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Memahami konsep kendiri kanak-kanak autisme

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Memahami konsep kendiri kanak-kanak autisme

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Sumber rujukan

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Three Dimensions of the Self-system

The self system is a complex concept that involves "a multitude of notions of the self" ( Zahavi, 2010, p. 548). When investigating the "multifaceted character of self," one has to be able to tell the difference between "types of self-awareness," and understand "how they relate to each other" ( Zahavi, 2010, p. 549). In general, current research in the field mainly explores the self in individuals with ASD from one of the following three dimensions: an experiential dimension, an interpersonal dimension and a narrative dimension ( Zahavi, 2010).

Early research aimed at identifying a general impairment of self-experience and self understanding in individuals with ASD falls under the category of experiential dimension. Under this framework, the mechanism that one accesses to one's own mind is the same as one employs to understand mental states of others, which means, the same mediating theory goes for both self and other ( Carruthers and Smith, 1996; Frith and Happé, 1999). For example, participants with a diagnosis of ASD were asked to complete a standardized protocol to examine their performance on a certain task, then comparison will be made with typically developing peers on the same task to see how the two groups perform differently. However, this approach has been criticized recently due to conflicting research findings ( Zahavi, 2010). For example, in Baron-Cohen's (1989) earlier publication, he believed children with autism were mind-blind and had little awareness of their own mental states; but then in his later work, he stated that children with classic autism singularly focus on the self ( Baron-Cohen, 2005).

More recent research, on the other hand, takes on the interpersonal dimension method targeting specific deficits related to the self ( Zahavi, 2010). Technically, it refers to a dimension of self that is basically reflected by, or mediated through, the perspectives of others. In other words, it focuses on "the capacity to understand and adopt the evaluative perspectives of others on oneself," and "to that extent, impairments on the level of interpersonal engagement will have ramifications for the subsequent development of various aspects of self" ( Zahavi, 2010, p. 550). For example, as mentioned previously, when an individual with ASD shows impairments in recognizing others' facial expressions (i.e., emotional states), he/she will not know how to respond appropriately to match the social situation, which may result in peer rejection ( Bauminger et al., 2003). Repeated social failures are associated with emotional issues such as social anxiety or depression ( Bauminger et al., 2003). This will definitely have a negative impact on the development of self in individuals with ASD.

The third approach is focused on the narrative dimension of self. Basically, according to the narrative approach, information about the self is collected via self narrative, from which we can synthesize "the diverse and heterogeneous aspects of life" and coordinate "different temporal dimensions," as well as establish "a web of semantic relations that link past, present and future events into a meaningful whole"; the narrative self includes investment of others, just like "the story of any individual life is always interwoven with the stories of others" ( Zahavi, 2010, p. 551). When this approach is used to explore the self in individuals with ASD, their own voice can be better heard.

In summary, the three dimensions are approaches that can be used to analyze various aspects of the self-system in individuals with ASD from a philosophical perspective. They are interrelated, and individuals with ASD can have selective impairment. The following section provides a brief review of existing literature exploring various aspects of the self involving individuals with ASD using the above three approaches.

Experiential Dimension Approach

Capps et al. (1995) conducted the first comparative study examining the relationships between perceived self-competence (i.e., self-perception of personal worth and efficacy), cognitive ability, understanding of emotional states, and parent report of social adaptation in 18 preadolescents and adolescents with high-functioning autism (HFA) and 20 comparison peers. The participants were asked to complete the Perceived Competence Scale for Children (SPPC, Harter, 1985) and to identify the four emotional states presented to them. In addition, parents of children with HFA were asked to complete the Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales ( Sparrow and Cicchetti, 1989) to find out their children's social and adaptive competencies in the following four domains: communication, daily living skills, socialization, and motor skills.

Results suggested that overall participants with HFA perceived themselves to be less competent than their comparison peers in all but the cognitive domain. When correlating with IQ, results indicated that, in the HFA group, participants with higher IQ scores seemed to perceive themselves as less competent in the social domain than those with lower IQ scores, but have better understanding of emotion in self and others. However, in the comparison group, IQ was found to be positively correlated with their perceived cognitive but not social competence. Parent reports showed that in the HFA group, participants with higher IQ who perceived themselves less social competence displayed less emotional distress, such as sadness or fear, than those who have lower IQ but perceived greater social competence. Researchers concluded that HFA participants with higher IQ who were able to better understand emotions might have greater self-awareness allowing them to see the difference (e.g., social limitations) between themselves and typically developing peers.

A later study that sought to replicate the above study found slightly different results. Vickerstaff et al. (2007) also used the SPPC to investigate self-perceptions of social limitations and relationship between self-perceived social deficits and depression in 22 children and adolescents with HFA. Results also confirmed Capps et al. (1995)'s findings that the higher IQ the participants have, the lower level of self-perceived social competence, and vice versus. However, an important difference emerged showing that participants with higher IQ who displayed lower self-perceived social competence actually self reported higher level of depression symptoms, in contrast to the original study the parents reported fewer depression symptoms in HFA participants with higher IQ ( Capps et al., 1995). The researchers reasoned that an increase in awareness of their own social communication deficits (e.g., unable to fit in their peers' social world) and their inability to remedy these social situations may contribute to the development of such emotional distress including symptoms of depression and anxiety. Vickerstaff et al. (2007) also stressed that it is the child's self-perceived social competence that relates to depression symptoms, not the actual level of their social competences as rated by their parents and teachers.

To examine the understanding of own inner mental states in adolescents with AS, Dritschel et al. (2010) compared 22 participants with AS and same number of typically developing peers. Results showed that adolescents with AS had more difficulties in this aspect of social functioning than their typically developing peers or than adults with the same condition (i.e., AS). Specifically, due to their awareness of own social skills limitation and their difficulty in understanding self inner mental states, adolescents with AS tended to "overestimate other people's social competence" (p. 517). For example, adolescents with AS would consult "a comparison person to know more about their own inner mental states than themselves" (p. 515), suggesting "a poorly differentiated self-identity may underline social difficulties" (p. 517), and can cause emotional issues such as depression and anxiety. This is consistent with existing research findings ( Attwood, 1998; Gillott et al., 2001; Bauminger et al., 2003).

A recent Japanese study ( Yoshimura and Toichi, 2014) yielded similar findings. They examined self-consciousness (a type of self-awareness) in 18 adolescents with AS, 19 with PDD-NOS and 19 typically developing as control group using an episodic memory task (i.e., self-reference effect). Results showed that both the PDDNOS group and the control group did very well, but the AS group did not. The researchers found that both ASD groups (i.e., PDDNOS and AS) showed an atypical pattern of relationship between memory performance and IQ. Based on the results, the researchers believed that unlike individuals with AS, individuals with PDDNOS may have the same level of self-consciousness as their typically developing peers. However, maybe due to their unique cognitive process (e.g., being aware of what was going on around them but unable to self-regulate own behaviors), the way of being self-conscious in this group seemed atypical, which lead to social impairments similar to those experienced by the AS group. The researchers also pointed out the relationship between psychiatric disorders and the level of self-consciousness in ASD. As generally recognized (e.g., Mazurek and Kanne, 2010), the higher IQ a person with ASD has, the more insight and self-awareness of own deficits in three core areas (i.e., social, communication and behavior domains) he/she has, which can cause anxiety/depression. Thus, it is not surprising that individuals with high functioning ASD show more anxiety/depression symptoms than those who are low functioning on the spectrum.

Similarly, Elmose and Happé (2014) examined accuracy of judging own memory performance in response to social vs. non-social stimuli in a group of children with ASD in comparison to a group of typically developing (or TD) children. Results indicated comparable levels and patterns of accuracy in the ASD and TD groups, with ASD group being more accurate in judging own memory for non-social than social stimuli, and the opposite pattern for the TD group.

Schriber et al. (2014) examined personality and self-insight in individuals with ASD. They first compared Self-Report of Big Five personality traits in adults with ASD and TD controls, then in children/adolescents. Results suggested that personality differences between ASD and TD individuals (1) were evident in both children/adolescents and adulthood; (2) were similar for men and women; (3) were found via self- and parent report. Compared to their TD peers, individuals with ASD tended to more Neurotic and less Extraverted, Agreeable, Conscientious, and Open to Experience. Researchers also found that these personality trails predict ASD diagnosis well. The researchers also assessed the level of self-insight in these two group by examining the differences in self-other agreement and self-enhancement (vs. self-diminishment) biases (in the personality protocol mentioned above) by comparing the data collected via self-report and parent reports. The study failed to find significant difference in self-insight. However, results suggested that although individuals with ASD had similar level of insight into self-other agreement to TD control group, individuals with ASD had a tendency to self-enhance, while TD individuals to self-diminish.

Interpersonal Dimension Approach

In a study examining the relationship between social acceptance, internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, perceived social skills and friendships, Viecili et al. (2010) collected data from 40 children and adolescents with autism via self report, where parents were interviewed for the number of friends their child had. Results showed that social acceptance was positively correlated with social skills and number of friends in school and negatively correlated with internalizing behaviors including symptoms of anxiety, depression, or low self-esteem. Consistent with previous research, these findings indicate that greater social acceptance may also have a positive impact on self-concept of youth with developmental disabilities including autism ( Weiss et al., 2003).

Another study aimed at measuring perceptions of social problems and adaptive behaviors in children and youth with AS yielded somewhat different but insightful findings. Barnhill et al. (2000) used the Behavior Assessment System for Children (BASC, Reynolds and Kamphaus, 1992) to investigate the perception difference between parents (parent rating scale), teachers (teacher rating scale), and student self (self-report of personality). A total of 20 individuals with AS participated in the study. Results revealed that there was significant difference in perceptions between parents and the teachers in most sub-domains. In general, parents reported high-level mental, emotional, and behavioral problems in their children. Teachers reported similar but much less severe symptoms. Results also showed the self perceptions of individuals with AS were distinctly different from parents' and teachers'. Students themselves were not aware of having these problems (e.g., they perceived themselves to be similar to peers, or their responses were in the average range) and still felt positive about their general social skills. Researchers concluded that children/youth with AS lack self awareness or denial of their disability. Mazefsky et al. (2011) argued that although self-report measures by individuals with ASD may be able to offer valuable information to some extent, professionals who work with this population should not rely too heavily on self-report instruments for decision-making, better coupled with other data collection approaches such as observation or parent and/or teacher report, to get a more objective view.

Self-Narrative Approach

This section reviewed several studies using self-narrative approach to measure the self in individuals with ASD. Lee and Hobson (1998) used Damon and Harter's Self-Understanding Interview (or SUI, 1988) to measure the self-concept of social experiences in children and adolescents with autism and intellectual disability (ID). Results from the SUI showed that compared to their peers with ID, participants with autism tended to talk less about their social experiences; however, they were able to describe themselves perfectly in physical, active, and even psychological terms. Researchers hypothesized that these individuals seemed to be less concerned about the issues of their social relationships and interactions with others. This indicated some individuals with ASD might have selective impairments in the psychological or interpersonal self, which were also referred to the so-called theory of mind deficits that prevented them from understanding their own social deficits ( Baron-Cohen, 1995). Williams (2010) believed individuals with ASD would apply an alternative, compensatory mechanism to assist themselves in understanding mental states of own or of others when they have a selective theory of mind deficit, for example, via memorizing social or behavioral rules.

Farley et al. (2010) replicated the above study. They employed a modified version of Damon and Harter's (1988) self-as-subject interview, and focused on narratives of 16 adolescents with HFA or AS and a comparison group of typically developing peers, aiming at examining their ability to conceptualize self through the perceptions of other. The participants were asked to conceptualize themselves from others' perspectives. Results showed although there was no significant difference in the ability to self-conceptualize under both the categories of continuity and distinctiveness between adolescents with ASD and their comparison peers, the ASD group had more difficulty in self-conceptualization of agency, which was defined as "the information, influences, and control of the self" ( Farley et al., 2010, p. 526). The researchers argued that only certain aspects of the self in individuals with ASD are impaired, and should be examined separately to fully understand the specific strengths and needs of individuals with ASD.

In a more recent study that examines self presentation skills of high-functioning children and adolescents with ASD ( Scheeren et al., 2010), the participants were asked to describe themselves twice, first without any direction from audience (in this case, the audience were the researchers) as a baseline condition, then with audience preference and demands as a direction-guided condition. Results showed both participants with ASD and the comparison group tended to provide a more positive description about themselves under directed condition. However, the ASD group seemed to be less skillful in responding to the audience directions, compared to the comparison group. The researchers reasoned that this might be a result of their theory of mind deficits or their tendency to rigidly stick to moral and social rules.

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Understanding the Self in Individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD): A Review of Literature

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When the system of self is explored in individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASDs), it is important to measure it via both their own perceptions of the self and their understanding of others' perceptions on themselves at a multidimensional ...

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Artikel Tugasan 2: Kanak-kanak berkeperluan khas

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Artikel Tugasan 2: Kanak-kanak berkeperluan khas

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Membuat analisis dan merumus kandungan artikel.

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EDUP3023

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TUGASAN KERJA KURSUS PKK JUN20 VERIFIED COPY

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Soalan Tutorial EDUP3023 - Ambilan Jun 2020

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Soalan Tutorial EDUP3023 - Ambilan Jun 2020

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RMK EDUP3023 Perkembangan Kanak-Kanak-kemaskini Jun 2020-Versi Pelajar

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There are plenty of factors influencing your learning process either in a positive or a negative way. In addition to what is already determined by your genes, according to various sources, the following biological and psychological factors play an important role.

Which are the main biological factors?

1. Nutrition

Nutrition is essential for organs to develop (building material), but also to let it operate (fuel). On average, as much as 25% of all energy a human daily takes in with one's food goes directly to the brains. At those moments when the brain goes through major developments such as during childhood and adolescence, this percentage may increase to 65%.

2. Caffeine

Caffeine is one of the most consumed psychoactive substances around the world. Caffeine is not bad for health, some researchers even show positive effects. Caffeine appears to reduce fatigue. And in this way also has an indirect effect on learning. Regarding cognitive function, caffeine has an effect on reaction time. Some studies also show a positive effect on long-term memory.

3. Sports

Practising sports is healthy, as more and more research shows. For example, sports ensure that certain substances in the body are released, which have a significant effect on the brains. These compounds support brain functions and increase the ability to learn and perform. Research has shown that elderly people who on a daily basis have a medium to heavy physical effort of at least 30 minutes have a better cognitive performance than people who do not.

4. Sleep

Sleep is a biological factor that can affect the learning performance of people. In particular, too little sleep has a major impact. It leads to memory and concentration problems, people have more difficulty responding flexibly to new situations and there is a stronger response to emotionally negative stimuli.

Now, which are the main psychological factors?

5. Learning strategy

Everyone has their own preference for a strategy to learn and study. Some prefer to make a summary, others highlight or underline important text and read the same text several times. But the preference that someone follows is not always the most effective strategy. There is a distinction between learning strategies at a superficial level, and at a deeper level. Learning through repetition is an example of learning at a superficial level. Learning at a deeper level involves, for example, the ability to determine important information and make connections between certain concepts. Learning at a deeper level has proven to be a better predictor for successful learning in the long term than on a superficial level.

6. Self-regulating capacity

Self-regulating The capacity to self-regulate has a positive relationship with academic achievement. When someone has a large self-regulating capacity, he/she is well able to orient, plan, monitor and adapt his / her behaviour or learning processes and strategies during learning tasks.

7. Self-directed learning

It also appears that self-directed learning has a positive correlation with academic success. Such a person is able to assess his / her own learning needs, establish personal goals, make decisions about which learning strategies to use and is able to assess the outcomes.

8. Self-esteem

Specialised literature shows a positive correlation between self-esteem and academic achievement, but it is not clear which way this effect works. The assumption is that the higher your self-esteem, the better you perform in school. But it is also possible that the effect works the other way around: the better you perform in school, the higher your self-esteem is as a result.

9. Self-efficacy

Self-efficacy is a term used in education to indicate whether a person believes he or she is able to successfully complete courses or certain specific tasks. Multiple studies have shown that there is a positive correlation between self-efficacy and academic performance actually achieved. Someone with as a high self-efficacy for English writing strongly believes that he or she is well able to write an English text and, as a result, will get a good grade for an English writing assignment.

10. Motivation

Someone with persistence to study from an intrinsic motivation (internal drive by person self to study) will in the long term perform better than someone with persistence from an extrinsic motivation (i.e. showing behaviour because of a certain reward).

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10 Psychological and Biological Factors Influencing Your Study Results

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There are plenty of factors influencing your learning process either in a positive or a negative way. In addition to what is already determined by your genes, according to various sources, the following biological and psychological factors play an important role. Which are the main biological factors?

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Teori Perlekatan/ Perapatan (Attachment Theory)

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Teori Perlekatan/ Perapatan (Attachment Theory)

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Perkembangan Sosioemosi Kanak-kanak

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Attachment can be defined as a deep and enduring emotional bond between two people in which each seeks closeness and feels more secure when in the presence of the attachment figure.

The initial and perhaps most crucial emotional bond forms between infants and their primary caregivers.

Distinct behaviors characterize attachment in children and adults, such as seeking closeness with the attachment figure when distressed or threatened (Bowlby, 1969).

John Bowlby

Attachment theory in psychology finds its roots in the pioneering work of John Bowlby (1958). During the 1930s, Bowlby was a psychiatrist at a Child Guidance Clinic in London, treating numerous emotionally troubled children.

His experiences there underscored the significance of a child's relationship with their mother in shaping their social, emotional, and cognitive development.

It molded his understanding of the connection between early separations from the mother and subsequent maladjustment, leading him to develop his attachment theory.

The attachment bond isn't coincidental. Its primary purpose is to ensure the survival of the vulnerable infant, requiring the constant presence of a caregiver (Bowlby, 1973, 1980).

Viewed from this lens, attachment emerges as an evolutionary concept. The behavior of seeking proximity is universally observed across cultures (Van Ijzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008).

Bowlby (1988) contended that the drive for proximity arises from an interconnected set of behavioral systems that collectively shape behavior. These include the attachment, caregiving, and exploratory behavioral systems.

Attachment Behavioral System

The attachment behavioral system concerns the tendency of an individual to seek security during times of stress (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003), which can be internal (i.e., hunger, fatigue, illness) or from external features of the environment, such as threatening stimuli (Bowlby, 1988).

The more extreme the stress, the more intense the attachment system activation. The attachment system is most readily activated during the first five years of life, a period characterized by high levels of vulnerability and dependence.

Once the attachment system is activated, the infant is motivated to seek proximity to significant others (attachment figures) to protect themselves from physical or emotional harm (Bowlby, 1969).

If this goal is achieved, the infant develops feelings of safety and security, and their attachment system becomes deactivated. The infant will call upon a range of attachment behaviors with the goal of attaining proximity to the attachment figure.

Bowlby (1988) suggests the attachment behavioral system remains important throughout life and will also motivate adults to seek proximity in times of stress during adulthood.

Caregiving System

The attachment figure is viewed as a 'safe haven', and their role is to correspondingly alter their level of responsiveness to deactivate the infant's attachment system by promoting feelings of security.

George and Solomon (1996) call this reciprocal response of the attachment figure to the infant's attachment system the 'caregiving' system.

Bowlby (1969) posits that the caregiving system exists to provide protection and support to others in need of assistance, through providing sensitive and responsive care.

The caregiving system is activated when an individual expresses a need for support or their attachment system is activated, and is deactivated when the care recipient appears to be in a secure state (Shaver & Mikulincer, 2006).

Once activated, the caregiver may utilize a variety of behavioral strategies intended to improve the other person's well-being, re-establishing their felt security, and facilitating their coping efforts.

Caregiving strategies include validating a person's worries, providing physical closeness and affection, and communicating that a person is loved and valued (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).

In addition to attachment behaviors, the caregiving system can support exploratory behaviors (Feeney, 2004).

The Importance of Early Emotional Bonds

Attachment behavior in adults toward the child includes responding sensitively and appropriately to the child's needs. Such behavior appears universal across cultures.

Attachments are most likely to form with those who responded accurately to the baby's signals, not the person they spent more time with. Schaffer and Emerson called this sensitive responsiveness.

Reciprocity is the mutual, two-way interaction between an infant and caregiver, where both respond to each other's signals, such as when a baby's smile evokes a smile in return. This interaction is vital for a child's development, establishing their foundational trust and shaping future relationships and learning.

Exploratory Behavioral System

When infants feel safe and secure, and their attachment system is deactivated, their energy can be devoted to what Bowlby (1969) refers to as the exploratory behavioral system.

The exploratory behavioral system refers to behaviors that drive the organism to interact with the environment in a bid to inspect it, manipulate it, and master it (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).

According to Bowlby (1969), the exploratory system is activated by novelty and is terminated when a person exhibits a sense of competence and familiarity with their environment. From this perspective, attachment figures can also be seen as a 'secure base' which infants use to explore their social world (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).

The more assured the infant is in the availability of their attachment figure in times of stress, the more likely they will interact with others and their environment. Thus attachment, far from interfering with exploration, is viewed as nurturing exploration.

Caregivers who provide a secure base allow infants to become autonomous, inquisitive, and experimental. Children who lack a secure base find their attachment system keeps overriding their attempts to be autonomous and to competently interact with their social environment.

This, in turn, can impair and harm a child's social, emotional, and cognitive development (Bowlby, 1980). Of course, not all attachment figures become a secure base, and this function is based on the responsiveness of their caregiver towards the infant (Ainsworth & Wittig, 1969).

Ainsworth et al. proposed the interconnecting between attachment and exploratory systems are adaptive as they ensure a balance between protection and exploration of the social and physical environment.

Ainsworth's Strange Situation

Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues discovered three major patterns that infants attach to their primary caregivers ("mother figures") from their Strange Situation Procedure (Ainsworth et al., 1978).

The study recruited four different samples of infants at around one year of age, and engaged them in the Strange Situation procedure, roughly described below:

An infant was put into an unfamiliar environment with his or her mother and was free to explore the environment; a stranger entered the room and gradually approached the infant; the mother then left the room, returning after the infant spent some time alone with the stranger.

Ainsworth and colleagues observed how comfortable each infant was physically farther away from the mother in an unfamiliar environment, how each infant interacted with the stranger, and how each infant greeted the mother upon her return.

Based on the observations, they sorted the infants into three groups: secure, anxious, and avoidant.

Attachment Styles

Attachment styles refer to the particular way in which an individual relates to other people. The style of attachment is formed at the very beginning of life, and once established, it is a style that stays with you and plays out today in how you relate in intimate relationships and in how you parent your children.

The concept involves one's confidence in the availability of the attachment figure for use as a secure base from which one can freely explore the world when not in distress and a safe haven from which one can seek support, protection, and comfort in times of distress.

Secure Attachment

Bowlby (1988) described secure attachment as the capacity to connect well and securely in relationships with others while also having the capacity for autonomous action as situationally appropriate.

Secure attachment is characterized by trust, an adaptive response to being abandoned, and the belief that one is worthy of love.

An infant with a secure attachment is characterized as actively seeking and maintaining proximity with the mother, especially during the reunion episode. The infant may or may not be friendly with the stranger, but always shows more interest in interacting with the mother.

Additionally, during the same situation the infant tended to be slightly distressed during separation from the mother, but the infant rarely cried.

Ainsworth and colleagues interpreted infants who were securely attached to their mothers, showed less anxiousness and more positive attitudes toward the relationship, and were likely because they believed in their mothers' responsiveness towards their needs.

Anxious (Ambivalent) Attachment

Anxious attachment (also called ambivalent) relationships are characterized by a concern that others will not reciprocate one's desire for intimacy. This is

caused when an infant learns that their caregiver or parent is unreliable and does not consistently provide responsive care towards their needs.

An anxiously attached infant is characterized as being somewhat ambivalent (and resistant) to the mother. The infant often demonstrated signs of resisting interactions with the mother, especially during the strange situation reunion episode.

However, once contact with the mother was gained, the infant also showed strong intentions to maintain such contact. Overall, ambivalent infants often displayed maladaptive behaviors throughout the Strange Situation.

Ainsworth and colleagues found ambivalent infants to be anxious and unconfident about their mothers' responsiveness, and their mothers were observed to lack "the fine sense of timing" in responding to the infants' needs.

As adults, those with an anxious preoccupied attachment style are overly concerned with the uncertainty of a relationship. They hold a negative working model of self and a positive working model of others.

Avoidant Attachment

Children with avoidant attachment styles tend to avoid interaction with the caregiver, and show no distress during separation. This may be because the parent has ignored attempts to be intimate, and the child may internalize the belief that they cannot depend on this or any other relationship.

An infant with an avoidant attachment was characterized as displaying little to no tendency to seek proximity with the mother.

The infant often showed no distress during separation from the mother, interacted with the stranger similarly to how he or she would interact with the mother, and showed slight signs of avoidance (turning away, avoiding eye contact, etc.) when reunited with the mother.

Ainsworth and colleagues interpreted infants' avoidance behaviors as a defensive mechanism against the mothers' own rejecting behaviors, such as being uncomfortable with physical contact or being more easily angered by the infants.

Disorganized (Fearful) Attachment

Main and Solomon (1986) discovered that a sizable proportion of infants did not fit into secure, anxious, or avoidant, based on their behaviors in the Strange Situation experiment. They categorized these infants as having a disorganized attachment type.

Disorganized attachment is classified by children who display sequences of behaviors that lack readily observable goals or intentions, including obviously contradictory behaviors or stilling/freezing of movements.

Main and Solomon found that the parents of disorganized infants often had unresolved attachment-related traumas, which caused the parents to display either frightened or frightening behaviors, resulting in the disorganized infants being confused or forcing them to rely on someone they were afraid of at the same time.

Stages of Attachment

Rudolph Schaffer and Peggy Emerson (1964) investigated if attachment develops through a series of stages by studying 60 babies at monthly intervals for the first 18 months of life (this is known as a longitudinal study).

The children were all studied in their own homes, and a regular pattern was identified in the development of attachment.

The babies were visited monthly for approximately one year, their interactions with their carers were observed, and carers were interviewed.

A diary was kept by the mother to examine the evidence for the development of attachment. Three measures were recorded:

* Stranger Anxiety - response to arrival of a stranger.

* Separation Anxiety - distress level when separated from carer, degree of comfort needed on return.

* Social Referencing - degree that child looks at carer to check how they should respond to something new (secure base).

They discovered that baby's attachments develop in the following sequence:

Very young infants are asocial in that many kinds of stimuli, both social and non-social, produce a favorable reaction, such as a smile.

Indiscriminate Attachments (6 weeks to 7 months)

Infants indiscriminately enjoy human company; most babies respond equally to any caregiver. They get upset when an individual ceases to interact with them.

From 3 months, infants smile more at familiar faces and can be easily comfortable by a regular caregiver.

Specific Attachment (7 - 9 months)

Special preference for a single attachment figure. The baby looks to particular people for security, comfort, and protection. It shows fear of strangers (stranger fear) and unhappiness when separated from a special person ( separation anxiety).

Some babies show stranger fear and separation anxiety much more frequently and intensely than others; nevertheless, they are seen as evidence that the baby has formed an attachment. This has usually developed by one year of age.

Multiple Attachment (10 months and onwards)

Many of the babies from the Schaffer and Emerson study had multiple attachments by 10 months old, including attachments to mothers, fathers, grandparents, siblings, and neighbors.

The baby becomes increasingly independent and forms several attachments. By 18 months, the majority of infants have formed multiple attachments.

The multiple attachments formed by most infants vary in their strength and importance to the infant. Attachments are often structured in a hierarchy, whereby an infant may have formed three attachments, but one may be stronger than the other two, and one may be the weakest.

The results of the study indicated that attachments were most likely to form with those who responded accurately to the baby's signals, not the person they spent more time with. Schaffer and Emerson called this sensitive responsiveness.

Intensely attached infants had mothers who responded quickly to their demands and, interacted with their child. Infants who were weakly attached had mothers who failed to interact.

The Lasting Impact of Early Attachment

According to Bowlby's theory (1988), when we form our primary attachment, we also make a mental representation of what a relationship is (internal working model), which we then use for all other relationships in the future i.e., friendships, working, and romantic relationships.

The different attachment styles may be viewed as internal working models of "relationships" that evolved from event experiences (Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985).

This would suggest that early interactions with caregivers could not only shape how an infant understood and behaved in relationships (as exemplified by infant attachment styles), but that such impact could be carried forward into adult attachment.

According to Bowlby (1969) later relationships are likely to be a continuation of early attachment styles (secure and insecure) because the behavior of the infant's primary attachment figure promotes an internal working model of relationships which leads the infant to expect the same in later relationships.

In other words, there will be continuity between early attachment experiences and later relationships. This is known as the continuity hypothesis.

In humans, attachment does not conclude in infancy, or even childhood, but instead is active throughout the lifespan, with individuals gaining comfort from both physical and mental representations of significant others (Bowlby, 1969).

It is through an individual's internal working model that childhood patterns of attachment are carried forward across the life cycle into adolescence and adulthood.

The notion of security is still an important one; however, the growing emergence of autonomy is also significant as the attachment system in adults is less likely to be activated due to them being able to tolerate higher levels of distress compared to children.

During adulthood, new attachment bonds are formed which may become a significant source of support during periods of distress, or during periods of goal achievement and exploration.

Researchers have proposed that working models are interconnected within a complex hierarchical structure (Bowlby, 1980; Bretherton, 1985, 1990; Collins & Read, 1994; Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985).

For example, the highest level model comprises beliefs and expectations across all types of relationship, and lower level models hold general rules about specific relations, such as romantic or parental, underpinned by models specific to events within a relationship with a single person.

The existence of multiple mental models is supported by evidence which demonstrates considerable within-person variability in the expectations and beliefs that people hold about the self and others (Baldwin & Fehr, 1995).

Furthermore, although specific models of attachment relationships are positively associated with more overarching general working models, the correlations are small to moderate (less than .40), indicating that they comprised distinct beliefs regarding the self and significant others (Cozzarelli, Hoekstra, & Bylsma, 2000).

Likely, general mental models indicate a typical appraisal of the self and others across relationships, and relationship-specific beliefs about the self and one's partner would plausibly represent only a part of these generalized beliefs.

Key Takeaways

Attachment is defined as a "lasting psychological connectedness between human beings" (Bowlby, 1969, p. 194), and may be considered interchangeable with concepts such as "affectional bond" and "emotional bond."

Attachment is characterized by specific behaviors in children, such as seeking proximity to the attachment figure when upset or threatened (Bowlby, 1969).

Attachment theory explains how the parent-child relationship emerges and influences subsequent development.

A person's first attachment is often established with the primary caregiver during infancy. However, it must be noted that attachment is not unique to infant-caregiver relationships but may also be present in other social relationships.

Attachments of various kinds are formed through the repeated act of "attachment behaviors" or "attachment transactions," a continuing process of seeking and maintaining a certain level of proximity to another specified individual (Bowlby, 1969).

Because caregivers vary in sensitivity and responsiveness, not all infants attach to caregivers in the same way.

References

Ainsworth, M. D. S., & Bell, S. M. (1970). Attachment, exploration, and separation: Illustrated by the behavior of one-year-olds in a strange situation. Child Development, 41, 49-67.

Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1973). The development of infant-mother attachment. In B. Cardwell & H. Ricciuti (Eds.), Review of child development research (Vol. 3, pp. 1-94) Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Ainsworth, M. D. S., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E., & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment: A psychological study of the strange situation. Lawrence Erlbaum.

Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1991). Attachments and other affectional bonds across the life cycle. In C . M. Parkes, J. Stevenson-Hinde, & P. Marris (Eds.), Attachment across the life cycle (pp. 33-51). London: Routledge.

Ainsworth. M. D. S., & Wittig, B. A. (1969) Attachment and exploratory behaviour of one-year-olds in a strange situation. In: B. M. Foss (Ed.) Determinants of infant behaviour, IV. London: Methuen, p. 111-136.

Bowlby, J. (1958). The nature of the childs tie to his mother. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 39, 350-371.

Bowlby J. (1969). Attachment. Attachment and loss: Vol. 1. Loss. New York: Basic Books.

Bowlby, J., and Robertson, J. (1952). A two-year-old goes to the hospital. Proceedings
of the Royal Society of Medicine, 46, 425-427.

Bowlby, J. (1973). Attachment and loss, Vol. 2: Separation. New York: Basic Books.

Bowlby, J. (1980). Attachment and loss, Vol. 3: Loss, sadness and depression. New York: Basic Books.

Bowlby, J. (1988). A secure base: Parent-child attachment and healthy human development. New York: Basic Books.

Dollard, J. & Miller, N.E. (1950). Personality and psychotherapy. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Feeney, B. C. (2004). A secure base: responsive support of goal strivings and exploration in adult intimate relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87(5), 631.

George, C., & Solomon, J. (1996). Representational models of relationships: Links between caregiving and attachment. Infant Mental Health Journal, 17(3), 198-216.

Harlow, H. F. & Zimmermann, R. R. (1958). The development of affective responsiveness in infant monkeys. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 102, 501 -509.

Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioral system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 35, 53-152.

Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2007). Attachment in adulthood: Structure, dynamics, and change. New York: Guilford Press.

Prior, V., & Glaser, D. (2006). Understanding attachment and attachment disorders: Theory, evidence and practice. Jessica Kingsley Publishers.

Schaffer, H. R., & Emerson, P. E. (1964). The development of social attachments in infancy. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 1-77.

Shaver, P. R., & Mikulincer, M. (2006). Attachment theory, individual psychodynamics, and relationship functioning. The Cambridge handbook of personal relationships, 251-271.

Van Ijzendoorn, M. H., & Sagi-Schwartz, A. (2008). Cross-cultural patterns of attachment: Universal and contextual dimensions. In J. Cassidy & P. Shaver (Eds) Handbook of Attachment: Theory, Research and Clinical Applications (pp. 880-905). New York: Guildford Press.

FAQs

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Attachment Theory In Psychology Explained

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Attachment can be defined as a deep and enduring emotional bond between two people in which each seeks closeness and feels more secure when in the presence of the attachment figure.

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Perkembangan  Sosioemosi Kanak-kanak-Jul 2017

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How to Recognize ADHD Symptoms in Children

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The influence of Emotional intelligence in success at professional and person front is no more an topic of debate. Almost all Researchers and practitioners agree that emotional intelligence is the most influential determinant of success and happiness at workplace.

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Peringkat Perkembangan Kognitf mengikut Teori Piaget

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How do we begin to communicate? No matter the culture or language, we all go through these same stages.

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3. Schemas

Piaget claimed that knowledge cannot simply emerge from sensory experience; some initial structure is necessary to make sense of the world.

According to Piaget, children are born with a very basic mental structure (genetically inherited and evolved) on which all subsequent learning and knowledge are based.

Schemas are the basic building blocks of such cognitive models, and enable us to form a mental representation of the world.

Piaget (1952, p. 7) defined a schema as: "a cohesive, repeatable action sequence possessing component actions that are tightly interconnected and governed by a core meaning."

In more simple terms, Piaget called the schema the basic building block of intelligent behavior - a way of organizing knowledge. Indeed, it is useful to think of schemas as "units" of knowledge, each relating to one aspect of the world, including objects, actions, and abstract (i.e., theoretical) concepts.

Wadsworth (2004) suggests that schemata (the plural of schema) be thought of as "index cards" filed in the brain, each one telling an individual how to react to incoming stimuli or information.

When Piaget talked about the development of a person's mental processes, he was referring to increases in the number and complexity of the schemata that a person had learned.

When a child's existing schemas are capable of explaining what it can perceive around it, it is said to be in a state of equilibrium, i.e., a state of cognitive (i.e., mental) balance.

Operations are more sophisticated mental structures which allow us to combine schemas in a logical (reasonable) way.

As children grow they can carry out more complex operations and begin to imagine hypothetical (imaginary) situations.

Apart from the schemas we are born with schemas and operations are learned through interaction with other people and the environment.

Piaget emphasized the importance of schemas in cognitive development and described how they were developed or acquired.

A schema can be defined as a set of linked mental representations of the world, which we use both to understand and to respond to situations. The assumption is that we store these mental representations and apply them when needed.

Examples of Schemas

A person might have a schema about buying a meal in a restaurant. The schema is a stored form of the pattern of behavior which includes looking at a menu, ordering food, eating it and paying the bill.

This is an example of a schema called a "script." Whenever they are in a restaurant, they retrieve this schema from memory and apply it to the situation.

The schemas Piaget described tend to be simpler than this - especially those used by infants. He described how - as a child gets older - his or her schemas become more numerous and elaborate.

Piaget believed that newborn babies have a small number of innate schemas - even before they have had many opportunities to experience the world. These neonatal schemas are the cognitive structures underlying innate reflexes. These reflexes are genetically programmed into us.

For example, babies have a sucking reflex, which is triggered by something touching the baby's lips. A baby will suck a nipple, a comforter (dummy), or a person's finger. Piaget, therefore, assumed that the baby has a "sucking schema."

Similarly, the grasping reflex which is elicited when something touches the palm of a baby's hand, or the rooting reflex, in which a baby will turn its head towards something which touches its cheek, are innate schemas. Shaking a rattle would be the combination of two schemas, grasping and shaking.

4. The Process of Adaptation

Piaget also believed that a child developed as a result of two different influences: maturation, and interaction with the environment. The child develops mental structures (schemata) which enables him to solve problems in the environment.

Adaptation is the process by which the child changes its mental models of the world to match more closely how the world actually is.

Adaptation is brought about by the processes of assimilation (solving new experiences using existing schemata) and accommodation (changing existing schemata in order to solve new experiences).

The importance of this viewpoint is that the child is seen as an active participant in its own development rather than a passive recipient of either biological influences (maturation) or environmental stimulation.

When our existing schemas can explain what we perceive around us, we are in a state of equilibration. However, when we meet a new situation that we cannot explain it creates disequilibrium, this is an unpleasant sensation which we try to escape, and this gives us the motivation to learn.

According to Piaget, reorganization to higher levels of thinking is not accomplished easily. The child must "rethink" his or her view of the world. An important step in the process is the experience of cognitive conflict.

In other words, the child becomes aware that he or she holds two contradictory views about a situation and they both cannot be true. This step is referred to as disequilibrium.

Jean Piaget (1952; see also Wadsworth, 2004) viewed intellectual growth as a process of adaptation (adjustment) to the world. This happens through assimilation, accommodation, and equilibration.

To get back to a state of equilibration, we need to modify our existing schemas to learn and adapt to the new situation.

This is done through the processes of accommodation and assimilation. This is how our schemas evolve and become more sophisticated. The processes of assimilation and accommodation are continuous and interactive.

5. Assimilation

Piaget defined assimilation as the cognitive process of fitting new information into existing cognitive schemas, perceptions, and understanding. Overall beliefs and understanding of the world do not change as a result of the new information.

Assimilation occurs when the new experience is not very different from previous experiences of a particular object or situation we assimilate the new situation by adding information to a previous schema.

This means that when you are faced with new information, you make sense of this information by referring to information you already have (information processed and learned previously) and trying to fit the new information into the information you already have.

Examples

1. Imagine a young child who has only ever seen small, domesticated dogs. When the child sees a cat for the first time, they might refer to it as a "dog" because it has four legs, fur, and a tail - features that fit their existing schema of a dog.

2. A person who has always believed that all birds can fly might label penguins as birds that can fly. This is because their existing schema or understanding of birds includes the ability to fly.

3. A 2-year-old child sees a man who is bald on top of his head and has long frizzy hair on the sides. To his father's horror, the toddler shouts "Clown, clown" (Siegler et al., 2003).

4. If a baby learns to pick up a rattle he or she will then use the same schema (grasping) to pick up other objects.

6. Accommodation

Accommodation: when the new experience is very different from what we have encountered before we need to change our schemas in a very radical way or create a whole new schema.

Psychologist Jean Piaget defined accommodation as the cognitive process of revising existing cognitive schemas, perceptions, and understanding so that new information can be incorporated.

This happens when the existing schema (knowledge) does not work, and needs to be changed to deal with a new object or situation.

In order to make sense of some new information, you actually adjust information you already have (schemas you already have, etc.) to make room for this new information.

Examples

1. A baby tries to use the same schema for grasping to pick up a very small object. It doesn't work. The baby then changes the schema by now using the forefinger and thumb to pick up the object.

2. A child may have a schema for birds (feathers, flying, etc.) and then they see a plane, which also flies, but would not fit into their bird schema.

3. In the "clown" incident, the boy's father explained to his son that the man was not a clown and that even though his hair was like a clown's, he wasn't wearing a funny costume and wasn't doing silly things to make people laugh. With this new knowledge, the boy was able to change his schema of "clown" and make this idea fit better to a standard concept of "clown".

4. A person who grew up thinking all snakes are dangerous might move to an area where garden snakes are common and harmless. Over time, after observing and learning, they might accommodate their previous belief to understand that not all snakes are harmful.

7. Equilibration

Piaget believed that all human thought seeks order and is uncomfortable with contradictions and inconsistencies in knowledge structures. In other words, we seek "equilibrium" in our cognitive structures.

Equilibrium occurs when a child's schemas can deal with most new information through assimilation. However, an unpleasant state of disequilibrium occurs when new information cannot be fitted into existing schemas (assimilation).

Piaget believed that cognitive development did not progress at a steady rate, but rather in leaps and bounds. Equilibration is the force which drives the learning process as we do not like to be frustrated and will seek to restore balance by mastering the new challenge (accommodation).

Once the new information is acquired the process of assimilation with the new schema will continue until the next time we need to make an adjustment to it.

Equilibration is a regulatory process that maintains a balance between assimilation and accommodation to facilitate cognitive growth. Think of it this way: We can't merely assimilate all the time; if we did, we would never learn any new concepts or principles.

Everything new we encountered would just get put in the same few "slots" we already had. Neither can we accommodate all the time; if we did, everything we encountered would seem new; there would be no recurring regularities in our world. We'd be exhausted by the mental effort!

Applications to Education

Think of old black and white films that you've seen in which children sat in rows at desks, with ink wells, would learn by rote, all chanting in unison in response to questions set by an authoritarian old biddy like Matilda!

Children who were unable to keep up were seen as slacking and would be punished by variations on the theme of corporal punishment. Yes, it really did happen and in some parts of the world still does today.

Piaget is partly responsible for the change that occurred in the 1960s and for your relatively pleasurable and pain-free school days!

"Children should be able to do their own experimenting and their own research. Teachers, of course, can guide them by providing appropriate materials, but the essential thing is that in order for a child to understand something, he must construct it himself, he must re-invent it. Every time we teach a child something, we keep him from inventing it himself. On the other hand that which we allow him to discover by himself will remain with him visibly".
Piaget (1972, p. 27)

Plowden Report

Piaget (1952) did not explicitly relate his theory to education, although later researchers have explained how features of Piaget's theory can be applied to teaching and learning.

Piaget has been extremely influential in developing educational policy and teaching practice. For example, a review of primary education by the UK government in 1966 was based strongly on Piaget's theory. The result of this review led to the publication of the Plowden Report (1967).

In the 1960s the Plowden Committee investigated the deficiencies in education and decided to incorporate many of Piaget's ideas into its final report published in 1967, even though Piaget's work was not really designed for education.

The report makes three Piaget-associated recommendations:

1. Children should be given individual attention and it should be realized that they need to be treated differently.

2. Children should only be taught things that they are capable of learning

3. Children mature at different rates and the teacher needs to be aware of the stage of development of each child so teaching can be tailored to their individual needs.

"The report's recurring themes are individual learning, flexibility in the curriculum, the centrality of play in children's learning, the use of the environment, learning by discovery and the importance of the evaluation of children's progress - teachers should "not assume that only what is measurable is valuable."

Discovery learning - the idea that children learn best through doing and actively exploring - was seen as central to the transformation of the primary school curriculum.

How to teach

Within the classroom learning should be student-centered and accomplished through active discovery learning. The role of the teacher is to facilitate learning, rather than direct tuition.

Because Piaget's theory is based upon biological maturation and stages, the notion of "readiness" is important. Readiness concerns when certain information or concepts should be taught.

According to Piaget's theory, children should not be taught certain concepts until they have reached the appropriate stage of cognitive development.

According to Piaget (1958), assimilation and accommodation require an active learner, not a passive one, because problem-solving skills cannot be taught, they must be discovered.

Therefore, teachers should encourage the following within the classroom:

1. Educational programs should be designed to correspond to Piaget's stages of development. Children in the concrete operational stage should be given concrete means to learn new concepts e.g. tokens for counting.

2. Devising situations that present useful problems, and create disequilibrium in the child.

3. Focus on the process of learning, rather than the end product of it. Instead of checking if children have the right answer, the teacher should focus on the student's understanding and the processes they used to get to the answer.

4. Child-centered approach. Learning must be active (discovery learning).
Children should be encouraged to discover for themselves and to interact with the material instead of being given ready-made knowledge.

5. Accepting that children develop at different rates so arrange activities for individual children or small groups rather than assume that all the children can cope with a particular activity.

6. Using active methods that require rediscovering or reconstructing "truths."

7. Using collaborative, as well as individual activities (so children can learn from each other).

8. Evaluate the level of the child's development so suitable tasks can be set.

9. Adapt lessons to suit the needs of the individual child (i.e. differentiated teaching).

10. Be aware of the child's stage of development (testing).

11. Teach only when the child is ready. i.e. has the child reached the appropriate stage.

12. Providing support for the "spontaneous research" of the child.

13. Using collaborative, as well as individual activities.

14. Devising situations that present useful problems, and create disequilibrium in the child.

15. Educators may use Piaget's stages to design age-appropriate assessment tools and strategies.

Classroom Activities

1. Sensorimotor Stage (0-2 years):
Although most kids in this age range are not in a traditional classroom setting, they can still benefit from games that stimulate their senses and motor skills.

2. Preoperational Stage (2-7 years):

Role Playing: Set up pretend play areas where children can act out different scenarios, such as a kitchen, hospital, or market.

Use of Symbols: Encourage drawing, building, and using props to represent other things.

Hands-on Activities: Children should interact physically with their environment, so provide plenty of opportunities for hands-on learning.

Egocentrism Activities: Use exercises that highlight different perspectives. For instance, having two children sit across from each other with an object in between and asking them what the other sees.

3. Concrete Operational Stage (7-11 years):

Classification Tasks: Provide objects or pictures to group, based on various characteristics.

Hands-on Experiments: Introduce basic science experiments where they can observe cause and effect, like a simple volcano with baking soda and vinegar.

Logical Games: Board games, puzzles, and logic problems help develop their thinking skills.

Conservation Tasks: Use experiments to showcase that quantity doesn't change with alterations in shape, such as the classic liquid conservation task using different shaped glasses.

4. Formal Operational Stage (11 years and older):

Hypothesis Testing: Encourage students to make predictions and test them out.

Abstract Thinking: Introduce topics that require abstract reasoning, such as algebra or ethical dilemmas.

Problem Solving: Provide complex problems and have students work on solutions, integrating various subjects and concepts.

Debate and Discussion: Encourage group discussions and debates on abstract topics, highlighting the importance of logic and evidence.

Feedback and Questioning: Use open-ended questions to challenge students and promote higher-order thinking. For instance, rather than asking, "Is this the right answer?", ask, "How did you arrive at this conclusion?"

Individual Differences

While Piaget's stages offer a foundational framework, they are not universally experienced in the same way by all children.

Social identities play a critical role in shaping cognitive development, necessitating a more nuanced and culturally responsive approach to understanding child development.

Piaget's stages may manifest differently based on social identities like race, gender, and culture:

Race & Teacher Interactions: A child's race can influence teacher expectations and interactions. For example, racial biases can lead to children of color being perceived as less capable or more disruptive, influencing their cognitive challenges and supports.

Racial and Cultural Stereotypes: These can affect a child's self-perception and self-efficacy. For instance, stereotypes about which racial or cultural groups are "better" at certain subjects can influence a child's self-confidence and, subsequently, their engagement in that subject.

Gender & Peer Interactions: Children learn gender roles from their peers. Boys might be mocked for playing "girl games," and girls might be excluded from certain activities, influencing their cognitive engagements.

Language: Multilingual children might navigate the stages differently, especially if their home language differs from their school language. The way concepts are framed in different languages can influence cognitive processing. Cultural idioms and metaphors can shape a child's understanding of concepts and their ability to use symbolic representation, especially in the pre-operational stage.

Curriculum Development

According to Piaget, children's cognitive development is determined by a process of maturation which cannot be altered by tuition so education should be stage-specific.

For example, a child in the concrete operational stage should not be taught abstract concepts and should be given concrete aid such as tokens to count with.

According to Piaget children learn through the process of accommodation and assimilation so the role of the teacher should be to provide opportunities for these processes to occur such as new material and experiences that challenge the children's existing schemas.

Furthermore, according to this theory, children should be encouraged to discover for themselves and to interact with the material instead of being given ready-made knowledge.

Curricula need to be developed that take into account the age and stage of thinking of the child. For example there is no point in teaching abstract concepts such as algebra or atomic structure to children in primary school.

Curricula also need to be sufficiently flexible to allow for variations in the ability of different students of the same age. In Britain, the National Curriculum and Key Stages broadly reflect the stages that Piaget laid down.

For example, egocentrism dominates a child's thinking in the sensorimotor and preoperational stages. Piaget would therefore predict that using group activities would not be appropriate since children are not capable of understanding the views of others.

However, Smith et al. (1998), point out that some children develop earlier than Piaget predicted and that by using group work children can learn to appreciate the views of others in preparation for the concrete operational stage.

The national curriculum emphasizes the need to use concrete examples in the primary classroom.

Shayer (1997), reported that abstract thought was necessary for success in secondary school (and co-developed the CASE system of teaching science). Recently the National curriculum has been updated to encourage the teaching of some abstract concepts towards the end of primary education, in preparation for secondary courses. (DfEE, 1999).

Child-centered teaching is regarded by some as a child of the 'liberal sixties.' In the 1980s the Thatcher government introduced the National Curriculum in an attempt to move away from this and bring more central government control into the teaching of children.

So, although the British National Curriculum in some ways supports the work of Piaget, (in that it dictates the order of teaching), it can also be seen as prescriptive to the point where it counters Piaget's child-oriented approach.

However, it does still allow for flexibility in teaching methods, allowing teachers to tailor lessons to the needs of their students.

Social Media (Digital Learning)

Jean Piaget could not have anticipated the expansive digital age we now live in.

Today, knowledge dissemination and creation are democratized by the Internet, with platforms like blogs, wikis, and social media allowing for vast collaboration and shared knowledge. This development has prompted a reimagining of the future of education.

Classrooms, traditionally seen as primary sites of learning, are being overshadowed by the rise of mobile technologies and platforms like MOOCs (Passey, 2013).

The millennial generation, defined as the first to grow up with cable TV, the internet, and cell phones, relies heavily on technology.

They view it as an integral part of their identity, with most using it extensively in their daily lives, from keeping in touch with loved ones to consuming news and entertainment (Nielsen, 2014).

Social media platforms offer a dynamic environment conducive to Piaget's principles. These platforms allow for interactions that nurture knowledge evolution through cognitive processes like assimilation and accommodation.

They emphasize communal interaction and shared activity, fostering both cognitive and socio-cultural constructivism. This shared activity promotes understanding and exploration beyond individual perspectives, enhancing social-emotional learning (Gehlbach, 2010).

A standout advantage of social media in an educational context is its capacity to extend beyond traditional classroom confines. As the material indicates, these platforms can foster more inclusive learning, bridging diverse learner groups.

This inclusivity can equalize learning opportunities, potentially diminishing biases based on factors like race or socio-economic status, resonating with Kegan's (1982) concept of "recruitability."

However, there are challenges. While the potential of social media in learning is vast, its practical application necessitates intention and guidance. Cuban, Kirkpatrick, and Peck (2001) note that certain educators and students are hesitant about integrating social media into educational contexts.

This hesitancy can stem from technological complexities or potential distractions. Yet, when harnessed effectively, social media can provide a rich environment for collaborative learning and interpersonal development, fostering a deeper understanding of content.

In essence, the rise of social media aligns seamlessly with constructivist philosophies. Social media platforms act as tools for everyday cognition, merging daily social interactions with the academic world, and providing avenues for diverse, interactive, and engaging learning experiences.

Applications to Parenting

Parents can use Piaget's stages to have realistic developmental expectations of their children's behavior and cognitive capabilities.

For instance, understanding that a toddler is in the pre-operational stage can help parents be patient when the child is egocentric.

Play Activities

Recognizing the importance of play in cognitive development, many parents provide toys and games suited for their child's developmental stage.

Parents can offer activities that are slightly beyond their child's current abilities, leveraging Vygotsky's concept of the "Zone of Proximal Development," which complements Piaget's ideas.

Critical Evaluation

The influence of Piaget's ideas on developmental psychology has been enormous. He changed how people viewed the child's world and their methods of studying children.

He was an inspiration to many who came after and took up his ideas. Piaget's ideas have generated a huge amount of research which has increased our understanding of cognitive development.

Piaget (1936) was one of the first psychologists to make a systematic study of cognitive development. His contributions include a stage theory of child cognitive development, detailed observational studies of cognition in children, and a series of simple but ingenious tests to reveal different cognitive abilities.

His ideas have been of practical use in understanding and communicating with children, particularly in the field of education (re: Discovery Learning). Piaget's theory has been applied across education.

According to Piaget's theory, educational programs should be designed to correspond to the stages of development.

Criticisms

Are the stages real? Vygotsky and Bruner would rather not talk about stages at all, preferring to see development as a continuous process. Others have queried the age ranges of the stages. Some studies have shown that progress to the formal operational stage is not guaranteed.

For example, Keating (1979) reported that 40-60% of college students fail at formal operation tasks, and Dasen (1994) states that only one-third of adults ever reach the formal operational stage.

The fact that the formal operational stage is not reached in all cultures and not all individuals within cultures suggests that it might not be biologically based.

According to Piaget, the rate of cognitive development cannot be accelerated as it is based on biological processes however, direct tuition can speed up the development which suggests that it is not entirely based on biological factors.

Because Piaget concentrated on the universal stages of cognitive development and biological maturation, he failed to consider the effect that the social setting and culture may have on cognitive development.

Cross-cultural studies show that the stages of development (except the formal operational stage) occur in the same order in all cultures suggesting that cognitive development is a product of a biological process of maturation.

However, the age at which the stages are reached varies between cultures and individuals which suggests that social and cultural factors and individual differences influence cognitive development.

Dasen (1994) cites studies he conducted in remote parts of the central Australian desert with 8-14-year-old Indigenous Australians. He gave them conservation of liquid tasks and spatial awareness tasks. He found that the ability to conserve came later in the Aboriginal children, between ages of 10 and 13 (as opposed to between 5 and 7, with Piaget's Swiss sample).

However, he found that spatial awareness abilities developed earlier amongst the Aboriginal children than the Swiss children. Such a study demonstrates cognitive development is not purely dependent on maturation but on cultural factors too - spatial awareness is crucial for nomadic groups of people.

Vygotsky, a contemporary of Piaget, argued that social interaction is crucial for cognitive development. According to Vygotsky the child's learning always occurs in a social context in cooperation with someone more skillful (MKO). This social interaction provides language opportunities and Vygotsky considered language the foundation of thought.

Piaget's methods (observation and clinical interviews) are more open to biased interpretation than other methods. Piaget made careful, detailed naturalistic observations of children, and from these, he wrote diary descriptions charting their development. He also used clinical interviews and observations of older children who were able to understand questions and hold conversations.

Because Piaget conducted the observations alone the data collected are based on his own subjective interpretation of events. It would have been more reliable if Piaget conducted the observations with another researcher and compared the results afterward to check if they are similar (i.e., have inter-rater reliability).

Although clinical interviews allow the researcher to explore data in more depth, the interpretation of the interviewer may be biased.

For example, children may not understand the question/s, they have short attention spans, they cannot express themselves very well, and may be trying to please the experimenter. Such methods meant that Piaget may have formed inaccurate conclusions.

As several studies have shown Piaget underestimated the abilities of children because his tests were sometimes confusing or difficult to understand (e.g., Hughes, 1975).

Piaget failed to distinguish between competence (what a child is capable of doing) and performance (what a child can show when given a particular task). When tasks were altered, performance (and therefore competence) was affected. Therefore, Piaget might have underestimated children's cognitive abilities.

For example, a child might have object permanence (competence) but still not be able to search for objects (performance). When Piaget hid objects from babies he found that it wasn't till after nine months that they looked for it.

However, Piaget relied on manual search methods - whether the child was looking for the object or not.

Later, researchers such as Baillargeon and Devos (1991) reported that infants as young as four months looked longer at a moving carrot that didn't do what it expected, suggesting they had some sense of permanence, otherwise they wouldn't have had any expectation of what it should or shouldn't do.

The concept of schema is incompatible with the theories of Bruner (1966) and Vygotsky (1978). Behaviorism would also refute Piaget's schema theory because is cannot be directly observed as it is an internal process. Therefore, they would claim it cannot be objectively measured.

Piaget studied his own children and the children of his colleagues in Geneva to deduce general principles about the intellectual development of all children. His sample was very small and composed solely of European children from families of high socio-economic status. Researchers have, therefore, questioned the generalisability of his data.

For Piaget, language is considered secondary to action, i.e., thought precedes language. The Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky (1978) argues that the development of language and thought go together and that the origin of reasoning has more to do with our ability to communicate with others than with our interaction with the material world.

Piaget maintains that cognitive development stems largely from independent explorations in which children construct knowledge of their own.

Whereas Vygotsky argues that children learn through social interactions, building knowledge by learning from more knowledgeable others such as peers and adults. In other words, Vygotsky believed that culture affects cognitive development.

These factors lead to differences in the education style they recommend: Piaget would argue for the teacher to provide opportunities that challenge the children's existing schemas and for children to be encouraged to discover for themselves.

Alternatively, Vygotsky would recommend that teachers assist the child to progress through the zone of proximal development by using scaffolding.

However, both theories view children as actively constructing their own knowledge of the world; they are not seen as just passively absorbing knowledge.

They also agree that cognitive development involves qualitative changes in thinking, not only a matter of learning more things.

FAQs

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Piaget's Stages: 4 Stages of Cognitive Development & Theory

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Jean Piaget's Stages of Cognitive Development outlines four stages (sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, formal operational) in a child's cognitive development from infancy to adolescence.

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photo via bloomize.com
This origami heart is too easy not to make for your Valentines this year! All you need is a square piece of paper. I remember making these through some of the classes I should have paid attention to in school.

1. Use a square piece of paper.
2. Fold in half. Crease.
3. Half again. Crease.
4. Open up.
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6. Turn over. Fold up triangular edges.
7. Turn over.
8. Bring point C to the top.
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10. Use finger to make an opening.
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photo via bloomize.com
Source: bloomize.com

Bonus - Couple other DIY origami hearts: Origami Heart with Wings & Easy Origami Heart

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photo via bloomize.com This origami heart is too easy not to make for your Valentines this year! All you need is a square piece of paper. I remember making these through some of the classes I should have paid attention to in school. 1. Use a square piece of paper.

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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT, PART 1 - ppt video online download

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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development

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Topik 2 Perkembangan Fizikal Kanak-kanak

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Topik 2 Perkembangan Fizikal Kanak-kanak

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Topik 2 PERKEMBANGAN FIZIKAL KANAK-KANAK.ppt

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child development first five years chart.docx