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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts. His extensive domain was centred at Pukeariki, near Ngamotu (at present day New Plymouth). Te Whiti's father was Hone Kakahi (sometimes known as Tohu Kakahi), the great-great-grandson of Takarangi and Rau-mahora, whose marriage is said to have united the tribes of Te Ati Awa and Taranaki. His mother was Rangi-kawau, daughter of Te Whetu of the Taranaki hapu Patukai.

Te Whiti-o-Rongomai's birth is placed by some descendants at Otaka pa, Ngamotu, on the eve of the battle of Otaka in early 1832, at which his father died. The battle was a savage encounter between ancient enemies, the invading Waikato and besieged Te Ati Awa. It has been suggested that Te Whiti was moved during the fighting, along with the very young and the aged, to the safety of Ratapihipihi pa some miles away, an inland site of extensive cultivations. Other family traditions hold that he was born earlier (his tombstone at Parihaka indicates 1816 or 1817), and that he was present as a young man at the siege of Otaka.

Following the defeat of Waikato at Otaka, fears of reprisals persuaded most of the local Te Ati Awa to migrate south. Te Whiti's family are thought to have moved to southern Taranaki or Waikanae. In the early 1840s they travelled north to Warea, where they took up residence among the Patukai people at Hopuhopu and Tarakihi, under the leadership of Te Whiti's uncle, Paora Kukutai, and Aperahama Te Reke. Warea at this time was sparsely occupied by Taranaki and Ngati Ruanui.

It is believed by descendants that Te Whiti was identified early in his life as one who would carry a special spiritual authority in teaching and prophecy. His relative, Tohu Kakahi, was also so identified. Accordingly, special care was taken to ensure their safety. As Te Whiti grew he confirmed his possession of this gift. Before his introduction to the Bible and Christianity he had already established his spiritual authority: he had received from elders a vast measure of traditional knowledge, from which his later teaching, tempered by Christian Scripture and an astute world view, would flow.

Te Whiti may have been introduced to the Bible by Minarapa Rangihatuake of Ngati Mahanga, a freed Nga Puhi slave who had preached at Rahotu since 1842. Minarapa had earlier served as a Wesleyan minister at Te Aro from mid 1839, and preached at Warea before the arrival in 1846 of the Lutheran, Johann Riemenschneider, of whom Te Whiti became a pupil. Other former slaves may also have propagated forms of Christianity that appealed to the young Te Whiti. A new religion, called by its followers Tikanga Hou (the new doctrine), appeared in the area in 1845.

Te Whiti's status as teacher and prophet was enhanced by his knowledge of Christian doctrines, and his acquisition of a baptismal name, Erueti (which he would later reject). But his mission was to lead his people to a spiritual afterlife, a journey which had been interrupted by the coming of the Pakeha and Christian beliefs. Some descendants speak of an ancient prophecy originating in the far north foretelling the appearance of two spiritual birds of knowledge on the peak of Taranaki. Potatau Te Wherowhero is said to have received a similar vision of the mission and spiritual authority which Te Whiti and Tohu shared, immediately before his appointment as king at Ngaruawahia in 1858. It is remembered by Te Whiti's descendants as follows: 'towards the south there is a sacred mountain; below the shadow of the mountain there is a tree with a branch and on this branch are two birds of knowledge, Mumuhau and Takareto. These birds will receive the message from on high, and they will lead the people into everlasting life.' Potatau's son Tawhiao, the second Maori King, in part acknowledged this prophecy by sending apostles to live with Te Whiti and Tohu, the two birds of knowledge, at Parihaka in 1866.

Family tradition states that Te Whiti's and Tohu's people moved in the late 1840s to the inland village which was to become known as Parihaka, but was then called Repanga, as they wished to withdraw from the pressures of coastal life to a more contemplative setting. However, other sources indicate that Te Whiti went to Parihaka in the 1860s. The name Parihaka recalled the lamentations and sufferings of earlier occupants of the area. Some descendants believe Tohu and the people of Parihaka saw an albatross descending onto the village, symbolising the sanction of the Holy Spirit on the growing movement at Parihaka, and on the two men who were to lead it. A feather was left behind by the albatross, and Tohu's marae at Parihaka was called Toroanui (great albatross). Others believe the vision was celestial - a trail of light from a comet in the shape of a feather. The raukura, the single albatross feather, was adopted as a symbol protecting the mana of the Parihaka movement.

One of Te Whiti's earliest recorded encounters with Pakeha was when he participated in September 1862 in the rescue of passengers and crew from the steamer Lord Worsley, which ran aground at Te Namu Bay (Middleton Bay). With Arama Karaka and Wiremu Kingi Te Matakatea, he worked to bring the settlers to safety, obtaining carts and seeing them safely conveyed to New Plymouth.

Te Whiti is believed to have accompanied Taranaki war parties in the early fighting in Taranaki in 1860. By this time he was taking a leading role among his people in their dealings with the government. According to Ngati Ruanui chief Te Kahu Pukoro, both Te Whiti and Tohu Kakahi were among the chiefs leading warriors at the attack on the Sentry Hill redoubt in April 1864. They did not carry guns, however, but a tokotoko, or walking stick, and appeared to rely on the power of Pai Marire incantations taught by the prophet Te Ua Haumene. But after 1864 Te Whiti is said to have taken no further part in hostilities, and was the more persuaded to pursue a course of resistance without recourse to arms.

Descendants believe Te Whiti and Tohu agreed that Te Whiti should extend their spiritual mission; because Te Whiti had 'heard a thunder and sensed an approaching flood' - a reference to encroaching European settlement - he was to pursue a special mission to deal with the European. Te Whiti would be active, even aggressive, in seeking a resolution to issues relating to land, but this activism was to be peaceful, permitting no acts of physical violence. Subsequently, when dealing with the Pakeha, Te Whiti tended to assume the role of spokesman for both leaders. Tohu continued to play a prominent religious role, concerned with safeguarding the spiritual dimension of the Parihaka movement, although he also played a practical part in the arrangement of the protest activities. The two men became complementary speakers to assembled adherents. The mission of Te Whiti paralleled that of Tohu, but focused more specifically on understanding, and dealing with, the encroaching Pakeha.

Te Whiti developed an oratory which addressed Maori misgivings over the loss of their land. He skilfully utilised a spiritual Maori idiom and the rhetoric of Christianity, imbued with a knowledge of the Pakeha world. Robert Stout, writing of Te Whiti in 1883, observed that he preached temperance and peace. His only literature was the Bible. His favourite book was said to be Revelation, in contrast to Te Kooti, who favoured the books of the Old Testament. He developed an especial belief in the affinity of Maori and Jew, once telling James Cowan, 'We come from the land of Canaan.'

Te Whiti's teaching became influential throughout Taranaki and beyond. Many came to listen and to consider his advice, although some found the counsel of resistance by peaceful means difficult to contemplate. Titokowaru had recruited warriors after the collapse of his military campaign in 1869 and was anxious to fight again; he was counselled against violence by Te Whiti, and even when a government road was cut through his cultivations, desisted from taking up arms.

The primary focus of Maori discontent was the widespread confiscation of land. Te Whiti protested against the confiscations and the loss of all lands. He objected particularly to occupation of confiscated land which had long been left unoccupied by settlers and was believed to have been returned through the quiescence of the native minister, Donald McLean. He also protested at the failure of the government to set aside reserves as promised. In 1879, when the government proceeded with its survey of 16,000 acres of the confiscated Waimate plain without first allocating reserves, followers of Te Whiti embarked on a campaign of disrupting the surveyors and ploughing land occupied by settlers from Pukearuhe to Hawera. Settler outrage and arrests did not deter them. Robert Parris, the former civil commissioner in Taranaki, sought to mediate with Te Whiti, but was distrusted. The prospect of a new governor induced from Te Whiti only an expression of deep suspicion.

Throughout the west coast, tribal communities, most of which were becoming smaller and poorer, were attracted to Parihaka. Followers carrying food and belongings trekked there from their homes, often making journeys of great distances lasting several days. These expeditions became a phenomenon of the Taranaki coast, much to the chagrin of government officials like the resident magistrate at Wanganui, William Woon, who noted the continued absence of significant numbers of Maori along the Wanganui River. He declared that 'one would think that the patience of his adherents will soon be exhausted'.

Yet the campaign of ploughing and protest intensified. Surveying was continued by a government keen to see the land sold and settled. Te Whiti continued to urge restraint from the use of arms. After a series of proclamations, a force of 1,589 Armed Constabulary and volunteers, led by John Bryce, the minister for native affairs and defence, and Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Roberts, invaded Parihaka on 5 November 1881. They were met by about 2,000 seated Maori. Bryce called on Te Whiti and Tohu to surrender. The two were dressed in the korowai, the traditional dress of their younger days. They were arrested, along with Wiremu Hiroki, who was accused of murdering a member of a survey party; the rest of the assembled people were arrested or dispersed.

At his trial in New Plymouth Te Whiti was charged with 'wickedly, maliciously, and seditiously contriving and intending to disturb the peace.' Tohu faced similar charges. After an inconclusive trial they were detained in custody in New Plymouth for nearly six months. They were then transferred to the South Island, a move sanctioned by the government, probably to prevent a Supreme Court review of their case. Initially imprisoned at Addington gaol in Christchurch, they were taken on an intensive tour of the South Island, designed to impress upon them the accomplishments of Pakeha civilisation.

Te Whiti frequently demanded his right to a trial, but this was denied. Others arrested at Parihaka were released, the judge questioning the legality of the government actions and ordering the charges to be withdrawn. However, Te Whiti and Tohu continued to be held in Nelson while their fate was being determined in Parliament.

Such a reaction to the Parihaka movement reflected a prevailing opinion that a strong government hand was needed to deal with a movement and a leader commonly described as 'fanatical'. West coast settler opinion no doubt influenced the actions of the government, given the settlers' declared apprehension at the 'language used by Te Whiti, and the threatening attitude assumed by his followers'. Bryce was later praised for his skill and judgement in using the forces at his command to such advantage that 'the fanatics lost all hope, and in the end quietly submitted'.

While in captivity Te Whiti was impressed with what he saw of the South Island landscape, but he often complained of a lowness of spirit. He did not desist from his demand for a trial and a resolution to the injustice that he felt he and his people had suffered at Parihaka, and he rejected all offers of compromise. Amnesty offered to certain Maori leaders in February 1883, including Te Kooti, was not offered to Te Whiti. He was described at this time as being 'about 5ft. 10in. in height, and...nearly 13 stone in weight. He has a high, narrow forehead...small, but piercing eyes...[and] that square facial expression that denotes great firmness of character'.

Te Whiti and Tohu were finally permitted to return to Taranaki in March 1883; with some indignity, they were driven the last few miles to Parihaka in an open cart. Parihaka, in their absence, had fallen into neglect. The extensive damage inflicted by the invading constabulary had been left unrepaired. Meetings were prohibited, but protest activity continued. One commentator reported that Te Whiti's mana had increased with his absence, and that his persecution was likened to that of Christ. Te Whiti commenced a series of visits to other villages, but these were soon abandoned.

Ploughing was again urged by Te Whiti in 1886, culminating in his imprisonment for six months in Wellington for the occupation of disputed land. Ploughing campaigns persisted as a means of protest, focusing on the provisions of the West Coast Settlement Reserves Act 1892, which instituted a system of renewable leases to settlers on over 200,000 acres of Maori land, the leases to be administered by the public trustee. In 1897 92 Maori were arrested for ploughing in protest at long delays in the resolution of issues pertaining to the management of native reserves by the native trustee.

Much has been said about the contrast between Tohu and Te Whiti. Tohu Kakahi, the cousin of Te Whiti's father, Hone Kakahi, is thought by some to have been older than Te Whiti. His affiliation was to Puketapu of Te Ati Awa, but he and Te Whiti strengthened the family bond when they married sisters, Wairangi and Hikurangi. They are said to have quarrelled, each claiming to be the true prophet. Yet they and their histories are largely inseparable. That differences emerged between their followers in the 1880s and 1890s was, and remains, the source of some sorrow. Both men regularly sought each other's counsel; descendants speak of the men as complementary, two figures sharing a titanic burden. The name Te Whiti-o-Rongomai (celestial flight of the shining one, resting at Puke-Te Whiti) came to symbolise, according to descendants, the essence of the mission that he, with Tohu Kakahi, was called to work out in the Maori world.

Following the death of Tohu, on 4 February 1907, Te Whiti is said to have mourned until his own death 11 months later at Parihaka on 18 November. His wife, Hikurangi, had died during Te Whiti's last imprisonment, and they were survived by a son, Nohomairangi, and a daughter, Ngaruaki or Pereni.

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III, Erueti - Dictionary of New Zealand Biography - Te Ara

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts. His extensive domain was centred at Pukeariki, near Ngamotu (at present day New Plymouth). Te Whiti's father was Hone Kakahi (sometimes known as Tohu Kakahi), the great-great-grandson of Takarangi and Rau-mahora, whose marriage is said to have united the tribes of Te Ati Awa and Taranaki. His mother was Rangi-kawau, daughter of Te Whetu of the Taranaki hapu Patukai.

Te Whiti-o-Rongomai's birth is placed by some descendants at Otaka pa, Ngamotu, on the eve of the battle of Otaka in early 1832, at which his father died. The battle was a savage encounter between ancient enemies, the invading Waikato and besieged Te Ati Awa. It has been suggested that Te Whiti was moved during the fighting, along with the very young and the aged, to the safety of Ratapihipihi pa some miles away, an inland site of extensive cultivations. Other family traditions hold that he was born earlier (his tombstone at Parihaka indicates 1816 or 1817), and that he was present as a young man at the siege of Otaka.

Following the defeat of Waikato at Otaka, fears of reprisals persuaded most of the local Te Ati Awa to migrate south. Te Whiti's family are thought to have moved to southern Taranaki or Waikanae. In the early 1840s they travelled north to Warea, where they took up residence among the Patukai people at Hopuhopu and Tarakihi, under the leadership of Te Whiti's uncle, Paora Kukutai, and Aperahama Te Reke. Warea at this time was sparsely occupied by Taranaki and Ngati Ruanui.

It is believed by descendants that Te Whiti was identified early in his life as one who would carry a special spiritual authority in teaching and prophecy. His relative, Tohu Kakahi, was also so identified. Accordingly, special care was taken to ensure their safety. As Te Whiti grew he confirmed his possession of this gift. Before his introduction to the Bible and Christianity he had already established his spiritual authority: he had received from elders a vast measure of traditional knowledge, from which his later teaching, tempered by Christian Scripture and an astute world view, would flow.

Te Whiti may have been introduced to the Bible by Minarapa Rangihatuake of Ngati Mahanga, a freed Nga Puhi slave who had preached at Rahotu since 1842. Minarapa had earlier served as a Wesleyan minister at Te Aro from mid 1839, and preached at Warea before the arrival in 1846 of the Lutheran, Johann Riemenschneider, of whom Te Whiti became a pupil. Other former slaves may also have propagated forms of Christianity that appealed to the young Te Whiti. A new religion, called by its followers Tikanga Hou (the new doctrine), appeared in the area in 1845.

Te Whiti's status as teacher and prophet was enhanced by his knowledge of Christian doctrines, and his acquisition of a baptismal name, Erueti (which he would later reject). But his mission was to lead his people to a spiritual afterlife, a journey which had been interrupted by the coming of the Pakeha and Christian beliefs. Some descendants speak of an ancient prophecy originating in the far north foretelling the appearance of two spiritual birds of knowledge on the peak of Taranaki. Potatau Te Wherowhero is said to have received a similar vision of the mission and spiritual authority which Te Whiti and Tohu shared, immediately before his appointment as king at Ngaruawahia in 1858. It is remembered by Te Whiti's descendants as follows: 'towards the south there is a sacred mountain; below the shadow of the mountain there is a tree with a branch and on this branch are two birds of knowledge, Mumuhau and Takareto. These birds will receive the message from on high, and they will lead the people into everlasting life.' Potatau's son Tawhiao, the second Maori King, in part acknowledged this prophecy by sending apostles to live with Te Whiti and Tohu, the two birds of knowledge, at Parihaka in 1866.

Family tradition states that Te Whiti's and Tohu's people moved in the late 1840s to the inland village which was to become known as Parihaka, but was then called Repanga, as they wished to withdraw from the pressures of coastal life to a more contemplative setting. However, other sources indicate that Te Whiti went to Parihaka in the 1860s. The name Parihaka recalled the lamentations and sufferings of earlier occupants of the area. Some descendants believe Tohu and the people of Parihaka saw an albatross descending onto the village, symbolising the sanction of the Holy Spirit on the growing movement at Parihaka, and on the two men who were to lead it. A feather was left behind by the albatross, and Tohu's marae at Parihaka was called Toroanui (great albatross). Others believe the vision was celestial - a trail of light from a comet in the shape of a feather. The raukura, the single albatross feather, was adopted as a symbol protecting the mana of the Parihaka movement.

One of Te Whiti's earliest recorded encounters with Pakeha was when he participated in September 1862 in the rescue of passengers and crew from the steamer Lord Worsley, which ran aground at Te Namu Bay (Middleton Bay). With Arama Karaka and Wiremu Kingi Te Matakatea, he worked to bring the settlers to safety, obtaining carts and seeing them safely conveyed to New Plymouth.

Te Whiti is believed to have accompanied Taranaki war parties in the early fighting in Taranaki in 1860. By this time he was taking a leading role among his people in their dealings with the government. According to Ngati Ruanui chief Te Kahu Pukoro, both Te Whiti and Tohu Kakahi were among the chiefs leading warriors at the attack on the Sentry Hill redoubt in April 1864. They did not carry guns, however, but a tokotoko, or walking stick, and appeared to rely on the power of Pai Marire incantations taught by the prophet Te Ua Haumene. But after 1864 Te Whiti is said to have taken no further part in hostilities, and was the more persuaded to pursue a course of resistance without recourse to arms.

Descendants believe Te Whiti and Tohu agreed that Te Whiti should extend their spiritual mission; because Te Whiti had 'heard a thunder and sensed an approaching flood' - a reference to encroaching European settlement - he was to pursue a special mission to deal with the European. Te Whiti would be active, even aggressive, in seeking a resolution to issues relating to land, but this activism was to be peaceful, permitting no acts of physical violence. Subsequently, when dealing with the Pakeha, Te Whiti tended to assume the role of spokesman for both leaders. Tohu continued to play a prominent religious role, concerned with safeguarding the spiritual dimension of the Parihaka movement, although he also played a practical part in the arrangement of the protest activities. The two men became complementary speakers to assembled adherents. The mission of Te Whiti paralleled that of Tohu, but focused more specifically on understanding, and dealing with, the encroaching Pakeha.

Te Whiti developed an oratory which addressed Maori misgivings over the loss of their land. He skilfully utilised a spiritual Maori idiom and the rhetoric of Christianity, imbued with a knowledge of the Pakeha world. Robert Stout, writing of Te Whiti in 1883, observed that he preached temperance and peace. His only literature was the Bible. His favourite book was said to be Revelation, in contrast to Te Kooti, who favoured the books of the Old Testament. He developed an especial belief in the affinity of Maori and Jew, once telling James Cowan, 'We come from the land of Canaan.'

Te Whiti's teaching became influential throughout Taranaki and beyond. Many came to listen and to consider his advice, although some found the counsel of resistance by peaceful means difficult to contemplate. Titokowaru had recruited warriors after the collapse of his military campaign in 1869 and was anxious to fight again; he was counselled against violence by Te Whiti, and even when a government road was cut through his cultivations, desisted from taking up arms.

The primary focus of Maori discontent was the widespread confiscation of land. Te Whiti protested against the confiscations and the loss of all lands. He objected particularly to occupation of confiscated land which had long been left unoccupied by settlers and was believed to have been returned through the quiescence of the native minister, Donald McLean. He also protested at the failure of the government to set aside reserves as promised. In 1879, when the government proceeded with its survey of 16,000 acres of the confiscated Waimate plain without first allocating reserves, followers of Te Whiti embarked on a campaign of disrupting the surveyors and ploughing land occupied by settlers from Pukearuhe to Hawera. Settler outrage and arrests did not deter them. Robert Parris, the former civil commissioner in Taranaki, sought to mediate with Te Whiti, but was distrusted. The prospect of a new governor induced from Te Whiti only an expression of deep suspicion.

Throughout the west coast, tribal communities, most of which were becoming smaller and poorer, were attracted to Parihaka. Followers carrying food and belongings trekked there from their homes, often making journeys of great distances lasting several days. These expeditions became a phenomenon of the Taranaki coast, much to the chagrin of government officials like the resident magistrate at Wanganui, William Woon, who noted the continued absence of significant numbers of Maori along the Wanganui River. He declared that 'one would think that the patience of his adherents will soon be exhausted'.

Yet the campaign of ploughing and protest intensified. Surveying was continued by a government keen to see the land sold and settled. Te Whiti continued to urge restraint from the use of arms. After a series of proclamations, a force of 1,589 Armed Constabulary and volunteers, led by John Bryce, the minister for native affairs and defence, and Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Roberts, invaded Parihaka on 5 November 1881. They were met by about 2,000 seated Maori. Bryce called on Te Whiti and Tohu to surrender. The two were dressed in the korowai, the traditional dress of their younger days. They were arrested, along with Wiremu Hiroki, who was accused of murdering a member of a survey party; the rest of the assembled people were arrested or dispersed.

At his trial in New Plymouth Te Whiti was charged with 'wickedly, maliciously, and seditiously contriving and intending to disturb the peace.' Tohu faced similar charges. After an inconclusive trial they were detained in custody in New Plymouth for nearly six months. They were then transferred to the South Island, a move sanctioned by the government, probably to prevent a Supreme Court review of their case. Initially imprisoned at Addington gaol in Christchurch, they were taken on an intensive tour of the South Island, designed to impress upon them the accomplishments of Pakeha civilisation.

Te Whiti frequently demanded his right to a trial, but this was denied. Others arrested at Parihaka were released, the judge questioning the legality of the government actions and ordering the charges to be withdrawn. However, Te Whiti and Tohu continued to be held in Nelson while their fate was being determined in Parliament.

Such a reaction to the Parihaka movement reflected a prevailing opinion that a strong government hand was needed to deal with a movement and a leader commonly described as 'fanatical'. West coast settler opinion no doubt influenced the actions of the government, given the settlers' declared apprehension at the 'language used by Te Whiti, and the threatening attitude assumed by his followers'. Bryce was later praised for his skill and judgement in using the forces at his command to such advantage that 'the fanatics lost all hope, and in the end quietly submitted'.

While in captivity Te Whiti was impressed with what he saw of the South Island landscape, but he often complained of a lowness of spirit. He did not desist from his demand for a trial and a resolution to the injustice that he felt he and his people had suffered at Parihaka, and he rejected all offers of compromise. Amnesty offered to certain Maori leaders in February 1883, including Te Kooti, was not offered to Te Whiti. He was described at this time as being 'about 5ft. 10in. in height, and...nearly 13 stone in weight. He has a high, narrow forehead...small, but piercing eyes...[and] that square facial expression that denotes great firmness of character'.

Te Whiti and Tohu were finally permitted to return to Taranaki in March 1883; with some indignity, they were driven the last few miles to Parihaka in an open cart. Parihaka, in their absence, had fallen into neglect. The extensive damage inflicted by the invading constabulary had been left unrepaired. Meetings were prohibited, but protest activity continued. One commentator reported that Te Whiti's mana had increased with his absence, and that his persecution was likened to that of Christ. Te Whiti commenced a series of visits to other villages, but these were soon abandoned.

Ploughing was again urged by Te Whiti in 1886, culminating in his imprisonment for six months in Wellington for the occupation of disputed land. Ploughing campaigns persisted as a means of protest, focusing on the provisions of the West Coast Settlement Reserves Act 1892, which instituted a system of renewable leases to settlers on over 200,000 acres of Maori land, the leases to be administered by the public trustee. In 1897 92 Maori were arrested for ploughing in protest at long delays in the resolution of issues pertaining to the management of native reserves by the native trustee.

Much has been said about the contrast between Tohu and Te Whiti. Tohu Kakahi, the cousin of Te Whiti's father, Hone Kakahi, is thought by some to have been older than Te Whiti. His affiliation was to Puketapu of Te Ati Awa, but he and Te Whiti strengthened the family bond when they married sisters, Wairangi and Hikurangi. They are said to have quarrelled, each claiming to be the true prophet. Yet they and their histories are largely inseparable. That differences emerged between their followers in the 1880s and 1890s was, and remains, the source of some sorrow. Both men regularly sought each other's counsel; descendants speak of the men as complementary, two figures sharing a titanic burden. The name Te Whiti-o-Rongomai (celestial flight of the shining one, resting at Puke-Te Whiti) came to symbolise, according to descendants, the essence of the mission that he, with Tohu Kakahi, was called to work out in the Maori world.

Following the death of Tohu, on 4 February 1907, Te Whiti is said to have mourned until his own death 11 months later at Parihaka on 18 November. His wife, Hikurangi, had died during Te Whiti's last imprisonment, and they were survived by a son, Nohomairangi, and a daughter, Ngaruaki or Pereni.

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III, Erueti - Dictionary of New Zealand Biography - Te Ara

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts.

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Imagine a leader so inspiring he is able to encourage men with warrior hearts to stand up for their rights, while laying down their weapons.

Picture this same man convincing 2000 people to welcome battle-thirsty soldiers into their village, and even offer them food and drink.

Even more surprising is how this peaceful leader allows himself and his people to be arrested without showing the slightest shrug of resistance.

You may believe you are reading the story of famous pacifist Mahatma Gandhi, of India, or another of the world's great leaders.

But in fact, this is the tale of a man from Aotearoa/New Zealand.

Te Whiti o Rongomai III was the leader of Parihaka, a Māori village nestled in a lahar-lumpy landscape between Mount Taranaki and the Tasman Sea.

Even though Te Whiti died in 1907, his spirit of peace is still alive at the slowly reviving kainga (village) - and way beyond.

Parihaka historian Te Miringa Hohaia has studied the life and writings about the man of mana. "Te Whiti was one of those great leaders. We had Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther-King, Nelson Mandela and Te Whiti o Rongomai.

"Te Whiti was the forerunner of them all."

Te Miringa says Gandhi knew about Te Whiti. "He learnt about Te Whiti from an Irish delegation that visited Parihaka and then had a meeting with Gandhi. Although Gandhi was already committed to non-violence, the impact of finding out about Te Whiti must have been startling."

Ancestral links

Even from an early age, Te Whiti and his close relative Tohu Kakahi began showing signs of leadership. For much of their lives, these men were good friends, sharing the leadership at Parihaka. They even married sisters. Te Whiti's wife was Hikurangi and Tohu's wife was Wairangi.

Te Whiti's parents were Hone (Tohu) Kakahi, the great-great grandson of Takarangi (Ngati Awa or Te Atiawa) and Raumahora (Taranaki). His mother was Rangi Kawau, a sister of Te Whetu Moeahu II of Taranaki Iwi, Ngati Moeahu Hapu.

The children of Te Whiti and Hikurangi were Ngaruaki and Nohomairangi.

While there is some debate over Te Whiti's birth date, the elders of Parihaka have always believed he was born about 1815.

"We have always gone with what's on the memorial stone out there," says Te Miringa. "His closest descendants agree with that as well."

Living up to a sacred name

There have also been differences of opinion over how the leader got his name. Some reports say he was named after the flight of an albatross, others say it was inspired by a comet that looked like an albatross, but Te Miringa prefers the story told by Te Whiti himself - that he was named after a hill.

"In 1900 he made a speech in which he spoke about the origins of his name."

It involves the sacred hill, called Puke Te Whiti, now known as Pukeiti, the home of Taranaki's world-famous rhododendron sanctuary.

The dome-shaped mound is found between the Pouakai and Kaitake ranges. "That hill is the most sacred site on all of the mountains of Taranaki."

This relates to the ancient story of Mount Taranaki. The guidestone, Te Toka a Rauhoto, led Taranaki up the Stony River to become snagged on the spur of Pouakai, where the large mountain settled. But Rauhoto's journey continued around Pouakai and through the gap between the ranges to its resting place on the southern side of the Stony River, not far from the sea. The guidestone's flight was called Te Whitinga o Rauhoto, and so the sacred hill was named in remembrance of this, becoming Puke Te Whiti.

"This hill was a pa site as well," he says. "It's an ancient burial ground. Some very serious people are buried there."

In the 1900 speech, Te Whiti tells his own story: "My name is taken from the hill Puke Te Whiti (which stands as a sentinel guarding the past, the present and the future). Like Puke Te Whiti, I stand as a sentinel - not one bit of land will be given over to strangers with my consent."

Even now Te Whiti's name is associated with justice, peace and freedom for oppressed people.

Educating Te Whiti

As a youngster, Te Whiti was well educated by Māori elders, who taught him about the traditions of his culture.

It also appears preacher Minarapa Te Rangihatuake taught Te Whiti scripture and to read and write. Te Whiti also became a pupil of Lutheran missionary Johannes Riemenschneider. The young Maori was baptised Erueti (Edward), which he later rejected in favour of his sacred name.

Te Miringa says Te Whiti's beliefs were based strongly on traditional values and knowledge, mixed with some Christianity.

"He showed qualities that were close to Godliness, but I can't say he was a religious man. He was buried without a Christian ceremony. That was his own wish.

"I don't see a row of churches that were built down the coast by Te Whiti and Tohu. There wasn't even a church at Parihaka."

A way with words

However, Te Whiti's favourite book of the Bible was Revelations. Sometimes he even quoted from scripture. "He was a great classical orator," Te Miringa says.

This is clear in a speech to his people, on 1 November 1881:

'My word to you to the tribe ... There are two roads, one to life and one to death. God said, in the days of Noah, the earth will be destroyed; build an ark, or all will perish. Noah did as he was commanded and this was an example for us to follow. God said to Lot, depart from the city; leave your houses and goods, for he who turns back shall die, and the city shall be burnt. This is an example for us to follow. God said to Moses, do not strive against me, or you will die; by faith only can this tribe be saved. This also is an example to us. Our salvation today is stout-heartedness and patience ...'

At odds with Te Ua

Some historians believe that Te Whiti was a follower of the Pai Marire (Hauhau) religion and a protege of its leader, Te Ua Haumene.

Te Miringa says it's not as simple as that and, from his own studies, has learnt the two leaders were at odds. "Te Whiti's challenge to him was to put an end to violence."

But this never happened and at the Battle of Sentry Hill on 30 April 1864, many of Te Ua's followers were killed because they headed into the fray with their right hands raised in the belief God would protect them from bullets.

They were gunned down.

Te Miringa says Te Whiti was probably at Sentry Hill, but not to support Te Ua. He was there to support his own people, who were putting their lives on the line.

Two years earlier, both men played a part in saving the people from the Lord Worsley shipwreck at Te Namu, near Opunake. It was around that time that Te Ua says he had a vision that sparked his Pai Marire religious beliefs. He later used the ship's mast as a niu (pole) as the centre of worship.

Birth of passive resistance

In that 1862 incident Te Whiti ensured the stranded settlers made it safely through tribal territory to New Plymouth.

While the Parihaka prophet turned his back on all acts of violence, he wasn't going to give up land without a fight.

And so, passive resistance was born.

"Though some, in darkness of heart, seeing their land ravished, might wish to take arms and kill the aggressors, I say it must not be. Let not the Pakehas (sic) think to succeed by reason of their guns ... I want not war, but they do. The flashes of their guns have singed our eyelashes, and yet they say they do not want war ... The government come not hither to reason, but go to out-of-the-way places. They work secretly, but I speak in public so that all may hear," Te Whiti told his people in March 1880.

By that time, Parihaka was a stronghold of Māori opposition to the loss of tribal lands, which arose from Crown legislation.

Te Miringa says the the government passed the Suppression of Rebellion Act 1863. This defined Māori fighting for their land as rebels, who could be detained indefinitely, without trial.

Crown begins to slice up land

The New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 then authorised the confiscation of any land where the government deemed the natives to be in rebellion.

Although the judiciary warned that confiscation was illegal, the government systematically took 3 million acres (1.2 hectares) of land.

Much of that was in Taranaki and the Waikato.

Some Members of Parliament demanded to know what would happen to the thousands left landless and imprisoned.

The government promised to designate reserves and return these to iwi. By 1870, no reserves had been created in Taranaki.

In the 1870s, more immigrants arrived from Europe, and farmers on small-holdings in Canterbury sold up and moved north to Taranaki and Manawatū. And so the government was pressured to provide more land for Pākehā.

As a result, surveyors began slicing up the Waimate Plains.

In the beginning, Te Whiti and his people allowed this to happen. But in the late 1870s, when settlers began to move on to the land, the people of Parihaka chose to act.

That's when the passive resistance campaign began in earnest.

Power of the plough

In June 1879, Te Whiti said to his ploughmen: "Go, put your hands to the plough. Look not back. If any come with guns and swords, be not afraid. If they smite you, smite not in return. If they rend you, be not discouraged. Another will take up the good work. If evil thoughts fill the minds of the settlers, and they flee from their farms to the town as in the war of old, enter not you into their houses, touch not their goods nor their cattle. My eye is over all."

During that period of non-violent unrest, hundreds of Māori were arrested and kept in prison without trial.

The conflicts between the people of Parihaka and the settler-backed government came to a head in 1881. On 19 October, Native Affairs Minister William Rolleston signed a proclamation to invade Parihaka.

Invasion of Parihaka

On 5 November 1881, the peaceful village was invaded by 1500 volunteers and members of the Armed Constabulary. The 2,000 people of Parihaka welcomed the soldiers, allowing themselves to be arrested without protest.

Te Whiti and Tohu were the first to be led away. They were imprisoned without trial and then taken on a tour of the South Island to show them all the progress and developments made by the Europeans. Neither was impressed, and Te Whiti continued to ask that his people be given justice, their freedom and the return of their tribal lands.

After they returned to Taranaki in 1883, the relationship between Te Whiti and Tohu changed. Tohu no longer went out to participate in protests, while Te Whiti continued passive resistance with the support of Ngā Ruahine leader Riwha Tītokowaru.

Friendship breaks down

"Tohu made many very fiery speeches and lost hope in a peaceful settlement," Te Miringa says.

He believes Tohu's frustration stemmed from how harshly the people of Parihaka had been treated.

The friendship between the two leaders became strained. Sadly, it never healed.

"Te Whiti was a very, very clever man. There is no account of Te Whiti o Rongomai reacting to the harsh treatment . Although, while in detention he complained of being very low of spirit.

"They (his supporters) composed many, many hundreds of verse about the injustices and of the land theft, but there is no cynicism and no indication of bitterness and there is certainly no derogatory remarks made about anybody who had been a friend or colleague of his," Te Miringa says.

Brilliant leader forever remembered

Like Nelson Mandela, a hundred years later, Te Whiti only showed compassion and strength in the face of adversity.

"Te Whiti was a brilliant leader, so much so that for a long, long time to come, generations of people will talk about him," Te Miringa says.

Even though Tohu and Te Whiti both died in 1907, the people of Parihaka continue to carry on the tradition of meeting on the 18th and 19th of every month. This began back in the early 1860s, to mark the start of the First Taranaki War, which began in Waitara on 17 March 1860 (the 18th according to the Lutheran calendar).

By coincidence, Te Whiti died on 18 November.

These are the words on his memorial at Parihaka:

great deeds in suppressing

First published 27 May 2003

BOOK RESOURCES
Search the Library Catalogue here
Caselberg, John, Maori is my Name: Historical Maori writings in Translation, (1975), Dunedin: J. McIndoe.

Hohaia, Te Miringa, Gregory O'Brien and Lara Strongman, Parihaka: The art of passive resistance, (2001), Wellington: City gallery Wellington; Victoria University Press; Parihaka Pa Trustees.

Riseborough, Hazel, Days of Darkness: Taranaki 1878-1884, (2002 revised edition), Auckland: Penguin.

Scott, Dick, Ask That Mountain: The story of Parihaka, (1991 reprint, first published 1975), Auckland: Reed/ Southern Cross.

Seffern, William H.J., Parihaka: Its past and present aspect, (1897), Auckland: New Zealand Graphic.

Waikato Museum, Te Whiti o Rongomai as seen by his Contemporaries, (1973), Hamilton: Waikato Museum.

ARTEFACT RESOURCES
Search the Heritage Collections here
Drawings: Ink and wash drawings of Parihaka (1881) by WG Baker.

Steel engraving of ten images from Wanganui, South Taranaki and Parihaka, The Recent Native Troubles in New Zealand.

Watercolour painting The Battle of the Fences. A Parihaka Incident.

Huruhuru Kuri: Large cloak made from the skins of eight Maori dogs. Four brown and four white. WH Skinner bought it at Parihaka on Monday 17 June 1889 for £4. According to Te Whiti it was the oldest mat/cloak in Parihaka (80 years old) and the only one of its kind.

ARCHIVES

Search the Heritage Collections here

Anton Fromm's diary: He was in the Armed Constabulary and present at the sacking of Parihaka 1881. He was a resident at Parihaka for some months and describes Christmas festivities and his friendship with Te Whiti's daughter.

A love letter from Lieutenant George Gapes to Elizabeth May McDonald describing the mood of the troops in 1881.

Telegrams sent by C.W. Hursthouse referring to the building of a lighthouse near Pungarehu, road construction and Te Whiti.

Letters related to the survey of the Waimate Plains and how Māori, under the guidance of Te Whiti and Tohu, moved the survey parties from the area.

RELATED STORIES

EDUCATION
Treasurelink Tohu Kakahi of Parihaka The Plunder of Parihaka

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Pacifist of Parihaka - Te Whiti o Rongomai

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Imagine a leader so inspiring he is able to encourage men with warrior hearts to stand up for their rights, while laying down their weapons. Picture this same man convincing 2000 people to welcome battle-thirsty soldiers into their village, and even offer them food and drink.

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts. His extensive domain was centred at Pukeariki, near Ngamotu (at present day New Plymouth). Te Whiti's father was Hone Kakahi (sometimes known as Tohu Kakahi), the great-great-grandson of Takarangi and Rau-mahora, whose marriage is said to have united the tribes of Te Ati Awa and Taranaki. His mother was Rangi-kawau, daughter of Te Whetu of the Taranaki hapu Patukai.

Te Whiti-o-Rongomai's birth is placed by some descendants at Otaka pa, Ngamotu, on the eve of the battle of Otaka in early 1832, at which his father died. The battle was a savage encounter between ancient enemies, the invading Waikato and besieged Te Ati Awa. It has been suggested that Te Whiti was moved during the fighting, along with the very young and the aged, to the safety of Ratapihipihi pa some miles away, an inland site of extensive cultivations. Other family traditions hold that he was born earlier (his tombstone at Parihaka indicates 1816 or 1817), and that he was present as a young man at the siege of Otaka.

Following the defeat of Waikato at Otaka, fears of reprisals persuaded most of the local Te Ati Awa to migrate south. Te Whiti's family are thought to have moved to southern Taranaki or Waikanae. In the early 1840s they travelled north to Warea, where they took up residence among the Patukai people at Hopuhopu and Tarakihi, under the leadership of Te Whiti's uncle, Paora Kukutai, and Aperahama Te Reke. Warea at this time was sparsely occupied by Taranaki and Ngati Ruanui.

It is believed by descendants that Te Whiti was identified early in his life as one who would carry a special spiritual authority in teaching and prophecy. His relative, Tohu Kakahi, was also so identified. Accordingly, special care was taken to ensure their safety. As Te Whiti grew he confirmed his possession of this gift. Before his introduction to the Bible and Christianity he had already established his spiritual authority: he had received from elders a vast measure of traditional knowledge, from which his later teaching, tempered by Christian Scripture and an astute world view, would flow.

Te Whiti may have been introduced to the Bible by Minarapa Rangihatuake of Ngati Mahanga, a freed Nga Puhi slave who had preached at Rahotu since 1842. Minarapa had earlier served as a Wesleyan minister at Te Aro from mid 1839, and preached at Warea before the arrival in 1846 of the Lutheran, Johann Riemenschneider, of whom Te Whiti became a pupil. Other former slaves may also have propagated forms of Christianity that appealed to the young Te Whiti. A new religion, called by its followers Tikanga Hou (the new doctrine), appeared in the area in 1845.

Te Whiti's status as teacher and prophet was enhanced by his knowledge of Christian doctrines, and his acquisition of a baptismal name, Erueti (which he would later reject). But his mission was to lead his people to a spiritual afterlife, a journey which had been interrupted by the coming of the Pakeha and Christian beliefs. Some descendants speak of an ancient prophecy originating in the far north foretelling the appearance of two spiritual birds of knowledge on the peak of Taranaki. Potatau Te Wherowhero is said to have received a similar vision of the mission and spiritual authority which Te Whiti and Tohu shared, immediately before his appointment as king at Ngaruawahia in 1858. It is remembered by Te Whiti's descendants as follows: 'towards the south there is a sacred mountain; below the shadow of the mountain there is a tree with a branch and on this branch are two birds of knowledge, Mumuhau and Takareto. These birds will receive the message from on high, and they will lead the people into everlasting life.' Potatau's son Tawhiao, the second Maori King, in part acknowledged this prophecy by sending apostles to live with Te Whiti and Tohu, the two birds of knowledge, at Parihaka in 1866.

Family tradition states that Te Whiti's and Tohu's people moved in the late 1840s to the inland village which was to become known as Parihaka, but was then called Repanga, as they wished to withdraw from the pressures of coastal life to a more contemplative setting. However, other sources indicate that Te Whiti went to Parihaka in the 1860s. The name Parihaka recalled the lamentations and sufferings of earlier occupants of the area. Some descendants believe Tohu and the people of Parihaka saw an albatross descending onto the village, symbolising the sanction of the Holy Spirit on the growing movement at Parihaka, and on the two men who were to lead it. A feather was left behind by the albatross, and Tohu's marae at Parihaka was called Toroanui (great albatross). Others believe the vision was celestial - a trail of light from a comet in the shape of a feather. The raukura, the single albatross feather, was adopted as a symbol protecting the mana of the Parihaka movement.

One of Te Whiti's earliest recorded encounters with Pakeha was when he participated in September 1862 in the rescue of passengers and crew from the steamer Lord Worsley, which ran aground at Te Namu Bay (Middleton Bay). With Arama Karaka and Wiremu Kingi Te Matakatea, he worked to bring the settlers to safety, obtaining carts and seeing them safely conveyed to New Plymouth.

Te Whiti is believed to have accompanied Taranaki war parties in the early fighting in Taranaki in 1860. By this time he was taking a leading role among his people in their dealings with the government. According to Ngati Ruanui chief Te Kahu Pukoro, both Te Whiti and Tohu Kakahi were among the chiefs leading warriors at the attack on the Sentry Hill redoubt in April 1864. They did not carry guns, however, but a tokotoko, or walking stick, and appeared to rely on the power of Pai Marire incantations taught by the prophet Te Ua Haumene. But after 1864 Te Whiti is said to have taken no further part in hostilities, and was the more persuaded to pursue a course of resistance without recourse to arms.

Descendants believe Te Whiti and Tohu agreed that Te Whiti should extend their spiritual mission; because Te Whiti had 'heard a thunder and sensed an approaching flood' - a reference to encroaching European settlement - he was to pursue a special mission to deal with the European. Te Whiti would be active, even aggressive, in seeking a resolution to issues relating to land, but this activism was to be peaceful, permitting no acts of physical violence. Subsequently, when dealing with the Pakeha, Te Whiti tended to assume the role of spokesman for both leaders. Tohu continued to play a prominent religious role, concerned with safeguarding the spiritual dimension of the Parihaka movement, although he also played a practical part in the arrangement of the protest activities. The two men became complementary speakers to assembled adherents. The mission of Te Whiti paralleled that of Tohu, but focused more specifically on understanding, and dealing with, the encroaching Pakeha.

Te Whiti developed an oratory which addressed Maori misgivings over the loss of their land. He skilfully utilised a spiritual Maori idiom and the rhetoric of Christianity, imbued with a knowledge of the Pakeha world. Robert Stout, writing of Te Whiti in 1883, observed that he preached temperance and peace. His only literature was the Bible. His favourite book was said to be Revelation, in contrast to Te Kooti, who favoured the books of the Old Testament. He developed an especial belief in the affinity of Maori and Jew, once telling James Cowan, 'We come from the land of Canaan.'

Te Whiti's teaching became influential throughout Taranaki and beyond. Many came to listen and to consider his advice, although some found the counsel of resistance by peaceful means difficult to contemplate. Titokowaru had recruited warriors after the collapse of his military campaign in 1869 and was anxious to fight again; he was counselled against violence by Te Whiti, and even when a government road was cut through his cultivations, desisted from taking up arms.

The primary focus of Maori discontent was the widespread confiscation of land. Te Whiti protested against the confiscations and the loss of all lands. He objected particularly to occupation of confiscated land which had long been left unoccupied by settlers and was believed to have been returned through the quiescence of the native minister, Donald McLean. He also protested at the failure of the government to set aside reserves as promised. In 1879, when the government proceeded with its survey of 16,000 acres of the confiscated Waimate plain without first allocating reserves, followers of Te Whiti embarked on a campaign of disrupting the surveyors and ploughing land occupied by settlers from Pukearuhe to Hawera. Settler outrage and arrests did not deter them. Robert Parris, the former civil commissioner in Taranaki, sought to mediate with Te Whiti, but was distrusted. The prospect of a new governor induced from Te Whiti only an expression of deep suspicion.

Throughout the west coast, tribal communities, most of which were becoming smaller and poorer, were attracted to Parihaka. Followers carrying food and belongings trekked there from their homes, often making journeys of great distances lasting several days. These expeditions became a phenomenon of the Taranaki coast, much to the chagrin of government officials like the resident magistrate at Wanganui, William Woon, who noted the continued absence of significant numbers of Maori along the Wanganui River. He declared that 'one would think that the patience of his adherents will soon be exhausted'.

Yet the campaign of ploughing and protest intensified. Surveying was continued by a government keen to see the land sold and settled. Te Whiti continued to urge restraint from the use of arms. After a series of proclamations, a force of 1,589 Armed Constabulary and volunteers, led by John Bryce, the minister for native affairs and defence, and Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Roberts, invaded Parihaka on 5 November 1881. They were met by about 2,000 seated Maori. Bryce called on Te Whiti and Tohu to surrender. The two were dressed in the korowai, the traditional dress of their younger days. They were arrested, along with Wiremu Hiroki, who was accused of murdering a member of a survey party; the rest of the assembled people were arrested or dispersed.

At his trial in New Plymouth Te Whiti was charged with 'wickedly, maliciously, and seditiously contriving and intending to disturb the peace.' Tohu faced similar charges. After an inconclusive trial they were detained in custody in New Plymouth for nearly six months. They were then transferred to the South Island, a move sanctioned by the government, probably to prevent a Supreme Court review of their case. Initially imprisoned at Addington gaol in Christchurch, they were taken on an intensive tour of the South Island, designed to impress upon them the accomplishments of Pakeha civilisation.

Te Whiti frequently demanded his right to a trial, but this was denied. Others arrested at Parihaka were released, the judge questioning the legality of the government actions and ordering the charges to be withdrawn. However, Te Whiti and Tohu continued to be held in Nelson while their fate was being determined in Parliament.

Such a reaction to the Parihaka movement reflected a prevailing opinion that a strong government hand was needed to deal with a movement and a leader commonly described as 'fanatical'. West coast settler opinion no doubt influenced the actions of the government, given the settlers' declared apprehension at the 'language used by Te Whiti, and the threatening attitude assumed by his followers'. Bryce was later praised for his skill and judgement in using the forces at his command to such advantage that 'the fanatics lost all hope, and in the end quietly submitted'.

While in captivity Te Whiti was impressed with what he saw of the South Island landscape, but he often complained of a lowness of spirit. He did not desist from his demand for a trial and a resolution to the injustice that he felt he and his people had suffered at Parihaka, and he rejected all offers of compromise. Amnesty offered to certain Maori leaders in February 1883, including Te Kooti, was not offered to Te Whiti. He was described at this time as being 'about 5ft. 10in. in height, and...nearly 13 stone in weight. He has a high, narrow forehead...small, but piercing eyes...[and] that square facial expression that denotes great firmness of character'.

Te Whiti and Tohu were finally permitted to return to Taranaki in March 1883; with some indignity, they were driven the last few miles to Parihaka in an open cart. Parihaka, in their absence, had fallen into neglect. The extensive damage inflicted by the invading constabulary had been left unrepaired. Meetings were prohibited, but protest activity continued. One commentator reported that Te Whiti's mana had increased with his absence, and that his persecution was likened to that of Christ. Te Whiti commenced a series of visits to other villages, but these were soon abandoned.

Ploughing was again urged by Te Whiti in 1886, culminating in his imprisonment for six months in Wellington for the occupation of disputed land. Ploughing campaigns persisted as a means of protest, focusing on the provisions of the West Coast Settlement Reserves Act 1892, which instituted a system of renewable leases to settlers on over 200,000 acres of Maori land, the leases to be administered by the public trustee. In 1897 92 Maori were arrested for ploughing in protest at long delays in the resolution of issues pertaining to the management of native reserves by the native trustee.

Much has been said about the contrast between Tohu and Te Whiti. Tohu Kakahi, the cousin of Te Whiti's father, Hone Kakahi, is thought by some to have been older than Te Whiti. His affiliation was to Puketapu of Te Ati Awa, but he and Te Whiti strengthened the family bond when they married sisters, Wairangi and Hikurangi. They are said to have quarrelled, each claiming to be the true prophet. Yet they and their histories are largely inseparable. That differences emerged between their followers in the 1880s and 1890s was, and remains, the source of some sorrow. Both men regularly sought each other's counsel; descendants speak of the men as complementary, two figures sharing a titanic burden. The name Te Whiti-o-Rongomai (celestial flight of the shining one, resting at Puke-Te Whiti) came to symbolise, according to descendants, the essence of the mission that he, with Tohu Kakahi, was called to work out in the Maori world.

Following the death of Tohu, on 4 February 1907, Te Whiti is said to have mourned until his own death 11 months later at Parihaka on 18 November. His wife, Hikurangi, had died during Te Whiti's last imprisonment, and they were survived by a son, Nohomairangi, and a daughter, Ngaruaki or Pereni.

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III, Erueti - Dictionary of New Zealand Biography - Te Ara

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts. His extensive domain was centred at Pukeariki, near Ngamotu (at present day New Plymouth). Te Whiti's father was Hone Kakahi (sometimes known as Tohu Kakahi), the great-great-grandson of Takarangi and Rau-mahora, whose marriage is said to have united the tribes of Te Ati Awa and Taranaki. His mother was Rangi-kawau, daughter of Te Whetu of the Taranaki hapu Patukai.

Te Whiti-o-Rongomai's birth is placed by some descendants at Otaka pa, Ngamotu, on the eve of the battle of Otaka in early 1832, at which his father died. The battle was a savage encounter between ancient enemies, the invading Waikato and besieged Te Ati Awa. It has been suggested that Te Whiti was moved during the fighting, along with the very young and the aged, to the safety of Ratapihipihi pa some miles away, an inland site of extensive cultivations. Other family traditions hold that he was born earlier (his tombstone at Parihaka indicates 1816 or 1817), and that he was present as a young man at the siege of Otaka.

Following the defeat of Waikato at Otaka, fears of reprisals persuaded most of the local Te Ati Awa to migrate south. Te Whiti's family are thought to have moved to southern Taranaki or Waikanae. In the early 1840s they travelled north to Warea, where they took up residence among the Patukai people at Hopuhopu and Tarakihi, under the leadership of Te Whiti's uncle, Paora Kukutai, and Aperahama Te Reke. Warea at this time was sparsely occupied by Taranaki and Ngati Ruanui.

It is believed by descendants that Te Whiti was identified early in his life as one who would carry a special spiritual authority in teaching and prophecy. His relative, Tohu Kakahi, was also so identified. Accordingly, special care was taken to ensure their safety. As Te Whiti grew he confirmed his possession of this gift. Before his introduction to the Bible and Christianity he had already established his spiritual authority: he had received from elders a vast measure of traditional knowledge, from which his later teaching, tempered by Christian Scripture and an astute world view, would flow.

Te Whiti may have been introduced to the Bible by Minarapa Rangihatuake of Ngati Mahanga, a freed Nga Puhi slave who had preached at Rahotu since 1842. Minarapa had earlier served as a Wesleyan minister at Te Aro from mid 1839, and preached at Warea before the arrival in 1846 of the Lutheran, Johann Riemenschneider, of whom Te Whiti became a pupil. Other former slaves may also have propagated forms of Christianity that appealed to the young Te Whiti. A new religion, called by its followers Tikanga Hou (the new doctrine), appeared in the area in 1845.

Te Whiti's status as teacher and prophet was enhanced by his knowledge of Christian doctrines, and his acquisition of a baptismal name, Erueti (which he would later reject). But his mission was to lead his people to a spiritual afterlife, a journey which had been interrupted by the coming of the Pakeha and Christian beliefs. Some descendants speak of an ancient prophecy originating in the far north foretelling the appearance of two spiritual birds of knowledge on the peak of Taranaki. Potatau Te Wherowhero is said to have received a similar vision of the mission and spiritual authority which Te Whiti and Tohu shared, immediately before his appointment as king at Ngaruawahia in 1858. It is remembered by Te Whiti's descendants as follows: 'towards the south there is a sacred mountain; below the shadow of the mountain there is a tree with a branch and on this branch are two birds of knowledge, Mumuhau and Takareto. These birds will receive the message from on high, and they will lead the people into everlasting life.' Potatau's son Tawhiao, the second Maori King, in part acknowledged this prophecy by sending apostles to live with Te Whiti and Tohu, the two birds of knowledge, at Parihaka in 1866.

Family tradition states that Te Whiti's and Tohu's people moved in the late 1840s to the inland village which was to become known as Parihaka, but was then called Repanga, as they wished to withdraw from the pressures of coastal life to a more contemplative setting. However, other sources indicate that Te Whiti went to Parihaka in the 1860s. The name Parihaka recalled the lamentations and sufferings of earlier occupants of the area. Some descendants believe Tohu and the people of Parihaka saw an albatross descending onto the village, symbolising the sanction of the Holy Spirit on the growing movement at Parihaka, and on the two men who were to lead it. A feather was left behind by the albatross, and Tohu's marae at Parihaka was called Toroanui (great albatross). Others believe the vision was celestial - a trail of light from a comet in the shape of a feather. The raukura, the single albatross feather, was adopted as a symbol protecting the mana of the Parihaka movement.

One of Te Whiti's earliest recorded encounters with Pakeha was when he participated in September 1862 in the rescue of passengers and crew from the steamer Lord Worsley, which ran aground at Te Namu Bay (Middleton Bay). With Arama Karaka and Wiremu Kingi Te Matakatea, he worked to bring the settlers to safety, obtaining carts and seeing them safely conveyed to New Plymouth.

Te Whiti is believed to have accompanied Taranaki war parties in the early fighting in Taranaki in 1860. By this time he was taking a leading role among his people in their dealings with the government. According to Ngati Ruanui chief Te Kahu Pukoro, both Te Whiti and Tohu Kakahi were among the chiefs leading warriors at the attack on the Sentry Hill redoubt in April 1864. They did not carry guns, however, but a tokotoko, or walking stick, and appeared to rely on the power of Pai Marire incantations taught by the prophet Te Ua Haumene. But after 1864 Te Whiti is said to have taken no further part in hostilities, and was the more persuaded to pursue a course of resistance without recourse to arms.

Descendants believe Te Whiti and Tohu agreed that Te Whiti should extend their spiritual mission; because Te Whiti had 'heard a thunder and sensed an approaching flood' - a reference to encroaching European settlement - he was to pursue a special mission to deal with the European. Te Whiti would be active, even aggressive, in seeking a resolution to issues relating to land, but this activism was to be peaceful, permitting no acts of physical violence. Subsequently, when dealing with the Pakeha, Te Whiti tended to assume the role of spokesman for both leaders. Tohu continued to play a prominent religious role, concerned with safeguarding the spiritual dimension of the Parihaka movement, although he also played a practical part in the arrangement of the protest activities. The two men became complementary speakers to assembled adherents. The mission of Te Whiti paralleled that of Tohu, but focused more specifically on understanding, and dealing with, the encroaching Pakeha.

Te Whiti developed an oratory which addressed Maori misgivings over the loss of their land. He skilfully utilised a spiritual Maori idiom and the rhetoric of Christianity, imbued with a knowledge of the Pakeha world. Robert Stout, writing of Te Whiti in 1883, observed that he preached temperance and peace. His only literature was the Bible. His favourite book was said to be Revelation, in contrast to Te Kooti, who favoured the books of the Old Testament. He developed an especial belief in the affinity of Maori and Jew, once telling James Cowan, 'We come from the land of Canaan.'

Te Whiti's teaching became influential throughout Taranaki and beyond. Many came to listen and to consider his advice, although some found the counsel of resistance by peaceful means difficult to contemplate. Titokowaru had recruited warriors after the collapse of his military campaign in 1869 and was anxious to fight again; he was counselled against violence by Te Whiti, and even when a government road was cut through his cultivations, desisted from taking up arms.

The primary focus of Maori discontent was the widespread confiscation of land. Te Whiti protested against the confiscations and the loss of all lands. He objected particularly to occupation of confiscated land which had long been left unoccupied by settlers and was believed to have been returned through the quiescence of the native minister, Donald McLean. He also protested at the failure of the government to set aside reserves as promised. In 1879, when the government proceeded with its survey of 16,000 acres of the confiscated Waimate plain without first allocating reserves, followers of Te Whiti embarked on a campaign of disrupting the surveyors and ploughing land occupied by settlers from Pukearuhe to Hawera. Settler outrage and arrests did not deter them. Robert Parris, the former civil commissioner in Taranaki, sought to mediate with Te Whiti, but was distrusted. The prospect of a new governor induced from Te Whiti only an expression of deep suspicion.

Throughout the west coast, tribal communities, most of which were becoming smaller and poorer, were attracted to Parihaka. Followers carrying food and belongings trekked there from their homes, often making journeys of great distances lasting several days. These expeditions became a phenomenon of the Taranaki coast, much to the chagrin of government officials like the resident magistrate at Wanganui, William Woon, who noted the continued absence of significant numbers of Maori along the Wanganui River. He declared that 'one would think that the patience of his adherents will soon be exhausted'.

Yet the campaign of ploughing and protest intensified. Surveying was continued by a government keen to see the land sold and settled. Te Whiti continued to urge restraint from the use of arms. After a series of proclamations, a force of 1,589 Armed Constabulary and volunteers, led by John Bryce, the minister for native affairs and defence, and Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Roberts, invaded Parihaka on 5 November 1881. They were met by about 2,000 seated Maori. Bryce called on Te Whiti and Tohu to surrender. The two were dressed in the korowai, the traditional dress of their younger days. They were arrested, along with Wiremu Hiroki, who was accused of murdering a member of a survey party; the rest of the assembled people were arrested or dispersed.

At his trial in New Plymouth Te Whiti was charged with 'wickedly, maliciously, and seditiously contriving and intending to disturb the peace.' Tohu faced similar charges. After an inconclusive trial they were detained in custody in New Plymouth for nearly six months. They were then transferred to the South Island, a move sanctioned by the government, probably to prevent a Supreme Court review of their case. Initially imprisoned at Addington gaol in Christchurch, they were taken on an intensive tour of the South Island, designed to impress upon them the accomplishments of Pakeha civilisation.

Te Whiti frequently demanded his right to a trial, but this was denied. Others arrested at Parihaka were released, the judge questioning the legality of the government actions and ordering the charges to be withdrawn. However, Te Whiti and Tohu continued to be held in Nelson while their fate was being determined in Parliament.

Such a reaction to the Parihaka movement reflected a prevailing opinion that a strong government hand was needed to deal with a movement and a leader commonly described as 'fanatical'. West coast settler opinion no doubt influenced the actions of the government, given the settlers' declared apprehension at the 'language used by Te Whiti, and the threatening attitude assumed by his followers'. Bryce was later praised for his skill and judgement in using the forces at his command to such advantage that 'the fanatics lost all hope, and in the end quietly submitted'.

While in captivity Te Whiti was impressed with what he saw of the South Island landscape, but he often complained of a lowness of spirit. He did not desist from his demand for a trial and a resolution to the injustice that he felt he and his people had suffered at Parihaka, and he rejected all offers of compromise. Amnesty offered to certain Maori leaders in February 1883, including Te Kooti, was not offered to Te Whiti. He was described at this time as being 'about 5ft. 10in. in height, and...nearly 13 stone in weight. He has a high, narrow forehead...small, but piercing eyes...[and] that square facial expression that denotes great firmness of character'.

Te Whiti and Tohu were finally permitted to return to Taranaki in March 1883; with some indignity, they were driven the last few miles to Parihaka in an open cart. Parihaka, in their absence, had fallen into neglect. The extensive damage inflicted by the invading constabulary had been left unrepaired. Meetings were prohibited, but protest activity continued. One commentator reported that Te Whiti's mana had increased with his absence, and that his persecution was likened to that of Christ. Te Whiti commenced a series of visits to other villages, but these were soon abandoned.

Ploughing was again urged by Te Whiti in 1886, culminating in his imprisonment for six months in Wellington for the occupation of disputed land. Ploughing campaigns persisted as a means of protest, focusing on the provisions of the West Coast Settlement Reserves Act 1892, which instituted a system of renewable leases to settlers on over 200,000 acres of Maori land, the leases to be administered by the public trustee. In 1897 92 Maori were arrested for ploughing in protest at long delays in the resolution of issues pertaining to the management of native reserves by the native trustee.

Much has been said about the contrast between Tohu and Te Whiti. Tohu Kakahi, the cousin of Te Whiti's father, Hone Kakahi, is thought by some to have been older than Te Whiti. His affiliation was to Puketapu of Te Ati Awa, but he and Te Whiti strengthened the family bond when they married sisters, Wairangi and Hikurangi. They are said to have quarrelled, each claiming to be the true prophet. Yet they and their histories are largely inseparable. That differences emerged between their followers in the 1880s and 1890s was, and remains, the source of some sorrow. Both men regularly sought each other's counsel; descendants speak of the men as complementary, two figures sharing a titanic burden. The name Te Whiti-o-Rongomai (celestial flight of the shining one, resting at Puke-Te Whiti) came to symbolise, according to descendants, the essence of the mission that he, with Tohu Kakahi, was called to work out in the Maori world.

Following the death of Tohu, on 4 February 1907, Te Whiti is said to have mourned until his own death 11 months later at Parihaka on 18 November. His wife, Hikurangi, had died during Te Whiti's last imprisonment, and they were survived by a son, Nohomairangi, and a daughter, Ngaruaki or Pereni.

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III, Erueti - Dictionary of New Zealand Biography - Te Ara

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa, and Korotaia. Te Rangi-apiti-rua is considered to have founded the hapu within which Te Whiti was born, Ngati Te Whiti, after a series of strategic conflicts.

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https://teara.govt.nz/en/biographies/2t34/te-whiti-o-rongomai-iii-erueti

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For several reasons, including lack of resource and inherent ambiguity, not all names in the NZETC are marked-up. This means that finding all references to a topic often involves searching. Search for Te Whiti o Rongomai as: "Te Whiti o Rongomai".

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Te Whiti was charged with 'wickedly, maliciously, and seditiously contriving and intending to disturb the peace'. Held without trial, he was not released until 1883, when he returned to the ruined Parihaka settlement. Te Whiti and Tohu continued to lead peaceful Māori protest, and Te Whiti was imprisoned again for six months in 1886.

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So New Zealand struck for freedom in the manner prescribed by the warlike editor, and found a perfectly unarmed, peaceful foe, whose little children carried loaves of bread to the troops, and whose most formidable act was a performance by some poi girls who would not get out of the way of the advancing Constabulary.

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Erueti Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III

It was unknown his original birthdate

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Te Whiti | NZHistory, New Zealand history online

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Te Whiti was a Taranaki leader and prophet. A resistance movement based at Parihaka was led by him and Tohu Kākahi. Te Whiti was arrested following the infamous raid on Parihaka by Armed Constabulary in 1881.

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For several reasons, including lack of resource and inherent ambiguity, not all names in the NZETC are marked-up. This means that finding all references to a topic often involves searching. Search for Te Whiti o Rongomai as: "Te Whiti o Rongomai".

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It is strange at this time of day to recall the condition of the Taranaki frontier in that tense period, 1878–81, culminating in the advance on Parihaka and the arrest of Te Whiti on the 5th of November—significant date!—1881.

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Te Whiti and his best friend Tohu died within a few months of each other in 1907. The white albatross feather, which Te Whiti’s followers adopted as a symbol protecting the mana of the Parihaka settlement, remains an enduring emblem among Te Āti Awa.

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After the ploughing arresting was followed but the protests grew.Parihaka gained huge support from Māori and received gifts of food from islands as far away as the Chatham Islands.

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In 1879 the government began to take 16,000 acres of the confiscated Waimate Plain without setting aside Māori reserves. In response, Māori, led by Te Whiti and Tohu, began ploughing land occupied by settlers

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Te Whiti-o-Rongomai III was a descendant of both Awa-nui-a-rangi, the founder of Te Ati Awa of Taranaki, and Tahu-ao-ariki. More directly, he was descended from Te Rangi-apiti-rua, paramount chief of Te Ati Awa

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Te Whiti and Tohu were imprisioned by the English for six months

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Te Whiti was a Christian his whole life, and kept his religion alll through his leadership role, even when people disagreed with him.

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English sent 1500 soldiers to arrest the men f parihaka, they arrested te whiti and tohu and they went to jail for 6 months

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One tradition has it that Te Whiti and his people first moved to the inland village later known as Parihaka in the 1840s, to escape the social and economic pressures of coastal life. Other sources say he began living there in the 1860s after the Taranaki wars and subsequent land confiscations.

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Te Whiti and his best friend Tohu died within a few months of each other in 1907. The white albatross feather, which Te Whiti’s followers adopted as a symbol protecting the mana of the Parihaka settlement, remains an enduring emblem among Te Āti Awa.

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It is said he was identified as a teacher and prophet early in life, and much care was taken to ensure his safety.

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This campaign used non-violent methods. In 1879 the government started surveying confiscated land on the Waimate plain, south-east of Parihaka. Te Whiti’s followers disrupted these surveys by ploughing and fencing land occupied by settlers. Many were arrested and held without trial in the South Island, but the protests continued.

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Under the leadership of Te Whiti and Tohu, Parihaka Māori began a ploughing campaign to protest against European settlement on land confiscated from Māori.

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Died when he was around 77

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On 5 November 1881 a force of almost 1600 Armed Constabulary and volunteers, led by Native Minister John Bryce, invaded Parihaka. The Māori inhabitants, numbering about 2,000, put up no resistance. Instead they greeted Bryce and his men with bread and song. They were dispersed and Te Whiti and Tohu were arrested. The soldiers then systematically wrecked the settlement, and Māori tradition speaks of brutality and rape.

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Te Whiti was a Christian

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Te Whiti's family are thought to have moved to southern Taranaki or Waikanae. In the early 1840s they travelled north to Warea

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Te Whiti's parents were Hone Kakahi, the great-great grandson of Takarangi and Raumahora (Taranaki). His mother was Rangi Kawau, a sister of Te Whetu Moeahu II of Taranaki Iwi.

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Te Whitis was born  on the eve of the battle of Otaka in early 1832

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He married his best friends sister, Hikurangi and his friend married Te Whiti’s sister

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Te Whiti's parents were Hone (Tohu) Kakahi, the great-great grandson of Takarangi (Ngati Awa or Te Atiawa) and Raumahora (Taranaki). His mother was Rangi Kawau, a sister of Te Whetu Moeahu II of Taranaki Iwi, Ngati Moeahu Hapu.

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Te Whiti was a very chill kind of person and his father died during a battle