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This application used with the Oculus Quest is something that I will be using with my students next school year. They will virtually explore anatomy by being able to explore the human body in the virtual world. The cost of the technology is high. The yearly teacher subscription is not bad for a yearly membership. Many of my students in other classes are very engaged when we use this technology.

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The most advanced anatomical platform for virtual reality is finally here on Oculus Quest! We are happy to announce that the Hand Tracking is now supported as experimental feature. Virtual Medicine has created the most advanced, multi-award-winning medical anatomy platform crossing Virtual Reality (VR), Mixed Reality (MR), and Augmented Reality (AR) for medical education.

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3D models of the Anatomy - Biodigital
Human Anatomy resource - Acland Anatomy

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NEWS

February-2021

As promised, Poke-A-Muscle has been updated from the now retired flash, to the web-friendly HTML5 format. Whether you're on a laptop or a touchscreen, PAM is back and ready to take your muscle recall to the instinctive level.

We are very relieved to have finally remade both of Anatomy Arcade's signature games. It will be an ongoing process to remake the jigsaws and crosswords. The agenda for the next couple of months is to expand WAB to include the lead-up levels (ARM, LEG, CORE). Back to work!

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Anatomy Arcade makes basic human anatomy come ALIVE through awesome games, interactives and videos.

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Respiratory System * Anatomy, Parts & Functions

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An online study guide covering essential facts about the structure and function of the respiratory system using interactive animations and diagrams. Want to learn how does the respiratory system works? Click to start now!

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Principle structures of the Ventilatory system

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Principle structures of the Ventilatory system

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Principle Stuctures of the Ventilatory System by jabazpeitia on Genially

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Discover more about Principle Stuctures of the Ventilatory System ✌️ - Interactive Image

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Leucocytes

Erythrocytes

Platelets

In charge of transfering oxygen all over the body

Repair from injury

Protect the body from infection

Match the name and function

Left Ventricle

Left Atrium

Right Ventricle

Right Atrium

Aorta

Pulmonary Artery

Pulmonary Veins

Vena Cava

Pulmonary

Aortic

Tricuspid

Bicuspid

The Nervous System

Central Nervous System

Peripheral Nervous System

Brain & Spinal Cord

Autonomic Nervous System

Somatic Nervous System

Skeletal Muscles

Sympathetic Nervous System

Parasympathetic NervousSystem

Blood Vessels, glands,internal organs

Cardiac Conduction System

Step 1

Step 3

Step 2

SANode

AV Node

AV Bundle

Purkinje Fibers

Ventricles

Outer surface of the heart

Step 4

Step 5

Step 6

Place them in order

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Cardiovascular System Virtual Workbook by jabazpeitia on Genially

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Leucocytes Erythrocytes Platelets In charge of transfering oxygen all over the body Repair from injury Protect the body from infection Match the name and function Left Ventricle Left Atrium Right Ventricle Right Atrium Aorta Pulmonary Artery Pulmonary Veins Vena Cava Pulmonary Aortic Tricuspid Bicuspid The Nervous System Central Nervous System

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https://media.hhmi.org/biointeractive/vlabs/cardiology2/

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https://www.myfitnesspal.com/

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https://www.simbucket.com/combuilder/

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Google Form
https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1wHKpEdGT1-h5sJbnmKlv6PlaEFiSCZdBUV7E23TtFdg/copy

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Muscle Excitation by the Neuromuscular Junction

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Muscle Excitation by the Neuromuscular Junction

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explorelearning.com
Great for 4.3 and some anatomy sim labs as well.

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I made this presentation on types of joint movement that and it has a simulation in there where they can see the planes.

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I made this presentation on types of joint movement that and it has a simulation in there where they can see the planes.

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joints & movement

Two axis of rotation

BIAXIAL

Bone slide in relation to each other (no axes of rotation)

NON-AXIAL

Three axis of rotation

TRIAXIAL

Movement around one axis

UNIAXIAL

Synovial Joints

4 Axes of Rotattion

Example:-Elbow & Pivot Joints-Radioulnar

Example:-Carpal Bones

Example:-Base of thumb

Example:-Hip

INFO

INFO

The frontal plane (cuts thebody front from back)The sagittal or medianplane (cuts the body leftfrom right)The transverse plane (cutsthe body top from bottom)

Why are planes important?-Help us reference the motion of the joints & the whole body-3 Fundamental axes of rotation:1.Anteroposterior axis ( going from front to back)2. Transverse axis (going from left to right)3.Vertical axis (going from top to bottom)*It is possible to move in a combination of two or more of these planes!

Flexion

Extension

Abduction

Adduction

Pronation

Supination

Elevation

Depression

Rotation

Circumduction

Dorsi Flexion

Plantar FLexion

Types of Movements of the synovial Joint

Eversion

Inversion

Flexion

Closing of the joint angle around the transverse axis at the joint

Extension

Opening of the joint angle around the transverse axis at the joint

Abduction

Opening of the joint angle around the anteroposterior axis at the joint

Adduction

Closing of the joint angle around the anteroposterior axis at the joint

Pronation

Medial Rotation of the radioulnar joint. (NOT the wrist joint)

Supination

Lateral Rotation of the radioulnar joint. (NOT the wrist joint)

Elevation

Movement of superior direction

Depression

Movement of inferior direction

Rotation

-Lateral Rotation: The anterior surface of the moving bone moves towards the lateral (outside) aspect of the body.-Medial Rotation:The anterior surface of the moving bone moves towards the medial (inside) aspect of the body

Circumduction

movement of the limb, hand, or fingers in a circular pattern, using the sequential combination of flexion, adduction, extension, and abduction motions

Dorsi Flexion

Flexion of the ankle joint

Plantar Flexion

Extension of the ankle joint

Eversion

Rotation away from the Medial plane of the ankle joint

Inversion

Rotation toward the Medial plane of the ankle joint

Muscle CONTRACTIONS

01

ISOTONIC

02

ISOMETRIC

03

ISOKINETIC

04

CONCENTRIC

05

ECCENTRIC

eccentric and concentriccontractions are sometimes known as isotonic contractions (meaning "same tension" or "same force") because the force remains constant during the movement of the body segment affected by the muscle. The joint angle/muscle length are changed.

The muscle shortens while developing tension

if the musclecontracts, but the rotational effect ofthe muscle force is exactly equal tothat provided by the resistance, thenthe muscle will not physically shortenalthough it will be contracted. The joint angle & muscle length remain stable.

when a muscle contracts so that thebody segment to which it is attached moves at a constantspeed around the joint. Very rare in sport andexercise.

The muscle lengthenswhile developing tension.

&

Agonist

(mover) - the muscle contracts concentrically to move the bone relative to the joint. The muscle shortens and the muscle torque is greater than any resistance torque. Levels include prime, assistant or emergency.

Antagonist

if a muscle contracts eccentrically, then it is often acting as an antagonist for the joint action so it acts in the opposite direction to its usual concentric function and gets longer even though it is contracting.

You should be abel

to analyze movements based on joint & muscle

For example, during the upward motion of abicep curl the joint action is flexion.The bicepcontracts concentrically while the tricep relaxeseccentrically.

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Joints & Movement by jabazpeitia on Genially

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joints & movement Two axis of rotation BIAXIAL Bone slide in relation to each other (no axes of rotation) NON-AXIAL Three axis of rotation TRIAXIAL Movement around one axis UNIAXIAL Synovial Joints 4 Axes of Rotattion Example:-Elbow & Pivot Joints-Radioulnar Example:-Carpal Bones Example:-Base of thumb Example:-Hip INFO INFO The frontal plane (cuts thebody front from back)The sagittal or medianplane (cuts the body leftfrom right)The transverse plane (cutsthe body top from bottom) Why are planes important?-Help us reference the motion of the joints & the whole body-3 Fundamental axes of rotation:1.Anteroposterior axis ( going from front to back)2.

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Joint Movement Analysis Workbook by jabazpeitia on Genially

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Discover more about Joint Movement Analysis Workbook ✌️ - Interactive Image

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Excellent video on human athleticism compared to other animals. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cI6aFO8svqA

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NOVA's Marathon Challenge is an excellent documentary that follows a group of 40 from training to completion of Boston Marathon. The researchers look at change in VO2 Max, muscle size, endurance, heart function, etc. 

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NOVA's Marathon Challenge is an excellent documentary that follows a group of 40 from training to completion of Boston Marathon. The researchers look at change in VO2 Max, muscle size, endurance, heart function, etc. 

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https://docs.google.com/document/d/1rrsgpEWXRfxiX2BxUVlZajagu44I1yn3zhAPyvUQIUc/copy

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I found Medlineplus website very helpful

https://medlineplus.gov/ency/article/007165.htm#:~:text=Physical%20activity%20may%20help%20flush,system%20cells%20that%20fight%20disease.

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Decreased T3, T4 concentration in blood

Hypothalamus releases THR

Anterior Pituitary releases TSH

TSH

Thyroid follicles release T3 & T4

Increased T3, & T4 concentration in the blood

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Negative Feedback Loop by jabazpeitia on Genially

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Decreased T3, T4 concentration in blood Hypothalamus releases THR Anterior Pituitary releases TSH TSH Thyroid follicles release T3 & T4 Increased T3, & T4 concentration in the blood

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Endocrine

The

System

lETS TAKe a closer look

-It is located in the brain above the pituitary gland, about the size of an almond-Main function is to release hormones to control the activity of the pituitary gland by simulating or inhibiting activity.-Examples of hormones: TRH, GHRH, PRH, Dopamine, etc.

Where the production of testosterone occurs, which is a required hormone for male reproductive organs to mature.This includes, deeper voice, facial hair, growth in height, muscle mass, and sperm production

Butterfly shaped gland, helps produce hormones that regulate metabolism, energy usage, oxygen consumption, and heat production.Produces T3 & T4, these are regulated by they hypothalamus and pituitary gland-Parathyroid glands are found behind the thyroid: Help regulate calcium levels in our bodies with the PTH hormone.

Location of the production of insulin (take up glucose) and glucagon (break down glycogen to release glucose). This is where other hormones are produces that stimulate digestion.

Located deep within the brain, produces melatonin which regulates your sleep and awake cycles.Light inhibits the production, and darkness increases the release of melatoninMelatonin is also in charge of regulating reproductive cycles.

It is the master gland that produces many hormones that control other organs of the body.It is influenced by the hypothalamusThere is a posterior and anterior pituitary and each one has a different role.Posterior: Aids the hypothalamus in releasing oxytocin, and ADHAnterior: Production of the following hormones: GH, TSH, FSH, LH, etc.

Found in females, aids in the production of estrogen and progesterone.Estrogen: stimulates breast development, fat gain, and during puberty the development of reproductive organs.Progesterone: Simulates menstrual and ovule cycles.

Lay above the kidneys, this is where adrenaline is released during stressful situations. Aldosterone is also produced which helps with the regulation of blood pressure.

Only active during puberty, produces thymosin which stimulates the production of T-Cells (White blood cells). It also trains the body to not have autoimmune diseases (it works sometimes)

Circulating and Local

Hormones

Release of most hormones occurs in short bursts, although some are secreted over longer periods of time in order to stimulate permanent changes to the body

Circulating hormones travel around the body in the blood. Examples include adrenaline and testosterone.

Local hormones act on neighbouring cellswithout entering the bloodstream and are usually inactivated quickly. Examples include glucagonand serotonin.

Hormones affect only specific target cells by (chemically) binding to specific receptors.

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The Endocrine System Location by jabazpeitia on Genially

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Endocrine The System lETS TAKe a closer look -It is located in the brain above the pituitary gland, about the size of an almond-Main function is to release hormones to control the activity of the pituitary gland by simulating or inhibiting activity.-Examples of hormones: TRH, GHRH, PRH, Dopamine, etc.

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Free-Body Diagram by jabazpeitia on Genially

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Discover more about Free-Body Diagram ✌️ - Interactive Image

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Icarus Sport documentary about a uncover person who seeks for the truth about doping in sports.

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I use a site called genially to make interactive practice items https://www.genial.ly/en
Here is an example of practicing skin system anatomy

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Skin System Anatomy by jabazpeitia on Genially

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Discover more about Skin System Anatomy ✌️ - Interactive Image

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To all of our Coach's Eye customers. It has been an absolute honor to serve you over the past 11 years. Your passion and experience for your craft is truly unmatched and extremely inspiring. It was a pleasure of a lifetime to go on this Coach's Eye journey with you. Now we wish you nothing but success as you continue your journey.

If you have any other questions regarding the retirement of Coach's Eye that are not answered in the FAQ, please

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To all of our Coach's Eye customers. It has been an absolute honor to serve you over the past 11 years. Your passion and experience for your craft is truly unmatched and extremely inspiring. It was a pleasure of a lifetime to go on this Coach's Eye journey with you.

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Just for fun after discussing why the other rxn time activities weren't good ideas ;)

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Just for fun after discussing why the other rxn time activities weren't good ideas ;)

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https://www.justpark.com/creative/reaction-time-test/

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https://sciencetrek.org/sciencetrek/topics/skeletons/games.cfm

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Interactive

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Zygote Body 3D Anatomy Online Visualizer | Human Anatomy 3D

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Zygote Body is a free online 3D anatomy atlas. View, isolate, and learn human anatomy structures with Zygote Body.

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Bone Strength Lab with paper

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https://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1GGB24jlie1Ma69t1xaUYSV7ex0BoeLlSdQS-lOfdVV0/copy

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Investigating the Effects of Temperature on Muscle Function

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Investigating the Effects of Temperature on Muscle Function

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https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ulJCzoCeHQ_Vqeh2FnrmSb6VN488jdvxWhjTRz6mx-k/copy

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Another cool website that lets you make interactive worksheets and its free 

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Another cool website that lets you make interactive worksheets and its free 

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https://wizer.me/
Here is an example of one I made on genetic screening

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Genetic Screening | Interactive Worksheet by Jabeth Azpeitia | Wizer.me

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Wizer.me free interactive worksheet - Genetic Screening by teacher Jabeth Azpeitia

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Understanding and enhancing motivation is one of the most popular areas of research in psychology, as well as sport and exercise psychology. In psychology and sport psychology, this research has primarily addressed the role of motivation in individual lives, especially when addressing motivation in achievement contexts. Motivation has usually taken the form of managing the motivation of others, which is often the concern of the parent, the teacher, or the coach, or of managing one's own motivation.

It has been argued (e.g., Roberts, 2001) that the term motivation is overused and vague. There are at least 32 theories of motivation that have their own definition of the construct (Ford, 1992), and there are almost as many definitions as there are theorists (Pinder, 1984). It is defined so broadly by some as to incorporate the whole field of psychology, and so narrowly by others as to be almost useless as an organizing construct. The solution for most has been to abandon the term and use descriptions of cognitive processes, such as self-regulation and self-systems, processes such as personal goals and goal setting, or emotional processes. However, most contemporary theorists agree on the important assumption that motivation is not an entity, but a process (e.g., Maehr & Braskamp, 1986). To understand motivation, we must make an attempt to understand the process of motivation and the constructs that drive the process.

Understanding Motivation And Achievement Behavior

Motivational processes can be defined by the psychological constructs that energize, direct, and regulate achievement behavior. Motivation theories may be viewed as being on a continuum ranging from deterministic to mechanistic to organismic to cognitive (for a more extensive treatment of motivation theories, see Ford, 1992; Weiner, 1972). Deterministic and mechanistic theories view humans as passive and driven by psychological needs or drives. Organismic theories acknowledge innate needs but also recognize that a dialectic occurs between the organism and the social context. Cognitive theories view humans as active and initiating action through subjective interpretation of the achievement context. Contemporary theories tend to be organismic or social-cognitive and are based on more dynamic and sophisticated conceptions that assume the human is an active participant in decision making and in planning achievement behavior (e.g., Bandura, 1986; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Kuhl, 1986; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980; Nicholls, 1989). Although organismic approaches are experiencing a resurgence in the literature (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, in press), the majority of motivation research in physical activity contexts over the past 30 years has adopted a social-cognitive approach (e.g., Duda, 1992, 2001; Duda & Hall, 2001; Duda & Whitehead, 1998; Roberts, 1984, 1992, 2001; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1997). Specifically, the motivation theory that has emerged as the most popular in sport and physical activity contexts is achievement goal theory. In 1998, Duda and Whitehead identified 135 research studies reported in the 1990s, yet just 2 years later Brunel (2000) identified 160 studies. As we go to press, the number stands at over 200!

Accordingly, in this article we take a generally socialcognitive perspective, where achievement may be defined as the attainment of a personally or socially valued achievement goal that has meaning for the person in a physical activity context (e.g., losing weight, improving a skill, defeating an opponent). Achievement is subjectively defined, and success or failure in obtaining the goal is a subjective state based on the participant's assessment of the outcome of the achievement behavior (e.g., Maehr & Nicholls, 1980; Spink & Roberts, 1981).

Achievement Goal Theory In Sport And Physical Activity

The history of achievement goal theory (in general and in sport) has been reviewed in several other publications (e.g., Duda, 2005; Duda & Hall, 2001; Roberts, 2001; Roberts et al., 1997), so the present chapter focuses on identifying key constructs, tenets, and limitations of the theory, reviewing empirical support, and presenting recent proposals for expanding or restructuring the approach.

Achievement goal theory assumes that the individual is an intentional, goal-directed organism who operates in a rational manner, and that achievement goals govern achievement beliefs and guide subsequent decision making and behavior in achievement contexts. It is argued that to understand the motivation of individuals, the function and meaning of the achievement behavior to the individual must be taken into account and the goal of action understood. Individuals give meaning to their achievement behavior through the goals they adopt. It is these goals that reflect the purposes of achievement striving. Once adopted, the achievement goal determines the integrated pattern of beliefs that undergird approach and avoidance strategies, the differing engagement levels, and the differing responses to achievement outcomes. By so recognizing the importance of the meaning of behavior, it becomes clear that there may be multiple goals of action, not one (Maehr & Braskamp, 1986). Thus, variation of achievement behavior may not be the manifestation of high or low motivation per se, or the satisfaction of needs, but the expression of different perceptions of appropriate goals with their attendant constellation of cognitions. An individual's investment of personal resources, such as effort, talent, and time, in an activity is dependent on the achievement goal of the individual.

The overall goal of action in achievement goal theory, thereby becoming the conceptual energizing force, is assumed to be the desire to develop and demonstrate competence and to avoid demonstrating incompetence. The demonstration and development of competence is the energizing construct of the motivational processes of achievement goal theory. But competence has more than one meaning. One of Nicholls's (1984) conceptual contributions was to argue that more than one conception of ability exists, and that achievement goals and behavior may differ depending on the conception of ability held by the person. Nicholls argued that two conceptions of ability (at least) are manifest in achievement contexts, namely, an undifferentiated concept of ability, where ability and effort are not differentiated by the individual, either because he or she is not capable of differentiating, as is the case with young children, or because the individual chooses not to differentiate; and a differentiated concept of ability, where ability and effort are differentiated (Nicholls, 1984, 1989).

Nicholls (1976, 1978, 1980) argued that children originally possess an undifferentiated conception of ability in which they are not able to differentiate the concepts of luck, task difficulty, and effort from ability. From this undifferentiated perspective, children associate ability with learning through effort, so that the more effort one puts forth, the more learning (and ability) one achieves. Following a series of experiments, Nicholls (1978; Nicholls & Miller, 1983, 1984a, 1984b) determined that by the age of 12 children are able to differentiate luck, task difficulty, and effort from ability, enabling a differentiated perspective. When utilizing this differentiated perspective, children begin to see ability as capacity and that the demonstration of competence involves outperforming others. In terms of effort, high ability is inferred when outperforming others while expending equal or less effort or performing equal to others while expending less effort.

Individuals will approach a task or activity with certain goals of action reflecting their personal perceptions and beliefs about the particular achievement activity in which they are engaged and the form of ability they wish to demonstrate (Dennett, 1978; Nicholls, 1984, 1989). The conception of ability they employ and the ways they interpret their performance can be understood in terms of these perceptions and beliefs. These perceptions and beliefs form a personal theory of achievement at the activity (Nicholls, 1989; Roberts, 2001; Roberts et al., 1997), which reflects the individual's perception of how things work in achievement situations. The adopted personal theory of achievement affects one's beliefs about how to achieve success and avoid failure at the activity. Therefore, people will differ in which of the conceptions of ability and criteria of success and failure they use, and in how they use them, based on their personal theory of achievement.

The two conceptions of ability thereby become the source of the criteria by which individuals assess success and failure. The goals of action are to meet the criteria by which success and failure are assessed. Nicholls (1989) identifies achievement behavior utilizing the undifferentiated conception of ability as task involvement and achievement behavior utilizing the differentiated conception of ability as ego involvement. When the individual is task involved, the goal of action is to develop mastery, improvement, or learning, and the demonstration of ability is self-referenced. Success is realized when mastery or improvement has been attained. The goal of action for an ego-involved individual, on the other hand, is to demonstrate ability relative to others or to outperform others, making ability other-referenced. Success is realized when the performance of others is exceeded, especially when expending less effort than others (Nicholls, 1984, 1989).

In this article, when we refer to the motivated state of involvement of the individual, we use the terms ego involvement and task involvement to be consistent with Nicholls's use of the terms. In addition, when we refer to individual differences (e.g., self-schemas, personal theories of achievement, dispositions), we use the terms task orientation and ego orientation. Other motivation theorists (e.g., Dweck, 1986; Dweck & Legget, 1988; Elliot, 1997; Maehr & Braskamp, 1986) have used different terms to describe the same phenomena. When we refer to the situational determinants of motivation, the achievement cues inherent in the context, and the schemas emerging from achievement situations, we are consistent with Ames (1984a, 1992a, 1992b, 1992c) and refer to the task-involving aspect of the context as mastery criteria and the ego-involving aspect of the context as performance criteria. Finally, when we refer to the competence goals defined by Elliot (e.g., 1997) and colleagues, we use the terms mastery and performance goals.

Whether one is engaged in a state of ego or task involvement is dependent on one's dispositional orientation, as well as the perception of achievement cues in the context (Nicholls, 1989). Let us consider first two levels of individual differences: the state of goal involvement and the goal orientation.

States of Goal Involvement

Each of the theories of achievement goal motivation proffered by the major theorists (e.g., Ames, 1984a, 1984b, 1992a, 1992b, 1992c; Dweck, 1986; Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Elliot, 1997; Maehr & Braskamp, 1986; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980; Nicholls, 1984, 1989) hold that important relationships exist between the states of goal involvement and achievement striving. According to Nicholls, if the person is task-involved, the conception of ability is undifferentiated and perceived ability becomes less relevant, as the individual is trying to demonstrate or develop mastery at the task rather than demonstrate normative ability. As the individual is trying to demonstrate mastery or improvement, the achievement behaviors will be adaptive in that the individual is more likely to persist in the face of failure, to exert effort, to select challenging tasks, and to be interested in the task (Dweck, 1986; Nicholls, 1984, 1989; Roberts, 1984, 1992; Roberts et al., 1997). On the other hand, if the individual is ego-involved, the conception of ability is differentiated and perceived ability is relevant, as the individual is trying to demonstrate normative ability, or avoid demonstrating inability, and how his or her ability fares with comparative others becomes important.

If the individual is ego-involved and perceives himself or herself as high in ability, that person is likely to approach the task and engage in adaptive achievement behaviors. These are the people who seek competitive contests and want to demonstrate superiority. When perceived ability is high, demonstrating high normative ability is likely; therefore the individual is motivated to persist and demonstrate that competence to pertinent others. If one can demonstrate ability with little effort, however, this is evidence of even higher ability. Thus, the ego-involved person is inclined to use the least amount of effort to realize the goal of action (Nicholls, 1984, 1992; Roberts, 1984; Roberts et al., 1997).

On the other hand, if the perception of ability is low, the individual will realize that ability is not likely to be demonstrated, and he or she is likely to manifest maladaptive achievement behaviors (Nicholls, 1989). Maladaptive behaviors are avoiding the task, avoiding challenge, reducing persistence in the face of difficulty, exerting little effort, and, in sport, dropping out if achievement of desired goals appears difficult. These are the people who avoid competitive contests, as their lack of high normative ability is likely to be exposed. Although the participant may view these avoidance behaviors as adaptive because they disguise a lack of ability, they are considered maladaptive in terms of achievement behavior.

It has been argued (e.g., Duda & Hall, 2001; Roberts, 2001; Treasure et al., 2001) that the states of involvement are mutually exclusive (i.e., one is either ego or task involved), even though this notion has been questioned in light of parallel processing models of information processing (Harwood & Hardy, 2001). Goal states are very dynamic and can change from moment to moment as information is processed (Gernigon, d'Arripe-Longueville, Delignières, & Ninot, 2004). An athlete may begin a task with strong task-involved motivation, but contextual events may make the athlete wish to demonstrate superiority to others, and so the athlete becomes ego-involved in the task. Thus, goal states are dynamic and ebb and flow depending on the perception of the athlete.

The measurement of goal states is a particularly challenging task. It has been done in three ways. One has been to take an existing goal orientation measure and reword the stem to obtain a state measure (e.g., Hall & Kerr, 1997; Williams, 1998). A second has been to use single-item measures asking participants to indicate whether they focus on achieving a personal standard of performance (self-referenced) or beating others in an upcoming contest (other-referenced; e.g., Harwood & Swain, 1998). The third way is to ask participants to view video replays of the event and retrospectively reflect on their goal involvement at any one point in the contest (e.g., J. Smith & Harwood, 2001). Although the first two procedures may be more predictive of the initial state of involvement than the orientation measures per se (Duda, 2001), Duda has argued that these procedures may not capture the essence of task and ego involvement. In addition, it may be argued that because the states are so dynamic, even if you are able to reflect the state of involvement at the outset of the competition, as the state of involvement ebbs and flows as task and competitive information is processed, we have no indication of the changes that may occur (Roberts, 2001). It is naive and conceptually inconsistent to assume that the state of involvement will remain stable throughout the contest.

The best way of estimating the state of involvement currently available is the procedure used by J. Smith and Harwood (2001). At least we obtain participants' observations of their goal involvement at different times of the contest. This is a superior procedure to determine goal involvement that takes into consideration its dynamic nature. However, this procedure is very labor-intensive; it has to be done with each participant over the course of the contest.

Clearly, the development of an assessment procedure for the state of goal involvement is a major task, especially when one recognizes that achievement goal theory is predicated on one's task or ego involvement in the achievement task. As has been the case with measuring state anxiety, obtaining repeated measures while an athlete is engaged in competition is a practical nightmare. And we have to recognize that repetitive assessments of goal involvement during a competitive encounter may have the effect of changing an athlete's goal involvement state (Duda, 2001)! Certainly, forcing task-involved athletes to consider why they are doing what they are doing may make them more self-aware and ego-involved in the task. To reduce the likelihood of this happening, the retrospective recall strategy of J. Smith and Harwood (2001) is clearly the better procedure, despite its disadvantages.

Goal Orientations

It is assumed that individuals are predisposed (e.g., by their personal theory of achievement) to act in an egoor taskinvolved manner; these predispositions are called achievement goal orientations. Individual differences in the disposition to be egoor task-involved may be the result of socialization through taskor ego-involving contexts in the home or experiences in significant achievement contexts (e.g., classrooms, physical activities; Nicholls, 1989; Roberts et al., 1997).

Goal orientations are not to be viewed as traits or based on needs. Rather, they are cognitive schemas that are dynamic and subject to change as information pertaining to one's performance on the task is processed. But the orientations do have some stability over time (Duda & Whitehead, 1998; Roberts, Treasure, & Balague, 1998). These self-cognitions are assumed to be relatively enduring. As examples, Dweck (1986) considers that one's theory of intelligence is relatively stable, and Nicholls (1984) considers one's conceptualization of ability to be stable as well. Thus, being taskor ego-oriented refers to the inclination of the individual to be taskor ego-involved.

To measure goal orientations, researchers have typically created questionnaires that are assumed to assess ego and task goal orientations (e.g., Nicholls, Patashnik, & Nolen, 1985). Although Dweck and her colleagues (e.g., Dweck & Leggett, 1988) conceptualize and measure achievement goals as dichotomous, it has been more usual for researchers to assume that the two goals are conceptually orthogonal and to measure them accordingly (Duda & Whitehead, 1998; Nicholls et al., 1985; Roberts et al., 1998).

Nicholls (1989) has argued that to assess personal achievement goals, individuals should be asked about the criteria that make them feel successful in a given situation, rather than noting their definition of competence. In line with this suggestion, Roberts and colleagues (Roberts & Balague, 1989; Roberts et al., 1998; Treasure & Roberts, 1994b) have developed the Perception of Success Questionnaire (POSQ), and Duda and colleagues (Duda & Nicholls, 1992; Duda & Whitehead, 1998) have developed the Task and Ego Orientation in Sport Questionnaire (TEOSQ). Both have demonstrated acceptable reliability and construct validity (Duda & Whitehead, 1998; Marsh, 1994; Roberts et al., 1998). Although other scales exist, the POSQ and the TEOSQ best meet the conceptual criteria of measuring orthogonal achievement goals in sport (Duda & Whitehead, 1998). When developing scales in the future, the constructs identified must be conceptually coherent with achievement goal theory. This has not always been the case in the past (e.g., Gill & Deeter, 1988; Vealey & Campbell, 1988), and this has created some conceptual confusion (Marsh, 1994).

Motivational Implications of Goal Orientations

The majority of research in goal orientations has focused on the antecedents and consequences of goal orientations. In this section, we briefly review the research on the association between achievement goals and both cognitive and affective variables, and important outcome variables.

Perceptions of Competence

One of the fundamental differences between task and ego-oriented athletes is the way they define and assess competence. Task-oriented individuals tend to construe competence based on self-referenced criteria and are primarily concerned with mastery of the task, so they are more likely than ego-oriented individuals to develop perceived competence over time (Elliott & Dweck, 1988). In contrast, ego oriented individuals feel competent when they compare favorably in relation to others, so high perceived relative ability or competence is less likely to be maintained in ego orientation, especially for those participants who already question their ability (see Dweck, 1986). This prediction of achievement goal theory has been supported in numerous studies with a variety of conceptualizations of competence perceptions (Chi, 1994; Cury, Biddle, Sarrazin, & Famose, 1997; Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996; Nicholls & Miller, 1983, 1984a; Vlachopoulos & Biddle, 1996, 1997).

Thus, several lines of research suggest that using the task-involving conception of achievement to judge demonstrated competence enhances resiliency of perceived competence. The implications of these findings are particularly important in learning contexts. For example, for individuals who are beginning to learn a new physical skill, holding a task orientation may be instrumental in facilitating perceptions of competence, effort, and persistence, and consequently success in the activity. It is not surprising that Van Yperen and Duda (1999), in their study with Dutch male soccer players, found that athletes high in task orientation were judged by their coaches to possess greater soccer skills from pre to postseason. A task orientation fosters perceptions of competence and success for individuals who are either high or low in perceived competence and encourages the exertion of effort. An ego orientation, on the other hand, may lower perceptions of success, perceived competence, and thus effort, especially for those individuals who already are unsure of their ability.

Beliefs about the Causes of Success

Nicholls (1989, 1992) suggests that one's goal in conjunction with one's beliefs about the causes of success in a situation constitute one's personal theory of how things work in achievement situations. For individuals with low perceived ability, a belief that ability causes success will most likely result in frustration, a lack of confidence and may even lead to dropping out, as these individuals feel they do not possess the ability required to be successful. In the physical activity domain, where practice and hard work are so essential for improvement, especially at the early stages of learning, the belief that effort leads to success is the most adaptive belief for sustaining persistence.

Research on young athletes (e.g., Hom, Duda, & Miller, 1993; Newton & Duda, 1993), high school students (Duda& Nicholls, 1992; Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993), British youth (Duda, Fox, Biddle, & Armstrong, 1992; Treasure & Roberts, 1994a), young disabled athletes participating in wheelchair basketball (White & Duda, 1993), and elite adult athletes (Duda & White, 1992; Guivernau & Duda, 1995; Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996) has consistently demonstrated that a task goal orientation is associated with the belief that hard work and cooperation lead to success in sport. In general, ego orientation has been associated with the view that success is achieved through having high ability and using deception strategies such as cheating and trying to impress the coach. A similar pattern of results has emerged in the physical education context (Walling & Duda, 1995), as well as in research with college students participating in a variety of physical activity classes (e.g., Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1996).

Purposes of Sport

In classroom-based research, ego orientation has been associated with the belief that the purpose of education is to provide one with wealth and social status, which is evidence of superior ability. Task orientation, on the other hand, has been linked to the view that an important purpose of school education is to enhance learning and understanding of the world and to foster commitment to society (Nicholls et al.,1985; Thorkildsen, 1988). Similar findings have been reported in the athletic arena (e.g., Duda, 1989; Duda & Nicholls, 1992; Roberts, Hall, Jackson, Kimiecik, & Tonymon, 1995; Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996; Roberts et al., 1996, 1997; Treasure & Roberts, 1994a; White, Duda, & Keller, 1998), indicating that worldviews cut across educational and sport contexts.

Task orientation has been associated with the belief that the purpose of sport is to enhance self-esteem, advance good citizenship, foster mastery and cooperation (Duda, 1989), encourage a physically active lifestyle (White et al., 1998), and foster lifetime skills and pro-social values such as social responsibility, cooperation, and willingness to follow rules (Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996; Roberts et al., 1996). Likewise, task orientation is associated with the view that the purpose of physical education is to provide students with opportunities for improvement, hard work, and collaboration with peers (Papaioannou & McDonald, 1993; Walling & Duda, 1995). In contrast, ego orientation has been linked to the view that sport should provide one with social status (Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996; Roberts et al., 1996), enhance one's popularity (Duda, 1989; Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996) and career mobility, build a competitive spirit (Duda, 1989), and teach superiority and deceptive tactics (Duda, 1989; Duda & White, 1992). Ego orientation is also associated with the view that the purpose of physical education is to provide students with an easy class and teach them to be more competitive (Papaioannou & McDonald, 1993; Walling & Duda, 1995).

Affect and Intrinsic Interest

One of the most consistent findings in achievement goal research has been the link between task orientation and experienced enjoyment, satisfaction, and interest during participation in physical activity for high school students (Duda, Chi, Newton, Walling, & Catley, 1995; Duda & Nicholls, 1992), athletes competing in international competition (Walling, Duda, & Chi, 1993), and college students enrolled in a variety of physical activity classes (e.g., Duda et al., 1995; Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996). A positive relationship has also been reported between task orientation and flow, an intrinsically enjoyable experience in college athletes (Jackson & Roberts, 1992). In the studies just cited, ego orientation was either inversely related or unrelated to intrinsic interest, satisfaction, or enjoyment.

Participants with a high task orientation, in combination with either a high or low ego orientation, experience greater enjoyment than those participants who are high in ego orientation and low in task orientation (Biddle, Akande, Vlachopoulos, & Fox, 1996; Cury et al., 1996; Goudas, Biddle, & Fox, 1994; Vlachopoulos & Biddle, 1996, 1997). A task orientation seems to be especially important for continued participation in physical activity as it is associated with enjoyment, and this occurs regardless of one's perceived success (Goudas et al., 1994) or perceived ability (Vlachopoulos & Biddle, 1997) and intrinsic interest (Goudas, Biddle, Fox, & Underwood, 1995).

Another interesting finding of previous research is the different sources of satisfaction associated with goals. Egooriented athletes glean satisfaction when they demonstrate success in the normative sense and please their coach and friends, whereas task-oriented individuals feel satisfied when they have mastery experiences and perceive a sense of accomplishment during their sport participation (Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996; Treasure & Roberts, 1994a).

Probably the most significant study to illustrate the association of goals with affect was conducted by Ntoumanis and Biddle (1999). They conducted a meta-analysis with 41 independent samples and found that task orientation and positive affect were positively and moderately to highly correlated. The relationship between ego orientation and both positive and negative affect was small. In essence, being task-involved fosters positive affect in physical activities.

Anxiety

Roberts (1986) was the first to suggest that athletes adopting an ego orientation may experience anxiety as a function of whether or not they believe they can demonstrate sufficient competence in an achievement context. Anxiety should be less likely with a task orientation, because an individual's self-worth is not threatened. Research has generally supported the tenets of goal theory (Roberts, 2001). Task orientation has been negatively associated with precompetitive anxiety (Vealey & Campbell, 1988), cognitive anxiety with young athletes (Ommundsen & Pedersen, 1999), somatic and cognitive anxiety (Hall & Kerr, 1997), task-irrelevant worries and the tendency to think about withdrawing from an activity (Newton & Duda, 1992), and concerns about mistakes and parental criticisms (Hall & Kerr, 1997; Hall, Kerr, & Matthews, 1998). Further, a task orientation has been associated with keeping one's concentration and feeling good about the game (Newton & Duda, 1992) and with effective use of coping strategies in elite competition (Pensgaard & Roberts, 2003). An ego orientation, on the other hand, has been positively related to state and trait anxiety (Boyd, 1990; Newton & Duda, 1992; Vealey & Campbell, 1988; White & Zellner, 1996), cognitive anxiety in the form of worry (White & Zellner, 1996), getting upset in competition, and concentration disruption during competition (Newton & Duda, 1992; White & Zellner, 1996).

Most studies have been conducted with very young athletes (Hall & Kerr, 1997) or with recreational or physical education students (Hall et al., 1998; Ommundsen & Pedersen, 1999; Papaioannou & Kouli, 1999). Ommundsen and Pedersen remind us, however, that it is not sufficient simply to state that being task-involved is beneficial in terms of anxiety. They found that being task-involved did decrease cognitive trait anxiety, but low perceived competence increased both somatic and cognitive anxiety. This suggests that being task-involved is beneficial, but that perceived competence is an important predictor of anxiety, too. Being task-oriented and perceiving one's competence to be high are both important antecedents to reduce anxiety in sport.

The most interesting aspect of the recent work with achievement goal theory has been the attention paid to achievement strategies and outcome variables, especially performance, exerted effort, overtraining and dropping out, and cheating in sport. Achievement goal theory and research in educational and sport settings suggest that personal theories of achievement comprise different beliefs about what leads to success (Nicholls, 1989).

Achievement Strategies

Lochbaum and Roberts (1993) were the first to report that emphasis on problem-solving and adaptive learning strategies was tied to a task orientation in a sport setting. Research (Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993; Ommundsen & Roberts, 1999; Roberts et al., 1995; Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996) has demonstrated that task orientation is associated with adaptive achievement strategies, such as being committed to practice, being less likely to avoid practice, learning, and effort. Typically, in these investigations, ego orientation corresponds to a tendency to avoid practice and to a focus on winning during competition. Goals also differentiate athletes in terms of the perceived benefits of practice. Thus, ego-oriented athletes consider practice as a means to demonstrate competence relative to other athletes, whereas their task-oriented counterparts view practice as a means to foster team cohesion and skill development (Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993; Roberts & Ommundsen, 1996).

When choosing post-climbing task feedback strategies, high ego-oriented climbers who were low in perceived ability were more likely to reject task-related and objective performance feedback than were task-oriented climbers (Cury, Sarrazin, & Famose, 1997). In addition, Cury and Sarrazin (1998) found that high-ego and high-ability athletes selected normative feedback and rejected task-relevant information. High-ego-oriented athletes with low ability requested no feedback and discarded objective information. Research has also given evidence that an ego orientation is related to other unacceptable achievement strategies, such as the use of aggression (Rascle, Coulomb, & Pfister, 1998).

These studies demonstrate that the achievement strategies endorsed by physical activity participants are meaningfully related to their goal perspective. Across studies, task orientation was coupled with adaptive learning strategies, the value of practice to learn new skills and improve, and seeking task-relevant information. In contrast, ego-oriented athletes endorsed avoiding practice as an achievement strategy and avoided task-relevant information, preferring normative feedback (but only when high in perceived ability).

Exerted Effort and Performance

There is little research to date investigating exerted effort and performance. One of the first studies to provide evidence of a performance boost from being task-involved was Vealey and Campbell's (1989). Van Yperen and Duda (1999) found that when football players were task-oriented, an increase in skilled performance (as perceived by the coach) resulted. In addition, the task-oriented players believed that soccer success depended on hard work. Similarly, Theeboom, De Knop, and Weiss (1995) investigated the effect of a mastery program on the development of motor skills of children and found that the task-involved group reported higher levels of enjoyment and reliably exhibited better motor skills than those who were ego-involved.

However, the best evidence thus far that task-oriented athletes perform better than ego-oriented athletes has been presented by Sarrazin, Roberts, Cury, Biddle, and Famose (2002), who investigated exerted effort and performance of adolescents involved in a climbing task. The results demonstrated that task-involved boys exerted more effort than ego-involved boys and performed better (a success rate of 60% versus 42%), and the degree of exerted effort was determined by an interaction of achievement goal, perceived ability, and task difficulty. Ego-involved boys with high perceived ability and task-involved boys with low perceived ability exerted the most effort on the moderate and difficult courses; ego-involved boys with low perceived ability exerted the least effort on the moderate and very difficult courses. Finally, task-involved boys with high perceived ability exerted more effort when the task was perceived as more difficult.

In general, the research has shown that (a) taskinvolved people exhibit (or report) greater effort than others (Cury et al., 1996; Duda, 1988; Duda & Nicholls, 1992; Durand, Cury, Sarrazin, & Famose, 1996; Goudas et al., 1994; Sarrazin et al., 2002; Solmon, 1996; Tammen, Treasure, & Power, 1992), and (b) ego-involved people with low perceived ability exhibit reduced exerted effort as opposed to people with high perceived ability (Cury, Biddle, et al., 1997). And there is developing evidence that being task-involved leads to better performance. To enhance effort, one should focus on being as task-involved as possible: Task-involved people try harder! And task involved people perform better!

Moral Functioning and Cheating

Achievement goals have also been linked to moral cognitions and moral behavior in sport. A number of recent studies have identified fairly consistent relationships between task and ego orientations and sportspersonship, moral functioning, moral atmosphere, and endorsement of aggressive tactics among both youth and adult competitive athletes. In general, studies have shown that being high in ego orientation leads to lower sportspersonship, more self-reported cheating, lower moral functioning (i.e., moral judgment, intention, and self-reported cheating behavior), and endorsement of aggression when compared to high task-oriented athletes (Kavussanu & Ntoumanis, 2003; Kavussanu & Roberts, 2001; Lemyre, Roberts, & Ommundsen, 2002; Lemyre, Roberts, Ommundsen, & Miller, 2001; Ryska, 2003).

In recent research, Lemyre and colleagues (2001, 2002) and Ryska (2003) have found that low ego/high task-oriented young male soccer players consistently endorsed values of respect and concern for social conventions, rules and officials, and opponents. Similar to sportspersonship, moral functioning and aggression, as well as gender differences among these variables, have been highlighted in recent sport psychology research. Kavussanu (Kavussanu & Roberts, 2001; Kavussanu, Roberts, & Ntoumanis, 2002) has consistently found ego orientation to positively predict lower moral functioning and males to be generally higher in ego orientation, lower in task orientation, and significantly lower in moral functioning as well as endorsing more aggression than female players.

Recent research has indicated that the coach-created motivational climate may also serve as a precursor to cheating among competitive youth sport participants. Findings by Miller and colleagues (Miller & Roberts, 2003; Miller, Roberts, & Ommundsen, 2004, 2005) show that a high egoinvolving motivational climate was associated with low sportspersonship, low moral functioning and reasoning, low moral atmosphere, and endorsement of aggression. Boys cheated more than girls, but within gender, ego-involved boys and girls cheated more than task-involved boys and girls. For boys in particular, being ego-involved meant that they were more likely to engage in cheating behavior, to engage in injurious acts, to be low in moral reasoning, and to perceive the moral atmosphere in the team to be supportive of cheating.

Competitive sport often places individuals in conflicting situations that emphasize winning over sportspersonship and fair play. It would be wrong, however, to attribute this to the competitive nature of sport. The results just cited suggest that it is not the competitive context in itself that is the issue. Rather, it may be the salience of ego involvement in the athletic environment that induces differential concern for moral behavior and cheating, rules, respect for officials, and fair play conventions among young players. If athletes are to develop good sportspersonship behaviors and sound moral reasoning, coaches should reinforce the importance of task-involving achievement criteria in the competitive environment.

Burnout

Another outcome variable that is becoming popular in sport research is burnout (see Eklund & Cresswell, Chapter 28). Why is it that some athletes burn out, and what are the precursors of burning out? Some recent research from a motivational perspective has given us some interesting findings. Freudenberger (1980) has explained burnout as a syndrome that includes both physical and emotional exhaustion. These symptoms occur concurrently with patterns of behavior that are strongly achievement oriented (Hall & Kerr, 1997). Individuals experiencing burnout tend to show a strong commitment to the pursuit of goals and set high standards for themselves. Despite personal investment and great persistence, they often experience depression, depersonalization, disillusionment, and dissatisfaction as their goals are continually unmet. Hall et al. (1998) reported a strong relationship among elite athletes' perfectionism, achievement goals, and aptitudes to perform. It is when athletes continually perceived their ability and their effort levels to be inadequate to meet their achievement goals that the maladaptive nature of their motivational orientation became apparent. The athlete may drop out to maintain any real sense of self-worth.

Cohn (1990) has found that athletes at risk of burning out were likely to either participate in too much training and competition, lacked enjoyment while practicing their sport, or experienced too much selfor other-induced pressure. Investigating young elite tennis players, Gould and colleagues (Gould, 1996; Gould, Tuffey, Udry, & Loehr, 1996; Gould, Udry, Tuffey, & Loehr, 1996) found that burned-out athletes believed they had less input into their own training, were higher in amotivation, and were more withdrawn. The burned-out players did not differ from their non-burned-out counterparts in terms of the number of hours they trained; consequently Gould and colleagues posited that the crucial factors leading to burnout were psychological (motivational) rather than physical in nature. This was confirmed by Lemyre, Treasure, and Roberts (2006), who found that variation in motivation contributed to the onset of burnout.

In a series of studies investigating the psychological determinants of burnout, Lemyre and colleagues examined the relationship between motivational disposition variables at the start of the season and signs of burnout at season's end. Lemyre (2005) found that elite winter sport athletes who were ego-involved, focused on normative comparisons, and preoccupied with achieving unrealistic goals, who doubted their own ability, and who had a coach and parents who emphasized performance outcomes were more at risk of developing symptoms of burnout than the more task-involved athletes. Lemyre, Roberts, Treasure, Stray Gundersen, and Matt (2004) investigated the relationship between psychological variables and hormonal variation to burnout in elite athletes. Results indicated that variation in basal cortisol accounted for 15% of the variance in athlete burnout, and the psychological variables of perfectionism (20%), perceived task involvement (12%), and subjective performance satisfaction (18%) explained 50% of the total variance (67%) in athlete burnout at the end of the season. These findings are meaningful as they underline the importance of personal dispositions (perfectionism and achievement goals) on burnout vulnerability in elite athletes.

The literature just reviewed addressed achievement goals from an individual difference perspective in the traditional achievement goal framework. It supports meaningful relationships between personal goals of achievement and cognitive and affective beliefs about involvement in physical activity. In addition, we have shown that outcomes such as exerted effort, performance, moral behavior and cheating, and burnout are affected by whether one is task or egoinvolved. But whether one is in a state of task or ego involvement is not only dependent on one's personal goal of achievement. The context also has an important influence on one's state of involvement. We address that literature next.

The Motivational Climate

A fundamental tenet of achievement goal theory is the central role the situation plays in the motivation process (Nicholls, 1984, 1989). Consistent with other motivation research that has emphasized the situational determinants of behavior (e.g., deCharms, 1976, 1984; Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2002), research from an achievement goal perspective has examined how the structure of the environment can make it more or less likely that achievement behaviors, thoughts, and feelings associated with a particular achievement goal are adopted. The premise of this line of research is that the nature of an individual's experience influences the degree to which task and ego criteria are perceived as salient in the context. This is then assumed to affect the achievement behaviors, cognition, and affective responses through individuals' perception of the behaviors necessary to achieve success (Roberts et al., 1997).

Adopting the term motivational climate (Ames, 1992b) to describe the goal structure emphasized in the achievement context, researchers have examined two dimensions of the motivational climate, mastery and performance, in sport and physical activity. Mastery (or task-involving) climates refer to structures that support effort, cooperation, and an emphasis on learning and task mastery. Conversely, performance (or ego-involving) climates refer to situations that foster normative comparisons, intrateam competition, and a punitive approach by teachers and coaches to mistakes committed by participants.

A study conducted by Parish and Treasure (2003) is representative of much of the extant literature in the area. In this case, the influence of perceptions of the motivational climate and perceived ability on situational motivation and the physical activity behavior of a large sample of adolescent male and female physical education students was examined. Consistent with achievement goal theory, the results showed that perceptions of a mastery climate were strongly related to more self-determined forms of situational motivation (intrinsic and identified motivation) and, along with gender and perceived ability, most significantly predictive of the actual physical activity behavior of the participants. In contrast, perceptions of a performance climate were found to be strongly related to less selfdetermined forms of situational motivation (extrinsic and amotivational) and unrelated to physical activity.

Consistent with the findings reported by Parish and Treasure (2003), the extant literature in physical education and sport suggests that the creation of a mastery motivational climate is likely to be important in optimizing positive (i.e., well-being, sportspersonship, persistence, task perseverance, adaptive achievement strategies) and attenuating negative (i.e., overtraining, self-handicapping) responses (e.g., Kuczka & Treasure, 2005; Miller et al., 2004; Ommundsen & Roberts, 1999; Sarrazin et al., 2002; Standage, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2003; Standage, Treasure, Hooper, & Kuczka, in press; Treasure & Roberts, 2001). This pattern of findings has been confirmed in a metaanalysis consisting of statistically estimated effect sizes from 14 studies ( N = 4,484) that examined the impact of different motivation climates in sport and physical education on cognitive and affective responses (Ntoumanis & Biddle, 1999). The evidence, therefore, supports the position that perceptions of a mastery motivational climate are associated with more adaptive motivational and affective response patterns than perceptions of a performance climate in the context of sport and physical education.

An Interactionist Approach

Achievement goal research has shown that individual variables and situational variables separately influence achievement behavior, cognition, and affect. Although these two lines of research have been conducted in relative isolation, an interactionist approach that looks to combine both types of variable is expected to provide a far more complete understanding of the motivation process. To this end, Dweck and Leggett (1988) suggested that dispositional goal orientations should be seen as an individual variable that will determine the probability of adopting a certain goal or action, that is, task or ego state of goal involvement, and a particular behavior pattern in achievement contexts. Situational variables, such as perceptions of the motivational climate, were proposed as potential moderators of the influence of the individual variables. As Roberts and colleagues (1997) argue, when the situational criteria are vague or weak, an individual dispositional goal orientation should hold sway. In contexts where the situational criteria are particularly salient, it is possible that perceptions of the climate may override an individual's dispositional goal orientation and be a stronger predictor of behavioral, cognitive, and affective outcomes. It is also proposed that children and young adolescents, who have yet to firm up their personal theories of achievement, may be more susceptible to the influence of situational variables than older adolescents and adults (Roberts & Treasure, 1992).

The result of the limited research that has examined both individual and situational variables has shown that taking into account both of these variables enhances our understanding of the sport context (e.g., Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996; Seifriz, Duda, & Chi, 1992). The limited evidence to date also provides support for Dweck and Leggett's (1988) contention that situational variables may moderate the influence of goal orientations (e.g., Swain & Harwood, 1996; Treasure & Roberts, 1998). When significant interaction effects emerged, they did so in a manner consistent with a moderation model. Although it is often difficult to statistically find significant interaction effects (Aguinis & Stone-Romero, 1997), the findings of the limited studies that have been conducted are consistent with the fundamental tenets of achievement goal theory and speak to the veracity of investigating the interaction in addition to the main effect of individual and situational variables.

Enhancing Motivation

Research from an achievement goal perspective in sport and physical education has demonstrated that goal orientations and perceptions of the motivational climate are relevant to the ongoing stream of achievement behavior, cognition, and affect. Given the body of empirical work that has documented the adaptive motivation and wellbeing responses of students who perceive mastery or taskinvolving climates, physical education teacher and sport coach education programs would benefit from integrating educational information pertaining to the creation of mastery climates into their curricula. Specifically, researchers interested in the sport and physical education experience need to develop strategies and guidelines and explore ways in which coaches, parents, and other significant social agents can engage in the creation of a mastery or taskinvolving motivational climate.

A paucity of intervention research has been conducted to assess the viability of the teacher and coach education programs designed to enhance motivation from an achievement goal perspective (i.e., Lloyd & Fox, 1992; Solmon, 1996; Treasure & Roberts, 2001). Comparing two different approaches to teaching an aerobics/fitness class to adolescent females, Lloyd and Fox found that participants in the mastery condition reported higher motivation to continue participating in aerobics and more enjoyment than those who participated in the performance condition. Consistent with the findings of Lloyd and Fox, Solmon found that seventh and eighth-grade students who participated in the mastery condition demonstrated more willingness to persist in a difficult juggling task than those in the performance condition. In addition, students in the performance condition were more likely to attribute success during the intervention to normative ability than those in the mastery condition. This finding is consistent with Nicholls's (1989) contention that achievement goals and beliefs about success are conceptually linked.

Similar to the intervention designed by Solmon (1996), Treasure and Roberts (2001) drew on strategies suggested by Ames (1992a, 1992b, 1992c) to promote either a mastery or a performance climate. The strategies were then organized into the interdependent structures that Epstein (1988, 1989) has argued define the achievement context: task, authority, recognition, grouping, evaluation, and time structures, better known by the acronym TARGET. Responses of female and male young adolescent physical education students suggest that a teacher can influence the salience of a mastery or performance climate and, in so doing, affect a child's motivation in physical education. Although the results of the studies conducted by Solmon and Treasure and Roberts indicate that adopting and adapting classroom-based intervention programs in the context of physical education may be effective, it is important to recognize that there may be significant differences between achievement contexts. This point is even more important when one considers the achievement context of youth sport. In assessing and implementing interventions to enhance the quality of motivation in youth sport, therefore, researchers need to be sensitive to differences between the achievement contexts (Nicholls, 1992).

The few intervention studies that have been conducted clearly show that a mastery climate has positive behavioral, cognitive, and affective outcomes. All of the studies conducted to date, however, have been short term and limited in what they assess. Randomized, controlled studies over time are needed to truly assess the causal role of motivational climates on motivational outcomes.

The Hierarchical Approach To Achievement Goals

One of the most provocative attempts at revising and extending achievement goal theory in the past decade has emerged from work on the hierarchical model of achievement motivation (Elliot, 1999). This model is based on the premise that approach and avoidance motivation represent fundamentally different strivings. The approach-avoidance distinction has a long intellectual history (Elliot & Covington, 2001) and was considered in early writing on achievement goals (e.g., Nicholls, 1984, p. 328) but, until recently, was largely neglected in subsequent empirical work.

Briefly, the hierarchical model of achievement motivation asserts that dynamic states of achievement goal involvement are influenced by (a) stable individual differences (e.g., motives, self-perceptions, relationally based variables, neurophysiologic predispositions; Elliot, 1999) and (b) situational variables (e.g., motivational climate; Ames, 1992c; Ames & Archer, 1988). In turn, these dynamic states of goal involvement are posited as direct predictors of achievement processes and outcomes. A complete presentation of the hierarchical model of achievement motivation is beyond the scope of this article (see Elliot, 1999). Instead, we focus on a major implication of the premise that approach and avoidance motivation are fundamentally different-specifically, the implication that approach-valenced achievement goals may be distinguished (both conceptually and empirically) from avoidance-valenced achievement goals.

An Expanded Model of Achievement Goals

As described earlier in this article, the prevailing models of achievement goals in the educational, industrial-organizational, social, and sport literatures have been dichotomous in nature. Goals are distinguished largely (but not always exclusively) on how competence is defined. From this perspective, competence could be defined in task-referential terms (e.g., How well did I perform this task in relation to how well it could possibly be performed?), in self-referential terms (e.g., How well did I perform this task in relation to my previous performances?), or in normative terms (e.g., How well did I perform this task in relation to others?). Due to their conceptual and empirical similarities, the vast majority of research combined task and self-referential definitions of competence into a single task, or mastery, goal. Normative definitions of competence have typically been designated as ego, or performance, goals. We use the terms mastery and performance to refer to the goals in the hierarchical model.

In the mid-1990s, several scholars working in parallel (e.g., Elliot, 1997; Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996; Middleton & Midgley, 1997; Skaalvik, 1997; Skaalvik & Valas, 1994) returned to the possibility that individuals may sometimes focus on striving not to be incompetent as much as or more than they are striving to be competent. In achievement situations, competence and incompetence are outcomes that individuals typically find appetitive and aversive, respectively. Thus, it is possible to differentiate goals based on their valence, or the degree to which the focal outcome is pleasant or unpleasant.

In reviewing the achievement goal literature, Elliot (1994) observed that performance goals that focused on the pleasant possibility of competence (approach goals) led to different outcomes from performance goals focused on the unpleasant possibility of incompetence (avoidance goals). A meta-analysis of the motivation literature revealed that goal valence moderated the effects of performance goals on participants' intrinsic motivation (Rawsthorne & Elliot, 1999). Performance-avoidance goals reduced both free-choice behavior and self-reported interest in a task, whereas performance-approach goals did not have any consistent effect on either intrinsic motivation index. This finding led to the introduction of a tripartite model of achievement goals comprising mastery, performance-approach goals, and performance-avoidance goals (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996). In the first empirical test of this tripartite model, the valence of performance goals moderated relations between the goals and relevant antecedents (e.g., achievement motives, competence expectations, sex) and consequences (e.g., intrinsic motivation). A subsequent series of studies extended understanding of how the valence of performance goals can moderate relations between goals and achievement processes and outcomes (e.g., Cury, Da Fonséca, Rufo, Peres, & Sarrazin, 2003; Cury, Da Fonséca, Rufo, & Sarrazin, 2002; Cury, Elliot, Sarrazin, Da Fonséca, & Rufo, 2002; Elliot & Church, 1997; Elliot & McGregor, 1999).

Thus, the argument was proffered that achievement goals should consider both the definition of competence and the valence of the striving, and the model was expanded to include a fourth possible achievement goal: mastery avoidance goals (Elliot, 1999; Elliot & Conroy, 2005). As seen in Figure 1.1, the two definitions of competence (i.e., mastery/task versus performance/ego) and two valences of strivings (i.e., approaching competence versus avoiding incompetence) yield a 2 × 2 model of achievement goals comprising mastery approach, mastery-avoidance, performance-approach, and performance-avoidance goals. These goals can be assessed with the 2 × 2 Achievement Goal Questionnaire for Sport (Conroy, Elliot, & Hofer, 2003).

Mastery-approach (MAp) goals focus on performing a task as well as possible or surpassing a previous performance on a task (i.e., learning, improving). They are equivalent to existing conceptions of mastery or task goals in the dichotomous model of achievement goals. They are expected to be the optimal achievement goal because they combine the more desirable definition of competence with the more desirable valence. In sport settings, these goals are extremely common because they are directly implicated in individuals' striving for personal records and peak performances as well as skill acquisition processes.

Performance-approach (PAp) goals focus on outperforming others. They are equivalent to existing conceptions of performance or ego goals in the dichotomous model of achievement goals. These goals may be adaptive when, as noted earlier, they are accompanied by a high perception of competence. However, in the 2 × 2 model, PAp goals are expected to be suboptimal because of their performance definition of competence, but not entirely dysfunctional because they are valenced toward competence. PAp goals are probably especially salient because of the social comparison processes inherent in sport and other competitive activities.

Performance-avoidance (PAv) goals focus on not being outperformed by others. As described previously, PAv goals provided the impetus to consider how the valence of goals might enhance the predictive power of the goal construct. They are expected to be the most dysfunctional of all achievement goals because they combine the less desirable definition of competence with the less desirable valence. These goals may be expressed when individuals are concerned about losing a contest or appearing incompetent in comparison with others.

Mastery-avoidance (MAv) goals focus on not making mistakes or not doing worse than a previous performance. As the latest addition to the achievement goal family, relatively little is known about these goals. They combine adesirable definition of competence with an undesirable focus on avoiding incompetence, so they are expected to exhibit a mixed set of consequences. Elliot (1999; Elliot & Conroy, 2005; Elliot & McGregor, 2001) has theorized that these goals may be particularly relevant for perfectionists striving for flawlessness, for athletes focused on maintaining their skill level as they near the end of their careers, and for older adults fighting off the natural functional declines associated with aging.
Figure 1.1 The 2 × 2 achievement goal framework. Adapted from "A 2 × 2 Achievement Goal Framework," by A. J. Elliot and H. A. McGregor, 2001, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80, p. 502. Copyright 2001 by the American Psychological Association. Adapted with permission.
Antecedents and Consequences of 2 × 2 Goal Adoption

Considering that the vast majority of the recent achievement motivation literature in sport has implicitly focused on approach goals (i.e., MAp, PAp), relatively little is known about the correlates and consequences of avoidance-valenced achievement goals in sport. This section reviews documented links between the four goals in the 2 × 2 framework and theoretically relevant antecedents and consequences (e.g., achievement processes and outcomes). The vast majority of the research on goals in the 2 × 2 framework resides outside of the sport and exercise psychology literature. Rather than relying exclusively on the nascent sport psychology literature on 2 × 2 goals, we include selected findings from broader social and educational psychology literatures in this review. There is also some conceptual confusion about whether some variables (e.g., competence valuation) belong as antecedents or consequences of different states of goal involvement; they are listed according to how they were conceptualized in their respective studies.

Antecedents of 2 × 2 Achievement Goals

Empirically-tested antecedents of the four achievement goals are summarized in Table 1.1 based on whether the antecedents have demonstrated positive, negative, or null relations with each goal. These links are based on bivariate relations between each antecedent and the goal; relatively few relations change when third variables (e.g., ability) have been controlled.

Common antecedents of MAp goal involvement appear to include appetitive motivational dispositions (e.g., motives, temperament), positive self-perceptions (e.g., competence and attachment-related perceptions), and perceived situational importance (e.g., competence valuation, class engagement). On the other hand, aversive motivational dispositions and negative cognitive representations of self and others do not appear to be associated with MAp goal involvement.

Mastery-avoidance goal involvement appears to be linked to antecedents such as negative perceptions of self and others (e.g., anxious attachment, fear of failure), entity rather than incremental theories of intelligence, reduced self-determination, and perceived situational importance. Appetitive motive dispositions do not appear to be MAv goal antecedents.

Common antecedents of PAp goal involvement include both appetitive and aversive motivational dispositions, competence perceptions, and entity rather than incremental theories of ability. Attachment security and self-determination do not appear to be PAp goal antecedents.

Finally, PAv goal involvement appears to be linked to antecedents such as avoidance motivational dispositions, reduced competence expectations, more entity and fewer incremental beliefs about ability, and less self-determination. Appetitive motivational dispositions and attachment security do not appear to be PAv goal antecedents.

Overall, socialization processes (e.g., perceived parenting practices) were not consistently associated with the achievement goals adopted by participants. This finding should be expected because socialization processes are more likely to have direct effects on more stable individual differences (e.g., motives) than on dynamic constructs such as goals.

Consequences of 2 × 2 Achievement Goals

Table 1.2 summarizes consequences of 2 × 2 achievement goals from previous research. Given that empirical tests of the 2 × 2 model are in their early stages, conclusions drawn here should be interpreted with appropriate caution. Special attention should be given to the studies that experimentally manipulated participants' goals (e.g., Cury, Da Fonséca, et al., 2002; Cury, Elliot, et al., 2002; Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996) because such manipulations provide a much stronger demonstration of the causal role theorized for these goals than do passive observation designs (particularly when data are collected at a single occasion from a single source).

Mastery-approach goals appear to be associated with the optimal set of consequences (e.g., enhanced intrinsic motivation and information processing, reduced anxiety, fewer health center visits). Strikingly, MAp goals have not been linked to superior performance on cognitive tasks. Mastery-avoidance goals were linked with a generally undesirable set of achievement processes (e.g., anxiety, disorganization, surface processing) but did not seem to be associated with undesirable outcomes (e.g., performance, health center visits). Performance-approach goals were the only goals to be positively associated with superior performance. These goals also were linked with a partial set of desirable (e.g., more absorption, competence valuation, and intrinsic motivation; less anxiety) achievement processes and were not associated with any undesirable achievement processes. Finally, PAv goals were consistently linked with the most undesirable achievement processes and outcomes of all four goals. Based on these results, MAp goals appear to be optimal, PAv goals appear to be dysfunctional, and both PAp and MAv goals are neither entirely optimal nor entirely dysfunctional (with the former appearing to be more optimal than the latter).
Table 1.1 Summary of Empirically Tested Antecedents of 2 × 2 Achievement Goals
Critical Issues Regarding 2 × 2 Achievement Goals

Elliot and colleagues (e.g., Elliot, 1997, 1999; Elliot & Conroy, 2005; Elliot & Thrash, 2001, 2002) argue that on both theoretical and empirical grounds, the 2 × 2 model of achievement goals has demonstrated promise for enhancing understanding of achievement motivation. Nevertheless, research on this model in sport contexts has been limited, and further research is required to demonstrate its veracity and potential. Research linking goals, particularly avoidance goals, to hypothesized patterns of antecedents and consequences in sport would be a useful first step in this process. Following are some other issues that will need to be addressed in future research.

Controversy still exists over whether the approach avoidance distinction merely represents differences in perceptions of competence, especially for the performance dimension. That is, do perceptions of competence moderate relations between goals and various consequences, and if so, would it not be simpler to omit the valence dimension from the goals model? From a conceptual standpoint, the hierarchical model of achievement motivation frames perceptions of competence as antecedents of achievement goals because high perceptions of competence orient individuals toward the possibility of success and low perceptions of competence orient individuals toward the possibility of failure (Elliot, 2005). From an empirical perspective, Elliot and Harackiewicz (1996) have found that perceived competence failed to moderate the effects of any of their tripartite goal manipulation contrasts (i.e., mastery, PAp, PAv) on intrinsic motivation, and all of their main effects for the goal manipulations remained significant with the moderator terms in the model. Based on such evidence, it is argued by Elliot and colleagues that the valence dimension of achievement goals does not appear to be a proxy for perceived competence on either conceptual or empirical grounds.

This approach does not rule out the possibility that individual differences in goal antecedents (e.g., achievement motives) may moderate the effects of the goals on various consequences. For example, PAp goal involvement has been linked to both appetitive and aversive achievement motives (need for achievement and fear of failure, respectively). It is possible that PAp goals energized by the appetitive motive may yield different consequences than would PAp goals that are energized by the aversive motive. A three way Goal × Motive × Feedback interaction also is conceivable, as PAp goals may change differentially for individuals with different motive dispositions following failure/success feedback. These cross-level interaction hypotheses are open empirical questions.

Table 1.2 Summary of Empirically Tested Consequences of 2 × 2 Achievement Goals

Next, it will be important to capture the dynamic features of the goals construct to strengthen claims about the causal effects of goals on achievement processes and outcomes. Some argue that relying on dispositional conceptualizations of goals is inappropriate in the hierarchical model of achievement motivation, but researchers can vary the temporal resolution of their goal assessments. Some studies may assess goals for an event and track processes and outcomes over the course of the event to use in prospective prediction models (e.g., using preseason goals to predict changes in relevant outcomes over the course of the season). Other studies may assess goals, processes, and outcomes on more of a moment-to-moment basis (even though this is difficult to do, as we noted earlier) to capture dynamic links between goals and their consequences (e.g., using daily goals to predict daily fluctuations in relevant outcomes over the course of the season). Both approaches will be valuable provided that the temporal resolution of the goal assessment is clear when interpreting the results.

Finally, whereas a great deal of data has accumulated about individual difference antecedents of different achievement goals, relatively little is known about the situational factors that antecede 2 × 2 goals. Church, Elliot, and Gable (2001) reported differences in classroom environments that predicted students' tripartite goals. There are few published studies regarding links between situational characteristics and 2 × 2 goal involvement in sport, except research based on achievement goal theory investigating motivational climate that indirectly informs performance and mastery achievement striving (for an exception see Conroy, Kaye, & Coatsworth, 2006).

Reflections On The Hierarchical Model And Achievement Goal Theory

The introduction of the hierarchical model has challenged many of the tenets and underlying assumptions of what may be referred to as traditional achievement goal theory. One of the most important challenges and differences between the perspectives pertains to the energization of the motivational process. As we have seen, the hierarchical model differentiates goals based on both the definition of competence (a similarity with the dichotomous model) and their valence or the degree to which the focal outcome is pleasant or unpleasant (a difference between the models). The argument is that achievement goals should consider both the definition of competence and the valence of the striving. However, it may be argued that in the hierarchical model we seem to be defining achievement goals as discrete goals based on a definition of competence and achievement strategies aimed at fulfilling some particular objective. In the hierarchical model, goals are midlevel constructs that mediate the effects of a host of individual differences (e.g., achievement motives, self-perceptions, relational variables, demographic characteristics, neurophysiologic predispositions) and situational factors (e.g., norm-based evaluation) on specific motivated behaviors and serve as proximal predictors of achievement-related processes and outcomes (Elliot, 1999). But it is the appetitive (approach) and aversive (avoidance) valence of competence striving that energizes the motivational process. It is assumed that the goals are the manifestation of needs, or at least the "motivational surrogates," as Elliot and Church (1997) state of the needs of achievement motivation (approach) and the fear of failure (avoidance; Kaplan & Maehr, 2002). This suggests that achievement goals represent approaches to self-regulation based on satisfying approach and avoidance needs that are evoked by situational cues. Achievement goals arise from affect-based objectives, at least in part, in the hierarchical model.

In traditional achievement goal theory, it is the goals themselves that are the critical determinants of achievement cognition, affect, and behavior. It is the goals that give meaning to the investment of personal resources because they reflect the purposes underlying achievement actions in achievement contexts. Once endorsed, the goal defines an integrated pattern of beliefs, attributions, and affect that underlie approach and avoidance strategies, different levels of engagement, and the different responses to achievement outcomes (Duda & Hall, 2001; Kaplan & Maehr, 2002). The way an individual interprets his or her performance can be understood in terms of what an individual considers to be important in a particular context and his or her beliefs about what it takes to be successful in that situation. Achievement goals refer to achievement-oriented or achievement-directed behavior where success is the goal. Nicholls (1989) argued that these beliefs and perceptions form a personal theory of achievement in the activity that drives the motivation process, and that a conceptually coherent pattern of relationships should therefore existbetween an individual's achievement goals (the subjective meaning of success) and his or her achievement striving. In the achievement goal approach, it is not how one defines competence with its attendant valence; it is how one defines success and the meaning of developing or demonstrating competence. Thus, the hierarchical approach presents energizing constructs that are different. The conceptual argument is whether we need "needs" to explain the energization of the motivational equation, or whether we can accept a cognitive theory of motivation that focuses on thoughts and perceptions as energizing motivated behavior (Maehr, 1987). We need more empirical investigation of the conceptual energizing constructs, and their roles, underlying achievement striving in achievement contexts to better understand the motivational equation.

One other conceptual difference has emerged from the development of measures for the hierarchical model of goals, especially of the 2 × 2 model in sport. Duda (2005) has argued that because the interrelationships between the performance-approach, mastery-avoidance, and performance-avoidance goals is low to moderate (e.g., Conroy et al., 2003), and only the mastery-approach and performance-avoidance goals have demonstrated independence, this creates conceptual problems for the hierarchical approach. How does this relate to the evidence that task and ego goals have been demonstrated to be orthogonal in the dichotomous achievement goal approach, at least from the Maehr and Nicholls approaches (e.g., Maehr & Braskamp, 1986; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980; Nicholls, 1989)? More research is clearly needed to explore this issue as proponents of the 2 × 2 model argue that limited positive correlations should be expected between goals that share either a definition of competence or a valence. However, this raises interesting questions: What are the expected relationships between the goals? Should they demonstrate greater independence to be recognized as extending the range of goals?

In addition, there is evidence that the hierarchical model may have different assumptions underlying performance approach and avoidance goals. Performance-approach tendencies may be based on demonstrating normative ability and defining competence in normative terms, but recent research has suggested that performance-avoidance may be based on one of three facets: impression management, or "saving face" (Skaalvik, 1997; Skaalvik & Valas, 1994); a fear of failure (Elliot & Church, 1997); or a focus on avoiding demonstrating low ability (Middleton & Midgley, 1997). In an interesting study investigating the measurement technology underlying the hierarchical model, Smith, Duda, Allen, and Hall (2002) wished to determine whether the different measures used were measuring the same constructs. They found that impression management (Skaalvik,1997) explained the most variance (40%), with fear of failure (Elliot & Church, 1997) and avoiding demonstrating low ability (Middleton & Midgley, 1997) explaining only 9.4% and 8% of the variance, respectively. It would seem important for future research to clarify the conceptual underpinnings of performance-avoidance: What parts are played by fearing failure, avoiding demonstrating low ability, and protecting self-worth? Given the findings of Smith and colleagues, perhaps it is more important to performance-avoiding people to protect self-esteem rather than be motivated to avoid failing. What is the role the protection of self-worth plays? When individuals begin to question their ability to present a positive sense of self, are they more likely to favor avoidance strategies?

Similar arguments may be made for mastery-avoidance goals. These goals involve focusing on not making mistakes or not doing worse than a previous performance. They combine a desirable definition of competence with an undesirable focus on avoiding incompetence. It must be confessed that little is known of these goals as yet. With the traditional achievement goal approach, it is conceptually inconsistent to have a mastery or task-involved goal with a focus on avoiding appearing incompetent. Traditional achievement goal theory argues that because dispositional orientations are assumed to be orthogonal, the individual may also have an ego-involving orientation, and it is this that may affect whether the individual is also concerned with the demonstration of incompetence. It may be that mastery avoidance individuals have both ego and task goals; when the context is perceived to evoke ego-involving criteria, they may wish to avoid demonstrating incompetence. However, this needs to be investigated empirically; only when we have data informing theory will we be able to determine the energizing mechanisms behind achievement striving.

This brings us to a further point of conceptual departure between the two approaches: In achievement goal theory, the orientations are considered orthogonal; that is, one can have both orientations to one degree or another. For example, Duda (1988) examined the relationship between achievement goals and specific motivated behaviors such as persistence and behavioral intensity. Participants were classified into four groups, and the findings showed that being high in task orientation (regardless of ego orientation) meant the participants persisted longer and devoted more time to practice. Similar findings were found by Walling and Duda (1995). High-task-oriented students were significantly more likely to believe that success is achieved through intrinsic interest in the activity, cooperation, and high effort, and the high-task/low-ego students were the least likely to believe that success stems from learning to skillfully deceive the teacher. Roberts et al. (1996) found that the high-task groups attributed success to effort more than did low-task groups. In contrast, high-ego groups attributed success to ability more than did low-ego groups. Even elite Olympic athletes, those we would expect to exhibit high ego involvement and to succeed with such a profile (Hardy, 1997), seem to function better when high ego involvement is tempered with high task involvement (e.g., Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002, 2003). This was also true of young elite soccer players (Lemyre et al., 2002).

Being both task and ego-oriented is conceptually coherent with achievement goal theory. It may well be that being high in both task and ego involvement is valuable in the learning process because it provides multiple sources of competence information to the athlete. Swain and Hardwood (1996) have suggested that an individual with both goal orientations cannot fail to be satisfied. They argue that when one goal is not attained, the second goal can be achieved. Duda (1988) asserted a similar notion and states that persistence may be increased with both orientations because a person has two sources of determining success. For an athlete, being both task and ego-involved in an activity is both intuitively plausible and conceptually consistent with achievement goal theory. Thus, an athlete may be very ego-involved in a sport when competing, but become very task-involved when training in the same sport. Further, an athlete may be ego-involved in competition, but then when the outcome is certain, or for some other reason, become task-involved before the game or event is completed. We must not forget that task and ego involvement are dynamic constructs and subject to ebb and flow as the athlete plays the game or continues with the activity (Roberts, 1992, 2001). It is not whether an individual should be either task or ego-involved, but rather when being task-involved or ego-involved is appropriate. This shift of involvement is an important issue to investigate, as it may reflect on intervention strategies for enhancing motivation.

The Future Of Achievement Goals

We have discussed the nature of achievement goals as being situated within situation and self-cognitive schemas, the traditional achievement goal approach, or being situated within affect-based incentives (at least partially) in the hierarchical model. However, achievement goals have been based in other constructs, too.

One approach has been to use the concept of value, where goal orientations emerge from the value-laden attractiveness of an achievement context. Values are directed at desirable end states of behavior, and goals are seen as objectives (Bandura, 1986; Eccles & Harold, 1991; Ford, 1992; Kaplan & Maehr, 2002). As an example, Eccles and her colleagues (Eccles & Harold, 1991; Wigfield & Eccles, 1992) suggest that achievement goals emerge from values and expectancies. Thus, mastery goals emerge from intrinsic task values and a belief in one's competence to do the task, whereas performance goals emerge from the utility value of the task for success in an important domain and the expectancy of outperforming others. The research into task value and achievement goals is promising and increasing in sport (Wiess & Ferrer-Caja, 2002), but more research is needed to develop the conceptual base of the approach in physical activity.

Goals have also been seen as "self-primes," a form of heightened self-awareness (Kaplan & Maehr, 2002). Nicholls (1984) has suggested that heightened self-awareness could make thoughts of competence salient. What is an ego goal (or performance-approach and performance-avoidance goals) may well represent a heightened awareness of the self as the person may focus on what he or she can do. However, heightened self-awareness may also affect other thoughts about oneself. Self-awareness certainly may affect ego or performance goals, especially in terms of approach and avoidance goals. It is interesting that the research into self-awareness is meaningful to achievement goal theory and may propose a fruitful line of inquiry. However, more conceptual clarification and research is needed, especially in the mastery/task achievement goal.

There are other metaphors that may guide the development of achievement goals. It will be the business of future research to attempt to combine the various perspectives into a parsimonious explanation of how contexts and individual differences forge achievement goals.

The foregoing reflects one major trend in achievement goal research: the attempt to converge achievement goals into a larger, more parsimonious framework. As discussed earlier, Elliot and colleagues (e.g., 2005) have integrated achievement goal theory with more traditional concepts of achievement needs. Kaplan and Maehr (2002) have argued for more general processes of meaning construction that involve the self and the context in a broader framework. This trend is welcome, as the development of specific achievement goals should be based on a sound conceptual framework.

Still other achievement goals have been identified. Initially pursued (e.g., Maehr & Braskamp, 1986), they fell into disuse as the parsimony of the dichotomous interpretation was demonstrated over time. One early goal was termed a social goal, referring to social approval and/or interpersonal reasons for engaging in achievement tasks (e.g., Ewing, 1981; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). But little attention has been given to social goals in physical activity in recent times. Another early goal involved extrinsic orientation, where the individual strove to achieve an external criterion of success (e.g., Maehr & Braskamp, 1986). But little attention has been paid to extrinsic goals, except within the framework of other motivational conceptualizations (e.g., Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2002). And qualitative research has identified other goals in addition to ego and task goals (e.g., Dowson & McInerney, 2001). It may well be that future research, particularly qualitative research, may identify and demonstrate how these goals may further our understanding of the origin and development of achievement goals and their behavioral implications.

This reflects a second trend in achievement goal research, that of developing other achievement goals. In particular, there have been arguments in favor of recognizing different criteria of engagement in achievement striving, and that these have their own patterns of consequences. We have discussed the approach and avoidance arguments of Elliot and colleagues that began this trend, but it has also been suggested that we may be able to bifurcate the current mastery (task) definitions of competence into separate categories for absolute (e.g., Did I perform this task as well as this task can be performed?) and intrapersonal (e.g., Did I perform this task better than I did previously?) definitions of competence (Elliot, 1999; Elliot & Conroy, 2005; Harwood, Hardy, & Swain, 2000). The same may be argued for other goals, such as social goals and extrinsic goals, which may also be partitioned into approach and avoidance categories (Dowson & McInerney, 2001). Thus, for example, social goals can be categorized as either approach, in that one can demonstrate competence to gain friends ("If I play well, my friends will like me"), or avoidance, in that competence, or the expectation of failing to demonstrate competence, will lead to social castigation ("If I don't play well, my father shouts at me"). Thus, the trend begun by Elliot continues. However, Elliot and Conroy (2005) argue that any expansions of the achievement goal construct need to relate to existing dimensions of achievement goals (i.e., definitions of competence, valence of strivings) or provide a rationale for incorporating new dimensions of competence. But researchers need to be careful not to add unnecessary complexity to the parsimonious interpretation of achievement goals without a concomitant increase in conceptual integration.

Conclusion

There are two important conclusions we may draw. First, performance goals (however they have been defined and conceptualized) are more likely to lead to maladaptive achievement behavior, especially when participants perceive competence to be low, are concerned with failure, or are invested in protecting self-worth. In such circumstances, the evidence is quite clear: Motivation ebbs, task investment is low, persistence is low, performance suffers, satisfaction and enjoyment are lower, and participants feel more negatively about themselves and the achievement context. But this does not mean that ego-oriented goals are always negative; in some situations for some people they are positive. A performance-approach goal (e.g., Elliot, 1997) or an ego (or performance) goal with high perception of competence (e.g., Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002) is facilitative of achievement and functions as a motivating construct. But even then, performance (ego) goals are more fragile and can lead to maladaptive achievement striving as context information is processed (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Midgley, Kaplan, & Middleton, 2001).

Second, the research is unequivocal that task (mastery) goals are adaptive. When task-involved participants perceive mastery criteria in the context, motivation is optimized, participants are invested in the task, they persist longer, performance is higher, satisfaction and enjoyment are higher, and participants feel more positively about themselves and the task. Being task-involved has been consistently associated with desirable cognitive and affective responses. The research is now clear that if we wish to optimize motivation in physical activity we ought to promote task involvement. It does not matter whether we do it through enhancing socialization experiences so that the individual has a task goal orientation and is naturally taskinvolved (Nicholls, 1989), or we structure the physical activity context to be more task-involving (e.g., Treasure & Roberts, 1995, 2001). The evidence has led many sport psychologists to conclude that task involvement better enables learners to manage motivation in the sport experience. Consequently, they have urged those involved in pedagogy to promote task involvement as well as develop masteryoriented environments to facilitate effective motivational patterns for all participants, even if the individuals are high in ego orientation (e.g., Brunel, 2000; Duda, 1992; Hall & Kerr, 1997; Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002; Roberts, 2001; Roberts et al., 1997; Theeboom et al., 1995; Treasure & Roberts, 1995).

However, an important assumption of achievement goal theory from the Nicholls perspective is that the goals are orthogonal; that is, being task or ego-involved is independent, which means that one can be high or low in each or in both orientations at the same time. The findings of the research discussed here suggest that rather than depressing a high-ego state of involvement and replacing it with a high-task state of involvement, as has been advocated by many researchers, we should concentrate on enhancing the task-involved state. This finding suggests that we do not have to explicitly depress ego involvement to maintain motivation; rather, we should enhance task involvement to moderate the potentially debilitating effects of a high-ego state of involvement.

It may well be that always fostering task-involving criteria may not satisfy all individuals in the sport experience, especially elite athletes (Hardy, 1997). It may well be that athletes at all levels of competition would benefit from being both task and ego-involved. Being both task and ego-involved is conceptually coherent with achievement goal theory and may be valuable in the learning process because it provides multiple sources of competence information to the athlete. Encouraging individuals to be task-involved in achievement tasks has been demonstrated to optimize motivation, even with elite athletes, but we need not be blind to the fact that some athletes do favor and are motivated by ego-involving criteria. The task for the investigator and the practitioner is to determine when task or ego-involving criteria of success and failure are motivational. Only further research will verify this hypothesis.

As is clear from the foregoing, it may be concluded that where achievement goals come from, how they are operationalized, and how they are measured are areas with rich research traditions. We may ask: What are the key constructs underlying the motivational equation? Of all the motivational paradigms that are extant, which of the constructs is central to understanding motivation? As Duda and Hall (2001) have suggested, perhaps it is time to begin to seriously attempt to integrate some key constructs and untangle the motivation puzzle, as we and some others have attempted (e.g., Kaplan & Maehr, 2002). Are achievement goals the manifestation of needs, values, the valence of outcomes, or cognitive schemas driving how one sees one's world and responds to the environmental cues with achievement striving? What gives meaning to achievement striving? In sport and physical activity, we need to address these questions and expand our conceptual understanding of motivational processes and achievement behaviors so that we can intervene effectively to enhance motivation and make the sport and physical activity context enjoyable and satisfying for all.
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157. Treasure, D. C., & Roberts, G. C. (2001). Students' perceptions of the motivational climate, achievement beliefs and satisfaction in physical education. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 72, 165-175.

158. Van Yperen, N. W., & Duda, J. L. (1999). Goal orientations, beliefs about success, and performance improvement among young elite Dutch soccer players. Scandinavian Journal of Medicine and Science in Sports, 9, 358-364.

159. Vealey, R. S., & Campbell, J. L. (1988). Achievement goals of adolescent figure skaters: Impact on self-confidence, anxiety, and performance. Journal of Adolescent Research, 3, 227-243.

160. Vlachopoulos, S., & Biddle, S. J. H. (1996). Achievement goal orientations and intrinsic motivation in a track and field event in school physical education. European Physical Education Review, 2, 158-164.

161. Vlachopoulos, S., & Biddle, S. J. H. (1997). Modeling the relation of goal orientations to achievement-related affect in physical education: Does perceived ability matter? Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 19, 169-187.

162. Walling, M. D., & Duda, J. L. (1995). Goals and their associations with beliefs about success in and perceptions of the purposes of physical education. Journal of Teaching in Physical Education, 14(2), 140-156.

163. Walling, M. D., Duda, J. L., & Chi, L. (1993). The Perceived Motivational Climate in Sport Questionnaire: Construct and predictive validity. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 15, 172-183.

164. Weiner, B. (1972). Theories of motivation: From mechanism to cognition. Chicago: Markham.

165. Weiss, M., & Ferrer-Caja, E. (2002). Motivational orientations and sport behavior. In T. Horne (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (pp. 101-184). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

166. White, S. A., & Duda, J. L. (1993). Dimensions of goals and beliefs among adolescent athletes with physical disabilities. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 10(2), 125-136.

167. White, S. A., Duda, J. L., & Keller, M. R. (1998). The relationship between goal orientation and perceived purposes of sport among youth sport participants. Journal of Sport Behavior, 21, 474-483.

168. White, S. A., & Zellner, S. R. (1996). The relationship between goal orientation, beliefs about the causes of sport success, and trait anxiety among high school, intercollegiate, and recreational sport participants. Sport Psychologist, 10, 58-72.

169. Wigfield, A., & Eccles, J. S. (1992). The development of achievement task values: A theoretical analysis. Developmental Review, 12, 265-310.

170. Williams, L. (1998). Contextual influences and goal perspectives among female youth sport participants. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 69, 47-57.

See also:

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Understanding and enhancing motivation is one of the most popular areas of research in psychology, as well as sport and exercise psychology. In psychology and sport psychology, this research has primarily addressed the role of motivation in individual lives, especially when addressing motivation in achievement contexts.

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Exercises for Healthy Bones

Exercise is an important step towards protecting your bones, as it helps protect your spine, slows the rate of bone loss, and builds muscle strength, which can prevent falls.

Exercise is recommended for all people with osteoporosis, even people who have had a spine or hip fracture. If you are new to exercise, talk to your doctor before starting any type of program. Consider speaking to a physical therapist or kinesiologist to get advice on exercises that are right for you.

Experts recommend 4 types of exercise:

*If you have a spine fracture, consult a physical therapist/kinesiologist before using weights, and choose moderate, not vigorous aerobic physical activity

Too Fit to Fall or Fracture: One Page Guide

This one page guide is packed with useful information to get you started thinking about ways you can safely and effectively exercise.
See what the experts recommend along with real life examples of what you can do and what you should avoid.

Are You Too Fit To Fracture?
New multicomponent exercise recommendations combine muscle strengthening and balance training as a means of reducing falls and resulting fractures for people living with osteoporosis.

What is Too Fit To Fracture?
Too Fit to Fracture is a series of exercise recommendations for people with osteoporosis or spine fractures. It was developed by expert consensus using the Grading of Recommendations Assessment, Development, and Evaluation (GRADE) method, which is endorsed by the World Health Organization and the Cochrane Collaboration, to determine the quality of evidence for each recommendation in the existing scientific literature. The strength of the recommendations (strong, conditional, or no recommendation) and the direction (for or against) took into consideration the quality of the available evidence, the balance between the benefits and risks associated with exercise, and the patient groups' values and preferences. The Too Fit to Fracture expert panel included researchers and clinicians from Australia, Canada, Finland, and the USA, as well as partners from Osteoporosis Canada.

Video Series on Exercise and Osteoporosis

Osteoporosis Canada is excited to announce a video series on exercise and osteoporosis for Osteoporosis Month, developed in partnership with the University of Waterloo and Geriatric Education and Research in Aging Sciences Centre.
Each day, from Monday to Friday, for the month of November, we will post a new video to provide ideas for safe and effective exercise and physical activity. We will start our video series telling the stories of four very different people with osteoporosis and showing you their innovative solutions to keep healthy and active.

Which one will speak to you? Click here to find out!

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Exercises for Healthy Bones | Osteoporosis Canada

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Exercise is an important step towards protecting your bones, as it helps protect your spine, slows the rate of bone loss, and builds muscle strength, which can prevent falls. Exercise is recommended for all people with osteoporosis, even people who have had a spine or hip fracture.

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DOWNLOAD PDFRegular physical activity induces a wide range of health benefits in adults across all BMI categories, even in the absence of weight loss. Aerobic and resistance exercise can favour the mainte­nance or improvements in cardiorespiratory fitness, mobility, strength and muscle mass during weight management interventions. This can be

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Cardiovascular diseases (CVDs) are a group of disorders of the heart and blood vessels. They include:

coronary heart disease - a disease of the blood vessels supplying the heart muscle;

cerebrovascular disease - a disease of the blood vessels supplying the brain;

peripheral arterial disease - a disease of blood vessels supplying the arms and legs;

rheumatic heart disease - damage to the heart muscle and heart valves from rheumatic fever, caused by streptococcal bacteria;

congenital heart disease - birth defects that affect the normal development and functioning of the heart caused by malformations of the heart structure from birth; and

deep vein thrombosis and pulmonary embolism - blood clots in the leg veins, which can dislodge and move to the heart and lungs.

Heart attacks and strokes are usually acute events and are mainly caused by a blockage that prevents blood from flowing to the heart or brain. The most common reason for this is a build-up of fatty deposits on the inner walls of the blood vessels that supply the heart or brain. Strokes can be caused by bleeding from a blood vessel in the brain or from blood clots.

What are the risk factors for cardiovascular disease?

The most important behavioural risk factors of heart disease and stroke are unhealthy diet, physical inactivity, tobacco use and harmful use of alcohol. The effects of behavioural risk factors may show up in individuals as raised blood pressure, raised blood glucose, raised blood lipids, and overweight and obesity. These "intermediate risks factors" can be measured in primary care facilities and indicate an increased risk of heart attack, stroke, heart failure and other complications.

Cessation of tobacco use, reduction of salt in the diet, eating more fruit and vegetables, regular physical activity and avoiding harmful use of alcohol have been shown to reduce the risk of cardiovascular disease. Health policies that create conducive environments for making healthy choices affordable and available are essential for motivating people to adopt and sustain healthy behaviours.

There are also a number of underlying determinants of CVDs. These are a reflection of the major forces driving social, economic and cultural change - globalization, urbanization and population ageing. Other determinants of CVDs include poverty, stress and hereditary factors.

In addition, drug treatment of hypertension, diabetes and high blood lipids are necessary to reduce cardiovascular risk and prevent heart attacks and strokes among people with these conditions.

What are common symptoms of cardiovascular diseases?

Symptoms of heart attacks and strokes

Often, there are no symptoms of the underlying disease of the blood vessels. A heart attack or stroke may be the first sign of underlying disease. Symptoms of a heart attack include:

pain or discomfort in the centre of the chest; and/or

pain or discomfort in the arms, the left shoulder, elbows, jaw, or back.

In addition the person may experience difficulty in breathing or shortness of breath; nausea or vomiting; light-headedness or faintness; a cold sweat; and turning pale. Women are more likely than men to have shortness of breath, nausea, vomiting, and back or jaw pain.

The most common symptom of a stroke is sudden weakness of the face, arm, or leg, most often on one side of the body. Other symptoms include sudden onset of:

numbness of the face, arm, or leg, especially on one side of the body;

confusion, difficulty speaking or understanding speech;

difficulty seeing with one or both eyes;

difficulty walking, dizziness and/or loss of balance or coordination;

severe headache with no known cause; and/or

fainting or unconsciousness.

People experiencing these symptoms should seek medical care immediately.

What is rheumatic heart disease?

Rheumatic heart disease is caused by damage to the heart valves and heart muscle from the inflammation and scarring caused by rheumatic fever. Rheumatic fever is caused by an abnormal response of the body to infection with streptococcal bacteria, which usually begins as a sore throat or tonsillitis in children.

Rheumatic fever mostly affects children in developing countries, especially where poverty is widespread. Globally, about 2% of deaths from cardiovascular diseases are related to rheumatic heart disease.

Symptoms of rheumatic heart disease

Symptoms of rheumatic heart disease include: shortness of breath, fatigue, irregular heartbeats, chest pain and fainting.

Symptoms of rheumatic fever include: fever, pain and swelling of the joints, nausea, stomach cramps and vomiting.

Why are cardiovascular diseases a development issue in low- and middle-income countries?

At least three-quarters of the world's deaths from CVDs occur in low- and middle-income countries. People living in low- and middle-income countries often do not have the benefit of primary health care programmes for early detection and treatment of people with risk factors for CVDs. People in low- and middle-income countries who suffer from CVDs and other noncommunicable diseases have less access to effective and equitable health care services which respond to their needs. As a result, for many people in these countries detection is often late in the course of the disease and people die at a younger age from CVDs and other noncommunicable diseases, often in their most productive years.

The poorest people in low- and middle-income countries are most affected. At the household level, evidence is emerging that CVDs and other noncommunicable diseases contribute to poverty due to catastrophic health spending and high out-of-pocket expenditure. At the macro-economic level, CVDs place a heavy burden on the economies of low- and middle-income countries.

How can the burden of cardiovascular diseases be reduced?

The key to cardiovascular disease reduction lies in the inclusion of cardiovascular disease management interventions in universal health coverage packages, although in a high number of countries health systems require significant investment and reorientation to effectively manage CVDs.

Evidence from 18 countries has shown that hypertension programmes can be implemented efficiently and cost-effectively at the primary care level which will ultimately result in reduced coronary heart disease and stroke. Patients with cardiovascular disease should have access to appropriate technology and medication. Basic medicines that should be available include:

aspirin;

beta-blockers;

angiotensin-converting enzyme inhibitors; and

statins.

An acute event such as a heart attack or stroke should be promptly managed.

Sometimes, surgical operations are required to treat CVDs. They include:

coronary artery bypass;

balloon angioplasty (where a small balloon-like device is threaded through an artery to open the blockage);

valve repair and replacement;

heart transplantation; and

artificial heart operations.

Medical devices are required to treat some CVDs. Such devices include pacemakers, prosthetic valves, and patches for closing holes in the heart.

WHO response

In 2013, WHO Member States agreed on global mechanisms to reduce the avoidable NCD burden including a "Global action plan for the prevention and control of NCDs 2013-2020". This Plan aims to reduce the number of premature deaths from NCDs by 25% by 2025 through nine voluntary global targets. Two of the targets directly focus on preventing and controlling CVDs.

Target 6: Reduce global prevalence of raised blood pressure by 25% between 2010 and 2025.

Target 8: At least 50% of eligible people should receive drug therapy and counselling (including glycaemic control) to prevent heart attacks and strokes by 2025.

In addition, target 9 states that there should be 80% availability of the affordable basic technologies and essential medicines, including generics, required to treat major NCDs in both public and private facilities.

Achieving these targets will require significant investment in and strengthening of health systems.

WHO is currently working on increasing the normative guidance available for the management of acute coronary syndrome and stroke which will provide guidance in these important areas.

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WHO cardiovascular diseases fact sheet providing key facts and information on risk factors, symptoms, rheumatic heart disease, treatment and prevention, WHO response.

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A bit clunky but a data analysis of nutritional values of school cafeteria food.  Building a menu to support an athlete.

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A bit clunky but a data analysis of nutritional values of school cafeteria food.  Building a menu to support an athlete.

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Abstract

Physical activity participation has historically been conceptualized at the individual level with a strong emphasis on apparently healthy people. However, in the latter part of the 20th century and early part of the 21st century, a paradigm shift emerged whereby physical activity participation increasingly was acknowledged to be dependent on factors residing beyond an individual's control, with programming and intervention efforts necessary across the lifespan, in multiple settings, and under various life circumstances. This shifting emphasis has created opportunities and challenges for those involved in physical activity program delivery and research. In this presentation, physical activity behavior change, promotion, and retention efforts will be reviewed and critiqued. Emerging from this critical analysis is an understanding of the syndemic nature of hypokinetic diseases (i.e., the diseases associated with disuse and physical inactivity). The term syndemics is used to account for the interplay and synergistic nature of person, place, and timing in the development of disease. Not only are individual lifestyle behaviors and social factors considered in syndemics, but so too are the forces that link those causes together. To genuinely affect change among the masses, those involved in delivering physical activity interventions and programming must not only address each lifestyle behavior and social affliction that contributes to hypokinetic diseases, but also to the social and environmental forces that link those causes together (e.g., stigma, unequal access to resources).

Keywords: Community-based participatory research, Exercise is Medicine, History, Kinesiology, Philosophy, Physical activity, Psychosocial, Sociocultural

Introduction

Considering the theme, "Active Aging, Quality of Life, and Physical Activity as Medicine," as well as the "Exercise is Medicine" initiative that was launched in the United States in 2007, 1 it is sobering to recall:

"The importance of exercise and diet was perhaps never more fully acknowledged than by the physicians of the present day. Experience has proved these means to be the best preventive against disease, as well as a powerful auxiliary, if not a substitute for medicines, in many obstinate cases." (Reviews, 2 p. 235)

Those words were written 190 years ago. They are still relevant today. 3

The aim of this paper is to critically reflect on where the discipline of kinesiology has been and to offer suggestions about where it is going, with a keen interest in advancing inclusive physical activity practices. The complexities of physical-inactivity-related diseases is discussed, leading to recommendations for assuring the sociocultural relevancy of the work that is being done, work that can be enhanced by employing community-based participatory research methods.

Academic discipline of kinesiology

There are mores in all academic disciplines, and kinesiology (also known as physical culture, physical training, physical education, exercise science, and sport science) is no exception. The idea that physical activity is important for the acquisition, maintenance, or restoration of health dates back centuries, 4, 5 yet it was not until the 19th century that the discipline of kinesiology began to codify 6 and it did so primarily under the leadership of medical doctors. 4 As it codified, certain traditions began to set in place, with the pendulum swinging within the degrees of freedom established by the early leaders in the discipline.

For example, the Department of Physical Education and Hygiene at Amherst College, recognized as the first of its kind in the United States (US), was instituted in 1859-1860 due to concerns over student health, not for the development of military personnel or sportsmen. 7 Counter to this inclusionary and health promoting perspective were those who promulgated a more exclusionary perspective whereby they believed the discipline should be focused on "...improving the development of the best developed, of improving the health of the healthiest". 8 Even though there is evidence that this exclusionary position has negatively affected the physical activity participation levels of the population at large, exclusionary practices persist. 9, 10, 11

These extreme value propositions have pushed and pulled the discipline of kinesiology to one degree or another - like the mythical Pushmi-Pullyu animal described in The Story of Doctor Doolittle 12 - for the past 150+ years. Such tension continues to this day. 11, 13 Consider, for example, that many in the US who are seeking baccalaureate degrees in the field and/or are interested in careers in physical education teaching, tend to be Caucasian, male, middle-class, conservative, and athletic. 14, 15 They also appear to be growing up in an increasingly narcissistic (i.e., self-oriented) society, 16 which is perpetuated and reinforced by at least some in the commercial fitness industry. 17

Concurrently, the science of physical activity and public health - and the more inclusionary physical activity practices that it aspires to foster and promote 18 - has matured immensely during the later part of the 20th century and this has continued into the 21st century. The work of Pate et al. 19 and the US Department of Health and Human Services 20 two decades ago clearly accelerated progress in this area. There is now an unprecedented cadre of talented scholars from within and outside of the discipline of kinesiology who have a more inclusionary and health promoting orientation, 21 and new talent is being recruited and developed with this orientation. 22

21st century diseases, 19th century wisdom

This shifting orientation is due to the rise of hypokinetic diseases, which are the diseases associated with disuse and physical inactivity (i.e., hypo = less, kinetic = movement). 23 Hypokinetic diseases encompass a range of medical conditions that afflict the world's population, such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes mellitus, hypertension, and obesity, to name only a few. At least in part, these medical conditions are preventable or otherwise mitigated through regular physical activity participation. 3, 24 Unfortunately, few people engage in physical activity at the level recommended to avoid or delay the onset of hypokinetic diseases and therefore they miss out on the many benefits that a physically activity lifestyle affords. 25

To some degree the benefits of physical activity are also characterized as the polar opposites of hypokinetic diseases. That is, not having cardiovascular disease, not having diabetes mellitus, not having hypertension, or not having obesity. While avoiding or preventing disease is certainly a worthy cause, loss-frame messaging such as this is not as effective as gain-frame messaging (i.e., emphasizing the positive benefits and values of physical activity participation). 26 Moreover, the benefits of physical activity can encompass so much more than what is depicted in loss-frame messaging, such as freedom of expression and will, fun and enjoyment, joy and pleasure, and the pursuit of meaning and self-fulfillment. 27, 28 These latter benefits can be immediate. Hiking a mountain trail and seeing and experiencing the natural beauty along the way and the vista at the end of the trail are prime examples. Another example is walking or cycling to complete short-trips and errands rather than driving or riding in a car. This has the immediate benefit of achieving tangible tasks while simultaneously having one less automobile on the roadway, which results in fewer carbon emissions being produced, and the personal value of saving money (and a natural resource for those who are environmentally conscious) by not consuming gasoline unecessarily.

As the second example begins to illustrate, the benefits of physical activity extend beyond the individual level. It also begins to illustrate how complicated and intertwined the world we live in is. This was elegantly expressed by Chief Seattle (1780-1866), the Native American Indian Chief of the Duwamish Tribe that inhabited the region of the US that is now known as Seattle, Washington, when he said: "Humankind has not woven the web of life. We are but one thread within it. Whatever we do to the web, we do to ourselves. All things are bound together. All things connect". 31

For example, societies benefit from a healthy citizenry. 32, 33 Families function better when they play together. 34 Children are more attentive and have better behavioral regulation and cognitive outcomes in school. 35 Employers also benefit by having a healthier workforce through reduced absenteeism, lower health care costs, and higher employee morale and productivity. 36 Additionally, those who enlist to serve and defend their nations (i.e., military personnel) and those who choose to protect and serve its citizens (e.g., firefighters and police officers) are better able so to do. 37, 38 Clearly, an active, alert, engaged, healthy, and globally minded citizenry has many benefits.

That said, and though some have suggested people have a moral, patriotic, and/or social responsibility to be physically active, 33, 39 physical activity participation has most often been conceptualized at the individual level (e.g., Nike's Just Do It! campaign) and/or with a strong emphasis on school- and sports-based programs delivered to children, youth, and young adults. 40 However, in the latter part of the 20th century and early part of the 21st century, in particular, a paradigm shift emerged whereby physical activity participation increasingly was acknowledged to be dependent on factors residing beyond an individual's control (e.g., person-environment interactions), with programming and intervention efforts necessary across the lifespan (i.e., "womb to tomb"), in multiple settings (e.g., schools, worksites, healthcare, community, and home-based), and under various life circumstances (e.g., well, apparently healthy, unhealthy, ill). 41

This is consistent with the third iteration of public health, which recognizes that lifestyle behaviors "...are powerfully driven by the social and physical environments in which people live, learn, work, and play". 42 This shifting emphasis, along with the two value extremes noted earlier in this paper and the backgrounds and interests of many who enter the field, has created opportunities and challenges for those involved in physical activity behavior change, promotion, and retention efforts, as have other changing social forces and conditions, many of which are sociocultural in nature (e.g., diversity, environmental concerns, human conflicts, population growth, self-entertainment, urbanization). 43, 44, 45

Understanding physical activity behavior: psychosocial and sociocultural perspectives

Within kinesiology the sociocultural domain encompasses the historical, philosophical, anthropological, and sociological aspects of human movement. History and philosophy, humanities-based disciplines, inform several social science disciplines including anthropology; the study of the whole of humans and societies; from which sociology emerges, the study of humans in their social context, including their constructed social institutions, social groupings, and social interaction patterns. Individuals operate within these constructed societies (i.e., social structures) and social realities (i.e., social dynamics), and this is the essence of social psychology, a subdiscipline of psychology, which is a behavioral science that seeks to understand the mind and behavior. 46 Operationally, this collection of humanities and social and behavior science disciplines moves from the broad base of anthropology, to the narrower sociology, to the still narrower social psychology, to the still narrower psychology. All are informed by past and existing knowledge and simultaneously construct new historical and philosophical knowledge, which is a dynamic and forever iterative process.

Against this backdrop, spend a moment perusing the map showing the prevalence of obesity in the US 47 along with the map showing the availability of physical activity spaces in the US 48 and an interesting correlation emerges. That is, the regions of the country with the lowest prevalence rates of obesity are in the Northeast and West, which corresponds with the regions of the country that have the highest prevalence rates of access to physical activity opportunities. Moreover, those who actively transport to and from work vis-à-vis biking or walking - which generally corresponds with these same regions - are least likely to have diabetes, hypertension, and obesity and most likely to meet the recommended guidelines for physical activity. 49 Affluence, ethnicity, and race are important moderators in many of these relationships, 49 as are other factors such as age, disability, gender, immigration status, location (e.g., rural vs. urban), and sexual orientation. 11

Some of these factors are the opposite of what was occurring in the past. For example, historically physical activity levels were thought to decline when people moved from rural to urban environments because of the conveniences associated with living in urban settings. As Kraus and Rabb 23 said:

"Since the invention of the wheel, mankind [sic] has tried to substitute machines for its own labor. The logical development culminates in our mechanized era. Today more daily activities are performed by machines, and physical exertion has become unnecessary. When we analyze our daily lives, we can see how the active function of our muscles has been taken over step by step by labor-saving devices. We do not walk, but ride; we do not climb stairs, but use elevators; we do not lift anything of any weight, but we have devices that do that lifting for us. Most of the chores that used to require a certain amount of physical activity have been taken over by machines. We do not mow our lawns by pushing a lawnmower - it is become motorized. We have pushbutton heating, we have vacuum cleaners, we have dish washers. In short, we do not move at all."

Similar ideas have been expressed for centuries. 4, 5 Moreover, these ideas are not dissimilar to what appears in contemporary literature. 41, 46

In theory, the conveniences of automation, labor-saving devices, and technology should afford people more leisure time. However, a lack of available leisure time is often expressed as a primary barrier to physical activity participation. 50 Similarly, as people move out of the workforce and into retirement they should have substantially more leisure time available for physical activity participation. However, physical activity participation rates trend downward throughout the lifespan. 50 These are just a few of the contradictions within the realm of physical activity behavior studies, many of which center around time and how people use their time.

Isotemporal substitution model

The isotemporal substitution model seeks to "...estimate the effect of replacing one physical activity type with another physical activity type for the same amount of time (e.g., replacing slow walking with TV watching, by taking TV watching out of the model)". 51 From a physiological perspective, this calculation seems rather straightforward. That is, by engaging in slow walking instead of television watching energy expenditure doubles. 52 However, from a sociocultural perspective, the matter is much more complicated than this. Consider:

"The number of hours in a day is finite and can be distributed among working, eating, sleeping, and discretionary time. However, not only can the activities in which one engages during discretionary time be highly heterogeneous between individuals (depending on socioeconomic status, occupation, and other social circumstances), but the relative expense and sacrifice of different activities displaced to partake in a period of activity may also vary widely. For example, although it may seem that a 1-hour walk by an unemployed individual should be equivalent to a 1-hour walk by a highly time-limited individual, the activity displaced by an unemployed individual (e.g., 1 hour of TV watching) is likely very different from the activity displaced by the busy individual (e.g., 1 hour of sleeping or jogging). Therefore, although the physiologic benefits of a 1-hour walk may be similar across individuals, the actual overall impact of a 1-hour walk may have a wide range of effects, depending on each individual's time limitations and general lifestyle." (Mekary et al., 51 p. 524)

Sociocultural relevancy model and community-based participatory research

Morgan et al 53 proposed a sociocultural relevancy model to guide physical activity health behavior change interventions and programs. Their model presupposes an understanding of the sample characteristics (i.e., population of interest; their challenges, motivations, preferences, and values), which they note is paramount to the ultimate success of any physical activity behavior change intervention. From that foundation, a sociocultural lens is then applied to aid with participant recruitment strategies, and four core intervention components, namely content, format, facilitator, and pedagogy. They suggest that these four core elements are directly related to the participants' engagement in the intervention and ultimately the outcomes of the intervention (i.e., whether the intervention is successful and sustainable).

The sociocultural relevancy model also serves as a reminder that those in kinesiology likely have different views of and experiences with physical activity than do the majority of people with whom they interact and hope to serve. Consider the following statement: "I love telling people how to love exercise and how to treat their bodies with respect". 14 This rather naïve and narrow perspective is controlling, implies authoritative knowledge, and demonstrates little understanding of or respect for others. It seems doomed to failure and may do more harm than good. To address this, the sociocultural relevancy model integrates well with the community-based participatory research paradigm, which is "...a transformative research paradigm that bridges the gap between science and practice through community engagement and social action to increase health equity". 54

Syndemic nature of hypokinetic disease and sedentary death syndrome

Emerging from the model of Morgan et al, 53 the syndemic nature of hypokinetic disease becomes clear. The term syndemics is used to account for the interplay and synergistic nature of person, place, and timing in the development of disease. 55 Not only are the individual lifestyle behaviors and social factors considered in syndemics, but so too are the forces that tie the various afflictions together. Intervention and programming efforts must not only be directed toward addressing each lifestyle behavior and social affliction that contributes to hypokinetic disease, but also to the sociocultural forces that tie those afflictions together. This necessitates the use of the community-based participatory research paradigm in order for genuine, systematic changes to not only occur, but to endure. 54

Conclusion

Physical activity is unquestionably good for health. It is also good for the human spirit. It allows people to partake in life and to experience the joys and fullness of life. Regrettably, and in spite of efforts to promote physical activity to the masses for decades if not centuries, there is wide recognition that people and societies suffer from an affliction known as spectatoritis. 56 Spectatoritis is the propensity of people to watch others do physical activity rather than to participate themselves. Identified more than eight decades ago, 56 spectatoritis remains a modern day concern. 57

Many sociocultural forces affect whether or not someone will engage in physical activity. However, most efforts to bring physical activity to the masses have had a strong individual orientation aimed at people aged 5-18 years. This orientation has been informed and reinforced by the discipline of kinesiology, and in many ways it has failed.

Fueled by the Surgeon General's Report on Physical Activity and Health in the mid-1990s, 20 and an increased recognition that there are factors affecting physical activity behavior that reside beyond an individual's personal control, in the 21st century a greater emphasis has been placed on the social ecological factors that may influence an individual's physical activity behavior. To understand these factors, frameworks such as the sociocultural relevancy model, 53 and methodological paradigms such as community-based participatory research, 54 have emerged. These approaches encourage a deep understanding of people and their communities; they value local knowledge and partnerships; they are cooperative rather than authoritative; and they occur across the lifespan.

Conflicts of interest

None declared.

Funding/support

Society for Chinese Scholars on Exercise Physiology and Fitness.

Footnotes

i While the word "inclusionary" is used here, it is important to remember that Amherst College was an all-male institution at the time, with the students being Caucasian and from affluent families primarily.

ii Both within and outside of the discipline of kinesiology, other approaches and perspectives have existed (and do exist). For example, the discipline has contributed to advances in basic science (e.g., mechanistic work in exercise physiology and motor behavior); therapeutic and rehabilitation science and practice (e.g., the professions of athletic training and physical therapy); product design and safety in both sport and non-sport settings (e.g., adapted physical activity and biomechanics); acceptance, diversity, equity, human understanding, and international relations (e.g., sport and exercise psychology, sport history, sport philosophy, sport sociology); among others.

iiiDargay et al. 29 estimated that the demand for private automobiles would grow from 800 million units in 2002 to more than 2 billion units by 2030. Much of that growth is expected to be in non-Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, with a 20 fold increase expected in China alone. Beyond this sobering estimate, if American automobile passengers weighed what they did in 1960, an estimated 958,000,000 gallons of gasoline would be saved each year. 30 Given projections in population growth, the increased demand for automobiles worldwide, and the worldwide obesity trends, the pending demands on the biosphere could be cataclysmic.

References

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Toward a greater understanding of the syndemic nature of hypokinetic diseases

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Physical activity participation has historically been conceptualized at the individual level with a strong emphasis on apparently healthy people. However, in the latter part of the 20th century and early part of the 21st century, a paradigm shift emerged ...

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If you're living with diabetes-especially type 2 diabetes-regular physical activity is one of the most important things you can do to lower your blood sugar. Increased physical activity can work just as effectively as some medications, with fewer side effects.

If you're at risk of developing type 2 diabetes, regular exercise can help delay or even prevent diabetes from developing.

Strive tocomplete at least 150 minutes of moderate-to vigorous-intensity aerobic exercise each week (e.g. 30 minutes, five days a week) and resistance exercises (like lifting weights) two to three times a week.

Physical activity

Physical activity is any form of movement that causes your body to burn calories. This can be walking, gardening, cleaning and many other activities you already do. Daily physical activity is important. Low physical fitness is as strong a risk factor for dying as smoking is.

Avoid long periods of sitting by getting up every 20 to 30 minutes to stand or move around. Adding more physical activity to your day is one of the most important things you can do to help manage your diabetes and improve your health.

Benefits of physical activity

Regular physical activity, along with eating healthy and controlling your weight, can reduce your risk of developing diabetes complications such as heart disease and stroke.

Regular physical activity also helps:

prevent sugar from building up in your blood

lower your blood pressure (since your muscles use sugar for energy)

reduce your risk of developing type 2 diabetes

Before you get started

Before starting a new exercise routine, be prepared:

If you've been inactive for a while, talk to your doctor before starting any exercise program that's more difficult than brisk walking

If you live with type 1 diabetes, speak to your doctor reducing the risk of low blood sugar during and after exercise

Wear comfortable, proper-fitting shoes, and your MedicAlert® bracelet or necklace

Carry a fast-acting carbohydrate with you in case you need to treat low blood sugar (hypoglycemia), e.g. glucose tablets or Life Savers®

If you take insulin or medications that increase the release of insulin, monitor your blood sugar before, during and many hours after your activity to see how it affects your blood sugar levels

If you are short of breath or have chest pain, speak to your doctor

Types of physical activity

Both aerobic and resistance exercise are important for people living with diabetes.

Aerobic exercise

Aerobic exercise is continuous movement (such as walking, bicycling or jogging) that raises your heart rate and breathing. Benefits of aerobic exercise include:

improved fitness, health and body composition

reduced complications of diabetes such as lowered risk of heart disease

improved diabetes, including blood sugar, blood fats, and blood pressure

Aim for 150 minutes of aerobic exercise per week. You may have to start slowly, with as little as five to 10 minutes of exercise per day, gradually building up to your goal.

The good news is that multiple, shorter exercise sessions of at least 10 minutes each can be as useful as a single longer session of the same intensity.

Interval aerobic training

Interval training involves short periods of vigorous aerobic exercise, such as running or cycling, alternating with short recovery periods at low-to-moderate intensity or rest from 30 seconds to 3 minutes each.

Interval training is an effective way to increase your fitness level if you have type 2 diabetes, or to lower your risk of low blood sugar if you have type 1 diabetes.

Resistance exercise

Resistance exercise involves brief repetitive exercises with weights, weight machines, resistance bands or your own body weight to build muscle and strength. Benefits of resistance exercise include:

maintaining or increasing lean muscle

burning calories at rest throughout the day

weight control and diabetes management (especially as we age)

Aim to do resistance exercises 2 to 3 times per week. If you're beginning resistance exercise for the first time, you should get some instruction from a qualified exercise specialist, a diabetes educator or exercise resource (such as a video or brochure).

The key is to start slowly and build your way up.

Get the support you need

Physical activity and diabetes can be a complex issue. If you need help and/or advice on how to become physically active, you can ask your doctor or a member of your diabetes health-care team for support that's right for you.

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If you're living with diabetes-especially type 2 diabetes-regular physical activity is one of the most important things you can do to lower your blood sugar. Increased physical activity can work just as effectively as some medications, with fewer side effects. If you're at risk of developing type 2 diabetes, regular exercise can help delay or even prevent diabetes from developing.

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Sakshat Portal Outreach Portal FAQ: Virtual Labs

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www.jondarkow.com - Body Temperature Regulation Simulation

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Run the Body Temperature Regulation Simulation on a phone HERE. Alternatively, this version of the Body Temperature Regulation Simulation includes a scatter plot to show the relationship between Body Temperature and Blood Vessel Diameter in a negative feedback loop. Before you reveal what the

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Statistical resources for social scientists, including z test, chi-square & t test statistical calculators.

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Web site for statistical computation; probability; linear correlation and regression; chi-square; t-procedures; t-tests; analysis of variance; ANOVA; analysis of covariance; ANCOVA; parametric; nonparametric; binomial; normal distribution; Poisson distribution; Fisher exact; Mann-Whitney; Wilcoxon; Kruskal-Wallis; Richard Lowry, Vassar College

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The latest data on the COVID-19 global outbreak.

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The latest data on the COVID-19 global outbreak. WHO's data repository for health-related statistics for its 194 Member States, providing access to over 1000 indicators on priority health topics WHO releases regular reports on data trends and analysis related to global health.