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During the Napoleonic Wars the Italian states were temporarily United in the kingdom of Italy.

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Italian 1848 Revolutions | 3 Minute History

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The unification of Germany occurred on January 18 1871.

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Giuseppe Montanelli was the leader of Italy during the revolution.

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Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page

Giuseppe Montanelli

GIUSEPPE MONTANELLI (1813-1862) Italian revolutionist and leader in the 1848-49 Tuscan revolution and republic. As a volunteer he foug ht under Charles Albert of Piedmont-Sardinia in the 1848 war against Austria in which Montanelli was wounded and made prisoner. Upon his release in September 1848, he returned to his native Tuscany and was elected deputy to the newly designated Tuscan assembly. Appointed governor of Leghorn, then in open rebellion against the moderate constitutional government of the grand duke, he was greeted enthusiastically by its people. In a public speech on October 8, Montanelli blamed lack of unity among Italians for the earlier defeat of Charles Albert by Austria. For Montanelli, before Italian independence from foreign control could be realized, Italians had to unify, a process that could best be achieved by convening a constitutional assembly with representatives from all parts of the peninsula, to write a national constitution for all of Italy. Meanwhile agitation increased throughout Tuscany. Unable to stem it, the moderate government resigned and Grand Duke Leopold II appointed Montanelli prime minister on October 27, 1848. On the next day Montanelli presented his ministerial program, which included the calling of an Italian constituent assembly, to the grand duke who approved it. When Pope Pius IX, however, declined to participate, the grand duke also withdrew his support. Meanwhile, popular tumults increased throughout Italy. At the end of November 1848, after the assassination of his Prime Minister Pellegrino Rossi, Pope Pius IX fled Rome. Repercussions from the Roman revolution fanned Tuscan unrest, and the grand duke left Tuscany at the end of February 1849 to join the pope in exile. Without an effective ruler, the assembly set up a provisional government. Dissension arose between the more radical Montanelli, who pressed for union with the Roman Republic and had initiated talks with the Roman leaders, and the moderates who assessed the Italian situation more realistically. After the second defeat of Charles Albert by Austria at the battle of Novara on March 23, 1849, and that monarch's subsequent abdication, Montanelli lost support in the Tuscan parliament. Sent to Paris on a futile diplomatic mission, he remained there in exile after the demise of the Tuscan revolutionary government and the return of the grand duke to Tuscany.
Emiliana P. Noether
Bibliography

A. M. Ghisalberti. Giuseppe Montanelli e la Costituente. (Florence, 1947).

G. Montanelli. Memorie sull'Italia e specialmente sulla Toscana dal 1814 al 1859. (Turin, 1853).

Ernesto Ragionieri. "Mazzinianesimo, Garibaldinismo e origini del Socialismo in Toscana," Rassegna storica toscana, 10 (1963): 143-158.

Carla Ronchi. I democratici e la rivoluzione fiorentina del 1848-1849. (Florence, 1963).

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JGC revised this file ( http://www.ohiou.edu/~chastain/ip/montanel.htm) on October 24, 2004.

Please E-mail comments or suggestions to chastain@www.ohiou.edu

© 1999, 2004 James Chastain.

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Table of Contributors Table of Contents Return to Encyclopedia Home Page GIUSEPPE MONTANELLI (1813-1862) Italian revolutionist and leader in the 1848-49 Tuscan revolution and republic. As a volunteer he foug ht under Charles Albert of Piedmont-Sardinia in the 1848 war against Austria in which Montanelli was wounded and made prisoner.

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Otto von Bismarck was the prime minister of Prussia.

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born:

April 1, 1815, Schönhausen, Altmark, Prussia [Germany]

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died:

July 30, 1898, Friedrichsruh, near Hamburg (aged 83)

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Early years

Bismarck was born at Schönhausen, in the Kingdom of Prussia. His father, Ferdinand von Bismarck-Schönhausen, was a Junker squire descended from a Swabian family that had ultimately settled as estate owners in Pomerania. Ferdinand was a typical member of the Prussian landowning elite. The family's economic circumstances were modest-Ferdinand's farming skills being perhaps less than average-and Bismarck was not to know real wealth until the rewards flowed in after the achievement of German unification. His mother, Wilhelmine Mencken, came from an educated bourgeois family that had produced a number of higher civil servants and academics. She had been married to Ferdinand von Bismarck at age 16 and found provincial life confining. When her son Otto was seven, she enrolled him in the progressive Plamann Institute in Berlin and moved to the capital to be near him. The young Bismarck resented exchanging an easy life in the country for a more circumscribed life in a large city, where in school he was pitted against the sons of Berlin's best-educated families. He spent five years at the school and went on to the Frederick William gymnasium for three years. He took his university entrance examination ( Abitur) in 1832.

With his mother's encouragement, he took up the study of law at the University of Göttingen in the kingdom of Hanover. Evidently Bismarck was a mediocre student who spent much of his time drinking with his comrades in an aristocratic fraternity. After a brief stint at the university in Berlin, he entered the Prussian civil service, where he was plagued by boredom and an inability to adhere to the hierarchical principles of the bureaucracy. His mother's death in 1839 gave him the opportunity of resigning in order to come to the assistance of his father, who was experiencing financial difficulties in the management of his estate. From 1839 to 1847 Bismarck lived the ordinary life of a Prussian country squire. Subsequently he romanticized these years on the land and wondered why he had abandoned an idyllic existence for the insecurities of a life in politics. This frequently expressed nostalgia may have been more guise than reality.

During this period he met and married Johanna von Puttkamer, the daughter of a conservative aristocratic family famed for its devout pietism. While courting Johanna, Bismarck experienced a religious conversion that was to give him inner strength and security. A subsequent critic was to remark that Bismarck believed in a God who invariably agreed with him on all issues. There is no question that the marriage was a very happy one. In fact, Bismarck's last words before dying in 1898 expressed the wish that he would once again see Johanna, who had passed away some years earlier.

His politics during the 1840s did not diverge substantially from those of a typical country squire. If anything, his politics were more conservative. He believed in a Christian state that received its sanction ultimately from the deity. The existing social and political order was to be defended in order to prevent a Hobbesian chaos of all against all. Given his views, Bismarck was welcomed as a member of the religious conservative circle around the brothers von Gerlach, who were stout defenders of the noble estate against the encroachments of bureaucratic centralization. Bismarck had nothing but sarcasm for aristocratic liberals who viewed England as a model for Prussia. In 1847 he attended the Prussian United Diet, where his speeches against Jewish emancipation and contemporary liberalism gained him the reputation of a backwoods conservative, out of touch with the dynamic forces of his age.

Bismarck's response to the liberal revolution that swept through Europe in 1848 confirmed his image as a reactionary. He opposed any concessions to the liberals and expressed contempt for the king's willingness to bargain with the revolutionaries. He even considered marching his peasants to Berlin to free Frederick William IV from the baneful influence of the rebels. With other archconservatives, including Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach, he began contributing to the Kreuzzeitung newspaper (1848) as an organ of antirevolutionary sentiment.

For Bismarck's future role, it is important to understand his analysis of the revolution. He identified the forces of change as confined solely to the educated and propertied middle class. The vast majority of Prussians, however, were peasants and artisans, who, in Bismarck's view, were loyal monarchists. The task of the forces of order was to confirm the loyalty of these two groups by means of material concessions. The economic policies of the urban middle-class radicals were rooted in pure self-interest, he maintained. The radicals would spur industrial growth at the expense of the lower middle class and the farm population. Ultimately, even the middle class itself might be won over by tactical concessions and success in foreign policy. This strategic and opportunist thinking distanced Bismarck from the ideological conservatives, who were wedded to traditional concepts of authority. His vision of a manipulative state that sustained its power by rewarding obedient groups remained with him throughout his political career.

Early career

In 1849 he was elected to the Prussian Chamber of Deputies (the lower chamber of the Prussian Diet) and moved his family to Berlin. At this stage he was far from a German nationalist. He told one of his fellow conservatives, "We are Prussians, and Prussians we shall remain.... We do not wish to see the Kingdom of Prussia obliterated in the putrid brew of cosy south German sentimentality." In 1851 Frederick William IV appointed Bismarck as the Prussian representative to the federal Diet in Frankfurt, a clear reward for his loyalty to the monarchy.

With the defeat of the revolution in central Europe, Austria had reasserted its supremacy in the German Confederation, and Bismarck, being an archconservative, was assumed to support the status quo, which included Austrian hegemony. He lived in Frankfurt for eight years, where he experienced a commercial and cultural environment quite different from that of a Prussian estate.

It was in Frankfurt that Bismarck began to reassess his view of German nationalism and the goals of Prussian foreign policy. Not only did he find the constant deference to the Austrians in Frankfurt demeaning, but he also realized that the status quo meant acceptance of Prussia as a second-rate power in central Europe. In 1854 he opposed close cooperation with Austria, arguing that it entailed "binding our spruce and seaworthy frigate to the wormy old warship of Austria." Gradually he began to consider the options that would make Prussia the undisputed power in Germany. A vision of a Prussian-dominated northern Europe and a redirection of Austrian power to the Slavic areas in the south took shape in his mind. If necessary, a war with Austria to destroy its hegemony was not to be excluded. Implementation of such a policy would be anything but conservative because it would entail radical changes in the map of Europe as it had been drawn by the conservative powers at Vienna, Austria, in 1815.

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Otto von Bismarck | Biography, Significance, Accomplishments, & Facts

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Otto von Bismarck, prime minister of Prussia (1862-73, 1873-90) and founder and first chancellor (1871-90) of the German Empire whose time in office took Prussia from the weakest of the five European powers to, as the unified German Empire, the foremost military and industrial power on the Continent.

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The independence of Brazil started on September 7, 1822.

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Brazilian Independence | 3 Minute History

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Dom Pedro declared Brazil's independence from his royal family in Portugal.

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Pedro I, (born Oct. 12, 1798, Lisbon, Port.-died Sept. 24, 1834, Lisbon), founder of the Brazilian empire and first emperor of Brazil, from Dec. 1, 1822, to April 7, 1831, also reckoned as King Pedro (Peter) IV of Portugal.

Generally known as Dom Pedro, he was the son of King John VI of Portugal. When Napoleon conquered Portugal in 1807, Pedro accompanied the royal family in its flight to Brazil. He remained there as regent when King John returned to Portugal in 1821.

Pedro surrounded himself with ministers who counseled independence. When the Portuguese Cortês (Parliament), preferring colonial status for Brazil, demanded that Pedro return to Lisbon to "complete his political education," he issued a declaration of Brazilian independence on Sept. 7, 1822. Within three months he was crowned emperor.

Pedro's initial popularity waned, and in 1823, when the Brazilian Assembly was preparing a liberal constitution, he dissolved that body and exiled the radical leader José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva. On March 25, 1824, however, Pedro accepted a somewhat less liberal constitution drafted by the Council of State at his behest.

Although adoption of that charter may have saved Pedro from deposition, it did not reestablish his popularity. His autocratic manner, his lack of enthusiasm for parliamentary government, and his continuing deep interest in Portuguese affairs antagonized his subjects, as did the failure of his military forces in a war with Argentina over what is now Uruguay. Strong opposition in the Brazilian Parliament and a series of local uprisings induced him to abdicate in 1831 in favour of his son Dom Pedro II, who was then five years old. Pedro I then returned to Portugal.

On the death of King John VI (March 10, 1826), Pedro I had become titular king of Portugal as Pedro IV. Two months later, still in Brazil, he issued a parliamentary charter for Portugal and conditionally abdicated the Portuguese throne in favour of his daughter Maria da Glória, the future Queen Maria II. He died of natural causes in Portugal while securing his daughter's claim against that of his brother, the regent Miguel.

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Pedro I | Reign of Brazil, Independence, Abolitionist

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Pedro I, founder of the Brazilian empire and first emperor of Brazil, from Dec. 1, 1822, to April 7, 1831, also reckoned as King Pedro (Peter) IV of Portugal. Generally known as Dom Pedro, he was the son of King John VI of Portugal.