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Chile won its formal independence when San Martín defeated the last large Spanish force on Chilean soil at the Battle of Maipú on April 5, 1818. They won their independance from the spanish crown, ending the colonial period.

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Chile's struggle for independence is known as the period in which chile became a separate country from spain, it happended over the span from 1808–1830. One of the big struggles was the failure of charles the 4th and Ferdinand the 7th in spain to lead.

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Despite the colony's isolation, its inhabitants at the start of the 19th century were affected by developments elsewhere. The most significant of those developments were the winning of independence by the 13 Anglo-American colonies and by Haiti, the French Revolution, and the inability of Spain to defend its system in America, as indicated by the British invasion of the La Plata region and increased contraband trade on the part of British and U.S. citizens. Finally and decisively came the intervention of Napoleon in Spain, an act that in 1808 threw Chile and the other colonies on their own resources and led them to take the first steps toward greater autonomy and self-government. In Chile the initial move toward independence was made on September 18, 1810, when a cabildo abierto (open town meeting) in Santiago, attended by representatives of privileged groups whose vaguely defined objectives included a change in administration, accepted the resignation of the president-governor and in his place elected a junta composed of local leaders.

From 1810 to 1813 the course of the patriots was relatively peaceful because they were able to maintain themselves without formal ties to the Viceroyalty of Lima. Trade restrictions were relaxed, steps were taken toward the eventual abolition of slavery, a newspaper was established to publicize the beliefs of the patriots, and education was promoted, including the founding of the National Institute. However, the embers of civil strife were also fanned. The Creoles were divided over how far the colony should go toward self-government. José Miguel Carrera and his brothers, whose desire for complete independence was equaled if not surpassed by their personal ambition, inflamed the issues. Meanwhile, Spain had taken steps to reassert its control over the colony. At the Battle of Rancagua, on October 1 and 2, 1814, it reestablished its military supremacy and ended what has been called la patria vieja ("the old fatherland").

Following the defeat at Rancagua, patriot leaders, among them the Carrera brothers and Bernardo O'Higgins, future director-dictator of Chile, migrated to Argentina. There O'Higgins won the support of José de San Martín, who, with the support of the revolutionary government in Buenos Aires, was raising an army to free the southern portion of the continent by first liberating Chile and then attacking Peru from the sea. The Carreras continued their spirited agitation for independence in Buenos Aires and the United States.

Meanwhile, many of those who remained in Chile suffered from the harsh rule of Spain's inept representatives and became convinced that absolute independence was necessary. In January 1817 San Martín's well-drilled army, with O'Higgins as one of its commanders, began its march across the Andes, and on February 12, 1817, the patriot forces defeated the royalists on the hill of Chacabuco, which opened the way to Santiago. O'Higgins was proclaimed supreme director of Chile, although the act of declaring Chile's independence was not taken until a year later (February 12, 1818), on the first anniversary of Chacabuco, and the decisive defeat of Spain on the Chilean mainland (Spain held the island of Chiloé until 1826) did not come until the Battle of Maipú, on April 5, 1818. Before emancipation was assured, O'Higgins began the creation of the Chilean navy, which by late 1818 was in the process of clearing the Chilean coast of Spanish vessels.

Chile was free, but its inherent weaknesses were everywhere manifest. The Creoles remained bitterly divided between O'Higgins and the Carreras. Two of the Carrera brothers had been executed in Mendoza, Argentina, in 1818, and José Miguel Carrera suffered the same fate in the same city in 1821. The elite groups were dedicated to the retention of those institutions on which such things as law, property, family, and religion were founded. The masses, who had been little more than spectators in the conflicts between 1810 and 1818, were excluded from government.
John J. Johnson Paul W. Drake

Chile from 1818 to 1920

The Chilean oligarchy had little sympathy with O'Higgins, who favoured reducing their privileges. They accepted him, however, because he was supported by the army and because of dangers posed by Spaniards still in Peru and in parts of Chile (Valdivia and the island of Chiloé) and by internal guerrillas loyal to the Spanish monarchy. Opposition to O'Higgins began to make itself heard once the Chilean-Argentine army expelled the Spaniards from Peru; it increased after 1822, when the Chileans succeeded in driving the remaining Spaniards from Chile. O'Higgins's attempt, by means of a new constitution, to concede a larger political role to the oligarchy did not increase his support, and general unrest and poor harvests forced him to abdicate in 1823.

The years 1823-30 were troubled by an internal political split between the oligarchy and the army; 30 successive governments held office, and a variety of political experiments were tried. Rivalries developed between federalists and centralizers and between authoritarians and liberals. To the political chaos were added financial and economic disorder and an increase in lawlessness that tended to strengthen the authoritarian members of the oligarchy. Rival political factions were eliminated in 1829 when authoritarians, with the help of a part of the army, were able to install a junta (collegial government) that nominated José Tomás de Ovalle as provisory president. Actual power, however, was held by Diego Portales, who, as either a cabinet member or a private citizen, in fact ruled as a virtual dictator.

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Chile - Independence, Revolution, War: Despite the colony's isolation, its inhabitants at the start of the 19th century were affected by developments elsewhere.

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Guatemalan independence happened in 1840, when the guerilla movement led by the rafael carrera he was a peasant of mixed Spanish and indigenous ancestry, defeated the forces of francisco morazan, president of the federation. Carrera's presidency was conservative and backed by the clergy, as well as landowners.

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The majority of guatemalans believe that this event was a liberation from spain but some historians argue that the separation had more to do with the economic interests of a small group of guatemalan commercial oligarch that wanted to break the commercial monopoly with spain, but preserve the established economic system.

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September is when Independence Day in Guatemala is celebrated. The year 2020 will mark 199 years of independence. The majority of Guatemalans believe that this event was a liberation from Spain but some historians argue that the separation had more to do with the economic interests of a small group of Guatemalan commercial oligarch. They wanted to break the commercial monopoly with Spain but preserve the established economic system. This is why indigenous groups and women were excluded from the separation process. The truth is that that the September 15th date was only the beginning of an independence process that would end on March 21, 1847, when Guatemala would be a free and a sovereign Republic.

Despite the fact that the educational sector has failed to teach the full history, the celebrations during Independence Day in Guatemala are always in full flow. There are school parades in the morning which the children have been rehearsing for non-stop leading up to the independence celebrations. The whole country is filled with white and blue flags and there are marimbas and concerts all night in every town. Food of course also plays a very important role where you can eat tortillas, tostadas, tacos and other traditional foods. Then at midnight on the 14th is grand spectacular which are the fireworks. Whichever town you are in you will see the night sky lit up with fireworks. The party then carries on until you can no longer stand up.

Unfortunately, in 2020, due to the pandemic the authorities understandably suspended all activities during Independence Day in Guatemala. There will be no school parades, civic activities, concerts and other forms of celebrations. It will be very different and will probably change the pattern of future celebrations. However, this will not affect the way Guatemalans love their beautiful country!

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Independence Day in Guatemala: How It Is Celebrated And Its History

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September is when Independence Day in Guatemala is celebrated. The year 2020 will mark 199 years of independence. The majority of Guatemalans believe that this event was a liberation from Spain but some historians argue that the separation had more to do with the economic interests of a small group of Guatemalan commercial oligarch.

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Italy had many revlotians the the leaders that brought italy together as a whole. Giuseppe Mazzini, Count Camillo di Cavour, and Giuseppe Garibaldi, they played a big part in italys unification. One of the big advanges to italy is italy grew with a bigger population.

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The italy unifications led to cultural unity, they also built up armies and influence politics. Which also led do a down fall of italy the nation from being truly united. It also led to more problems another one being, the pope did not recognize italy as a legitimate nation, which widespread poverty caused many italians to emigrate.

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The role of Piedmont

In Piedmont Victor Emmanuel II governed with a parliament whose democratic majority refused to ratify the peace treaty with Austria. This was an exception to the general course of reaction. The skillfully worded Proclamation of Moncalieri (November 20, 1849) favourably contrasted Victor Emmanuel's policies with those of other Italian rulers and permitted elections. The victorious Liberals installed a new cabinet under Massimo d'Azeglio, a moderate trusted by the king. D'Azeglio introduced the Siccardi law, which curtailed the power of ecclesiastical courts. In October 1850 another prominent moderate, Camillo Benso di Cavour, entered the cabinet and directed a laissez-faire economic policy. He formulated international commercial treaties and drew on foreign capital to reduce the public debt, stimulate economic growth, and develop a railroad system. Cavour's dynamism alarmed conservatives and even d'Azeglio. In 1852, through an alliance with centre-left deputies that became known as the connubio ("marriage"), Cavour displaced d'Azeglio as head of the cabinet. Despite disagreements with the king (who favoured the clerical party and occasionally displayed absolutist tendencies), Cavour introduced various ecclesiastical, judicial, and fiscal reforms.

A number of events promoted Piedmont's prestige in Italy and abroad. In March 1854 France and England intervened in support of the Ottoman Empire against Russia in the Crimean War. To obtain Austrian support, they were prepared to guarantee the status quo in Italy. Only Piedmont was in a position to disrupt it at that time, and Cavour negotiated an alliance with the Western powers. In May he sent to Crimea an army that performed brilliantly. As a result, Piedmont was able to assume a place among the victors at the Congress of Paris (February 1856). From this platform Cavour, achieving a diplomatic coup for Piedmont and Italy, declared that the only threat to peace in Italy, and the root cause of subversive plots, was the burdensome Austrian overlordship. Cavour's pronouncements at the congress increased the standing of Piedmont among nationalists.

Meanwhile, Mazzini's democratic and republican movement was crumbling. In February 1853 an insurrection against the Austrians failed in Milan. The discovery and execution at Belfiore (1852-53) of the leaders of a conspiracy in Mantua, as well as abortive insurrections in Cadore and Lunigiana, discredited the democratic movement and discouraged its most dedicated adherents. Mazzini faced complete isolation for his support of an expedition to the southern mainland to incite insurrection, known as the Sapri expedition (June-July 1857), in which the Neapolitan republican and socialist Carlo Pisacane and some 300 companions lost their lives. The democrats were divided and unable to carry on the revolutionary struggle; nothing was to be expected from the restored governments. In Lombardy-Venetia, Austria carried out stern repressive measures. Pius IX, now under the influence of the reactionary Giacomo Cardinal Antonelli, refused to grant any reforms in Rome. Liberal Catholicism could not remain viable without reforms in the Papal States. In Naples and the duchies, reaction became pervasive, although the grand duke of Tuscany sought to make his subjects forget that he owed his throne to Austrian military intervention. Only in Piedmont was there any hope left for the reformers.

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Italy - Unification, Risorgimento, Nation-State

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Italy - Unification, Risorgimento, Nation-State: In Piedmont Victor Emmanuel II governed with a parliament whose democratic majority refused to ratify the peace treaty with Austria. This was an exception to the general course of reaction. The skillfully worded Proclamation of Moncalieri (November 20, 1849) favourably contrasted Victor Emmanuel's policies with those of other Italian rulers and permitted elections.