity in library administration and personnel might have a significant influence on communities, arguing that patrons desire to see themselves represented in those who work there. Brown links the underrepresentation to more general social problems, raising the question of whether tragedies like George Floyd's and other people's deaths may have been avoided with a greater plurality in positions of authority across different industries. She calls for boosting efforts to widen the field, pointing out that having social justice-minded librarians from those who they represent would be a big step in the right direction.

African Americans are disproportionately affected by race in the United States, which causes injustice, according to Cathy Dillard-Steels, the chief executive officer of the Young Adult Libraries Services Association (YALSA). She draws attention to the additional difficulties that Black people have, such as their increased vulnerability to COVID-19 and structural injustices. By incorporating fairness, variation, and tolerance throughout all programs, goods, and solutions, Dillard-Steels highlights the importance of empowering young adults. She acknowledges the value of offering tools and assistance to promote long-lasting change and supports young adults in their quest for real equality and freedom.

Reforma: the National Association for the Promotion of Bookstore and Data Services to Latinos and the Spanish Speaking's president, Kenny Garcia, considers the need to go beyond rhetoric and take an active stance against racism. He stresses the value of taking personal responsibility, forming partnerships, and cooperating to change workplace and library association rules and practices. By recognizing the connections between race, gender, class, sexual orientation, and religion, Garcia also discusses the necessity of addressing antiblackness in Latinx groups. He expresses optimism about the developments and emphasizes how crucial it is to confront racism at the structural level in order to bring about long-lasting change.

Reforma: the National Association for the Promotion of Bookstore and Information Services to Latinos and the Spanish Speaking's president, Kenny Garcia, considers the need to go beyond rhetoric and take an active stance against racism. He stresses the value of taking personal responsibility, forming partnerships, and cooperating to change workplace and library association rules and practices. By recognizing the connections between race, gender, class, sexual orientation, and religion, Garcia also discusses the necessity of addressing antiblackness in Latinx groups. He expresses optimism about the developments and emphasizes how crucial it is to confront racism at the structural level in order to bring about long-lasting change.

Black Americans and people of color are currently fighting racism, and Kenneth A. Yamashita was, President of the Executive Committee of Commissioners of the Joint Coalition of Librarians of Color, compares this to his family's experience of terrible prejudice during Japanese American incarceration. Engaging with librarian and staff of race, actively listening to their stories, offering training to recognize and speak out racist and discriminatory practices, and practicing self-reflection are some of the concrete measures he recommends to eliminate racism in the industry. Yamashita's observations emphasize the value of cooperation and proactive steps in establishing a welcoming and equal library environment.

The Chinese Boston Librarians Association's (CALA) president-elect, Hong Yao, considers the heightened difficulties minority communities had during the COVID-19 outbreak and the ensuing social turmoil after George Floyd's passing. She calls for unity to abolish racial prejudice and denounces racism and violence against Black individuals and any individuals of color. Yao urges fellow Chinese people to speak out against racist acts and stresses the need of information workers teaching themselves and others about fairness, diversity, and inclusion. Her thoughts highlight the value of group efforts and education in the fight against institutional racism.

When taken as a whole, these observations offer a thorough analysis of systematic racism in both society and the library profession. The leaders' observations shed light on the complex relationship between racism and human responsibility, institutional injustice, representation, and the necessity of taking proactive steps to promote diversity. The essay is a call for intervention for the profession of libraries to address and eradicate structural racism, highlighting the fact that real development necessitates more than just words; it calls for consistent, practical efforts to establish fair institutions that benefit all societal members.

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Reflections on Race and Racism | American Libraries Magazine

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American Library Association (ALA) affiliate, division, and unit leaders offer their reflections on race and racism in America.

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"Let’s Get to the Root of Racial Injustice," Megan Ming Francis's TEDx presentation, is a compelling and thought-provoking analysis of racism as a system and its previous and modern expressions. Francis skillfully conveys the enduring and systemic character of racial injustice by combining human tales, historical research, and arguments supported by facts. With an emphasis on important topics including systematic inequality, the historical causes of injustice based on race, and the need for structural change, this study will examine how her speech sheds light on the worldwide problem of racial prejudice.

Francis sets the stage for her examination of racial prejudice and social conditioning by opening with a gripping personal story from her early years. She describes how her mother cautioned her to exercise caution when she was in public, highlighting the fact that she would face harsher criticism than her white contemporaries because she was a Black child. This early racial self-awareness lesson emphasizes how widespread racial profiling is and how ingrained it is in marginalized people' everyday lives. Francis humanizes the topic by beginning her speech in this way, which helps listeners who might not have direct experience with racial prejudice understand it better.

if not the most important parts of Francis's discourse is the historical background she gives. She describes the systematic use of racial violence to control Black people, following the NAACP's battle against lynching in the early 20th century. Because it clearly distinguishes between historical and contemporary forms of racial oppression, this historical approach is essential. She shows that discrimination based on race is a continuous reality and continues to impact the lives of oppressed groups across the world by tying ancient acts of discrimination to contemporary systematic racism.

Francis's lecture makes the case that institutional understanding and action are necessary to combat systematic racism. She criticizes the widespread social propensity to overlook the structural mechanisms that sustain racial inequality in favor of concentrating on isolated instances of racism, such as overt racial profiling or discriminatory statements. Realizing why racial injustice endures in spite of civil rights progress requires an awareness of this disparity. Francis highlights that genuine equality in race cannot be attained until these fundamental problems are resolved since laws, regulations, and social norms have been created to maintain racial inequalities.

Francis's address also emphasizes the importance of changing the emphasis beyond responsive to preventative measures. She contends that rather than destroying the systems that allow racism to continue, many current conversations about race focus on confronting specific racist incidents. This reactive strategy frequently results in band-aid fixes that don't deal with the underlying issues that produce racial inequality. For instance, the broader system of racially policing is still in place even when public outcry may result in the arrest of police personnel implicated in violent crimes. Francis exhorts her audience to strive for substantial structural transformation rather than relying just on band-aid solutions.

Francis also talks about how institutional racism affects the economy. She draws attention to the systemic exclusion of Black Americans from opportunities to generate wealth, which dates back to slavery and is still in place today because to practices like salary discrepancies, unfair lending behaviors, and redlining. Given that educational and career possibilities are heavily influenced by generational income, this economic exclusion has long-term effects. Racial equity cannot be achieved in its entirety until these economic disparities are addressed. Her study shows that racial injustice affects marginalized populations' financial stability & upward mobility, making it more than merely a social or cultural problem.

Francis's ability to combine historical analysis with current challenges is one of the most potent parts of her speech. It makes it abundantly evident that systematic racism is a current and active force rather than a holdover from the past. She urges the audience to acknowledge their part in sustaining or eradicating racial injustice. She emphasizes the need for deliberate and persistent attempts to attain actual equality by pointing out how laws, institutions, and policies have traditionally been set up to favor some racial groups while disadvantage others.

Francis's message resonates with audiences throughout the world who see comparable instances of racial discrimination in their own nations, making it relevant even outside of the US. Systemic obstacles to justice, economic opportunity, and political representation confront disadvantaged populations worldwide. The topics she covered in her discussion are universal, whether they take the shape of caste prejudice in the Indian subcontinent, anti-Black racism in Europe, or Indian neglect in Australia and Canada. Her focus on systemic transformation as opposed to personal responsibility is especially important for promoting a more all-encompassing strategy to combat racism worldwide.

Francis's delivery is another factor that contributes to the success of her speech. She engages the audience with narrative, well-researched arguments, and rhetorical questions while speaking with intensity and passion. Her message is understandable to a broad audience because of her impassioned but academic tone. She makes sure that her point is not only readily grasped but also emotionally connected by simplifying difficult subjects into captivating stories. This strategy encourages viewers take movement by bridging the gap between academic discussion and practical impact.

Francis issues a call to action at the end of her presentation, imploring people to take part in substantive activism that tackles the systemic causes of racial injustice. In order to bring about long-lasting change, she highlights the significance of community organization, legislative reform, and education. One important lesson is that she advocates for structural change instead than symbolic gestures, which pushes people and organizations to focus on long-term initiatives and not performing allyship. In a time when activism on social media frequently takes the place of real action, this message is especially pertinent.

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Let's get to the root of racial injustice | Megan Ming Francis | TEDxRainier