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Updated: Aug 30, 2023

When children don't want to go to school most of us buy into the widespread assumption that improving their attendance is the answer, a notion that has been heavily promoted by the current children's commissioner . It offers a neat 'solution' for everyone invested in 'solving' this problem.

This is because, in the words of Stephanie Sewell , school as we know it makes no sense in the minds of more and more of our young people. Or, for that matter, in the minds of the teachers leaving the profession in droves.

1.4 million children sought mental health support in 2022. Half of the 10,000 15-16 year olds surveyed by The Edge Foundation see school as something to 'get through.' while others who had left mainstream school were mostly 'thriving.'

A child's school distress has a 'devastating' impact on parents' mental health. Despite the increasing prevalence of families struggling with this, often parents feel alone, ashamed and convinced that they've failed. Parents tell me their own need to be perceived as 'good' and to comply with what professionals ask of them gets in the way of them acting in their child's best interests. Taking a child off roll and going it alone feels too big a leap for many or is practically impossible.

When children don't want to go to school most of us buy into the widespread assumption that improving their attendance is the answer, a notion that has been heavily promoted by the current children's commissioner . It offers a neat 'solution' for everyone invested in 'solving' this problem.

This is because, in the words of Stephanie Sewell , school as we know it makes no sense in the minds of more and more of our young people. Or, for that matter, in the minds of the teachers leaving the profession in droves.

1.4 million children sought mental health support in 2022. Half of the 10,000 15-16 year olds surveyed by The Edge Foundation see school as something to 'get through.' while others who had left mainstream school were mostly 'thriving.'

A child's school distress has a 'devastating' impact on parents' mental health. Despite the increasing prevalence of families struggling with this, often parents feel alone, ashamed and convinced that they've failed. Parents tell me their own need to be perceived as 'good' and to comply with what professionals ask of them gets in the way of them acting in their child's best interests. Taking a child off roll and going it alone feels too big a leap for many or is practically impossible.

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Flexischooling: a case for enabling more children to go to school less often

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At the time of writing, 27.5% of secondary school pupils have been persistently absent this academic year. Huge numbers of children are unable to access full time mainstream school for a multitude of complex reasons.There is growing consensus that this is an issue that is not going away and affected schools, parents and children are under intense pressure as a result.

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We have only included resources/ links we shared at the webinar, so the Padlet isn't too big/ overwhelming

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We have only included resources/ links we shared at the webinar, so the Padlet isn't too big/ overwhelming

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Hamilton (2024) EBSA and Neurodiversity, Agency and Belonging in school

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Hamilton (2024) EBSA and Neurodiversity, Agency and Belonging in school

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Neilson and Bond (2023) - lived experience of effective support for autistic young people who have experienced extended school nonattendance

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Neilson and Bond (2023) - lived experience of effective support for autistic young people who have experienced extended school nonattendance

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Barriers to Education (Replacing the EBSA Guidance) Webinar 1

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2019 - Contributions from 9,500 people, 2,900 autistic young people

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2019 - Contributions from 9,500 people, 2,900 autistic young people

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We sent out a survey, and made a rap where each line is a response someone gave to the survey

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I asked 50 autistic children what life is like and made a rap with their responses (EMOTIONAL)

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2020 - 482 SEND young people across Greater Manchester

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2020 - 482 SEND young people across Greater Manchester

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These survey findings were shared across Greater Manchester, but a formal report was not written.

The survey was led by the North West SEND Young People's Coproduction Network.

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2021-22 - Barriers to Education Live Writing Sessions

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2021-22 - Barriers to Education Live Writing Sessions

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We ran a variety of activities where young people, parents and professionals met to discuss a variety of topics. The results of this work are not public but are available to the team who are working together to develop this guidance.

This has involved:

350 autistic young people

150 autistic adults

600 parents/ carers

80 professionals

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So far we have had a big SEND Focus (which makes sense, as neurodivergent young people are the biggest group who experience Barriers to Education) - but as we move on to writing the guidance we are working with a wide range of collaborators to ensure the views of all young people are fully represented.

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2023-24 Barriers to Education Survey 1/3

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2023-24 Barriers to Education Survey 1/3

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The key themes/ ideas from the survey

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2023-24 Barriers to Education Survey  2/3

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2023-24 Barriers to Education Survey  2/3

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The key themes/ ideas from the survey

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2023-24 Barriers to Education Survey 3/3

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2023-24 Barriers to Education Survey 3/3

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The key themes/ ideas from the survey

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'It's not that she wouldn't, she couldn't.' These words, written in the introduction of the book, struck a chord with me. The educational system we work in has, in my opinion, been created for the round pegs who fit perfectly into the round holes and yet the young people in our schools are all unique and are not carbon copies of each other. This book is utterly refreshing in that it addresses the biggest of misconceptions - that we should treat all children the same. Not all young people are the same and the sooner we learn how to teach and support them in the way they each need, the better it will be for all. This book explains what the issues are and how as a profession we can begin to address this. I cannot recommend this book enough. Thank you, Fran, Ellie and all the contributors for helping us to better understand and support our square pegs.

In order for a society to become healthy, whole and progressive, it must be willing to listen to the square pegs that it has created within itself. It is when square pegs choose to be silent and when they choose to communicate that we must pay careful attention to, for the sake of all of us. Everyone who was gifted with a square peg in their life will tell you so. Square pegs are our compass and our orienteers: they are the first to notice when we lose our way, the first to see that we have crossed our own boundaries, and the first to feel when we single-mindedly keep digging one-shaped holes. This is why this book had to be written, and this is why it must be read by anyone who cares about the education system of this country.I have been following Fran, Ellie and their many supporters, diligently collecting piece by piece of evidence for several years, to assemble the overly complicated puzzle of square pegs, to improve our society. The result is brutally honest, yet optimistic. It is visionary yet chooses a pragmatic approach and offers many quick wins. It offers a sensitive choice of a diverse set of writers, through which one thread of pearls is coming out very clearly: it is about compassion, consent, community and relationships. It is about holding our societal compass close to our hearts and struggling to keep it safe. This is the struggle of all of us - or at least it should be.

Carmel Kent

In recent years, many schools in England have started to implement strict policies around behaviour, curriculum and attendance. As the screws tighten, more and more square pegs (read 'deeply distressed young people') have started voting with their feet. When you stop going to school, it creates all kinds of problems: home visits, financial penalties and, incredibly, the threat of custodial sentences for the parents and carers of persistent 'offenders'. The fact that so many young people should choose such strife over attending school should tell us something very important about their lived experience of our one-size-fits-all education system. It seems likely that increasing numbers of square pegs will continue voting with their feet until we reach crisis point. But this crisis can be averted if we listen to the voices of those affected now. This brilliantly curated book is an absolute must-read for anyone interested in creating a more diverse, empathic, responsive educational ecosystem that works for all young people.

James Mannion

Making schools more inclusive is essential to ensuring the well-being and ability to thrive of every young person. Creating a sense of belonging and using trauma-informed strategies to help the system welcome the square pegs, rather than continuing to force them into round holes, is clearly the way forward. The current government one-size-fits-all approach, particularly to SEND and behaviour, needs a rethink. This book offers a wealth of practical examples of how collaboration between schools and families, alongside the will to make a culture shift, can lead to successful inclusion practices. It is very readable and contains practical advice and solutions, framed within the current educational context, that leaders, teachers and support staff can use to create the right systems and support to ensure that every child and young person really is more than just 'fine in school'.

Judy Ellerby

No child should miss out on a good education and the chance of opportunities in life just because their school doesn't give them the support they need to succeed. Most schools cherish and value the children who have special educational needs; there are also some who do not place inclusion high on their list of priorities, and exclude or marginalise children rather than provide the mental health and therapeutic support they need. Recently, a 13-year-old girl with autism gave me a list of what a good school for her would look like: well-organised, supportive, calm, focused on learning, there to help. These are all things we would want to see for every child in every school. After spending two years out of the classroom because a succession of schools was unable to meet her needs, she went on to find a school which understood her and provided the springboard she needed to do well. She went on to achieve great things in her GCSEs and is now in sixth form. Like Square Peg, I want all schools to see the potential in all children and provide the support they need. We should all be grateful to Square Peg for all they do to advocate for children who need most help, and for showing how schools and parents can work together with children to provide a positive environment to learn. Every child deserves the best start in life, and positive outcomes for all children must be at the heart of a successful education system.

Anne Longfield

Our high-stakes, test- and exam-focused system is failing too many children. It literally fails those who struggle to attend school or are marked as failures in exams. It metaphorically fails those who attend and get their grades, but at a personal cost to themselves, their love of learning and their families. This will continue to be the case for as long as schools are judged in the main on test and exam results, placing the burden of whole-school success or failure on children's shoulders.For the good of every child and, indeed, of educators themselves (most of whom want to provide the best possible learning experiences and strive to do so in spite of our one-size-fits-all model for education), it's time to listen to the canaries in the cages - the children who simply cannot cope, let alone thrive, within our restrictive, reductive system. Change made for those who suffer most will benefit the whole school community.

There is an old African saying: 'Until the lions have their own historians, the tales of glory will always be written by the hunters.' Fran Morgan has assembled here some lions and while they don't write too many tales of glory - although there are some - they do make us all realise why so many square pegs unnecessarily gain so little from our schooling system. Twelve years ago, Michael Gove sent a King James bible to every school. The next secretary of state for education should send a copy of this book to every new head teacher and put it on the reading list for all initial teacher training courses.

Tim Brighouse

This book is steeped in the experience and expertise of families, teachers and leaders. It tells the story of a system that is fraught with unintended consequences, brings the lived experiences of young people alive and challenges the notion of one-size-fits-all strategies. The voice of school leaders and teachers, ambitious to see the young people in their care thrive, roar at us across the page. It's a book of confidence for professionals and parents alike to rise above the distracting noise about attendance, exclusion and 'what works' narratives. A much-needed book ensuring the voice and experience of young people is heard and helping to inform what happens next. It's a must-read for everyone with a vision of an education system that can be 'fixed' through collaboration and brave actions.

Margaret Mulholland

This is a book that is firmly on the side of children as they try to come to terms with a school system that is designed to encourage conformity. It highlights the way some schools manage to set the child at the heart of what they do in every sense of the term. There are case studies that shine a light on the child's perspective and solutions offered for other schools to try. Reading it is both heart-wrenching and uplifting ... but uplifting wins.

Mick Waters

This is one of the most riveting books on education I have read in a long while. Its aim - to provide practical solutions for schools and families struggling with the increasing number of children who don't thrive in our current system - could not be more timely. The array of richly qualified writers places compassion, purpose and student autonomy at the heart of best practice. Their approach would surely work not just for those who avoid school, but for those stuck within it. Square Pegs is a must-read for parents, governors, staff and students who're up for a quiet classroom revolution.

Madeleine Holt

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Square Pegs: Inclusivity, compassion and fitting in - a guide for schools

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Buy Square Pegs: Inclusivity, compassion and fitting in - a guide for schools by Fran Morgan, Ellie Costello, Ian Gilbert (ISBN: 9781781354100) from Amazon's Book Store. Everyday low prices and free delivery on eligible orders.

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The work of Eliza Fricker/ Missing the Mark

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The work of Eliza Fricker/ Missing the Mark

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Can't Not Won't: A Story About A Child Who Couldn't Go To School

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Buy Can't Not Won't: A Story About A Child Who Couldn't Go To School Illustrated by Fricker, Eliza (ISBN: 9781839975202) from Amazon's Book Store. Everyday low prices and free delivery on eligible orders.

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Credit: Dr Jerricah Holder, EBSA Horizons

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Wow!!! By far one of the best books about autism to date!

Written by a parent of an autistic young person for parents, Your Child is Not Broken is a compassionate and neuro affirming gem that will stand the test of time for many years to come.

An honestly written, often funny guide that no parent should be without, this book gives the whys and hows and helps parents feel seen and less alone.

Topics like school refusal, PDA, parent blame, ableism, and strategies to advocate for your child are all highlighted.

Written in plain, accessible format, here is a book that can be read by anyone whether they are a parent, professional, or neurodivergent person looking for a book that 'gets them'.

5 🌟 and then some! Heidi Mavir is one to watch.

-Jen Elcheson Smits, contributing writer, Spectrum Women: Walking to the Beat of Autism

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Your Child is Not Broken: Parent Your Neurodivergent Child Without Losing Your Marbles

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Buy Your Child is Not Broken: Parent Your Neurodivergent Child Without Losing Your Marbles Main Market by Mavir, Heidi (ISBN: 9781035030576) from Amazon's Book Store. Everyday low prices and free delivery on eligible orders.

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Dr Naomi Fisher is an independent clinical psychologist and EMDR-Europe trainer. She specialises in trauma, autism and alternative approaches to education. She works with children, adolescents and adults.

She is the author of Changing our Minds: How Children Can Take Control of their Own Learning (Robinson, 2021) and A Different Way to Learn: Neurodiversity and Self-Directed Education (JKP, 2023).

She runs regular webinars and mini courses. They combine psychological theory and evidence with ideas which you can put into practice right away.

If you are a mental health professional, you can sign up for Naomi's EMDR training or refresher days.

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Naomi Fisher specialises in trauma, autism and alternative approaches to education. She runs webinars and online courses for parents. She runs training for professionals, including EMDR therapists.

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Not Fine in School is a parent-led organisation empowering families & raising awareness of school attendance barriers (school refusal/ anxiety/ SEND/ bullying)

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Corcoran et al. (2022) EBSNA Successful Returns to School

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Corcoran et al. (2022) EBSNA Successful Returns to School

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Corcoran and Kelly (2023) - young people's views on attendance

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Corcoran and Kelly (2023) - young people's views on attendance

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News: ‘School is too much pressure’- young people identify school as a contributing factor to poor mental health - edpsy.org.uk

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NEW: Join us at 6.15pm on 27th February as we talk to Maddi and Sarah live about this research. There’ll…

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https://www.hackneylocaloffer.co.uk/kb5/hackney/localoffer/advice.page?id=eWw_nwqBwcM

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International Network for School Attendance (INSA)

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International Network for School Attendance (INSA)

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The International Network for School Attendance

The International Network for School Attendance (INSA) exists for all those who wish to promote school attendance and respond to school attendance problems. It aims to compile, generate, evaluate, and disseminate information, assessment, and intervention strategies.

INSA is run on a voluntary basis but it is growing fast and developing initiatives despite limited resources. Whether you're an academic who'd like to share research, a practitioner looking for successful interventions, or a policymaker keen to link up with colleagues in other countries, INSA is here for you.

A wealth of information is freely available on the website and we encourage you to contribute; get in touch via our contact page. In addition, INSA membership is only 70 EUR per year. Members have access to: videos of webinars and 50+ presentations from the 2019 conference; a Discussion Forum for consultation and collaboration with practitioners and researchers around the world; the quarterly newsletter INStAnt!; and discounted registration for the next conference.

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INSA | International Network for School Attendance

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The International Network for School Attendance (INSA) exists for all those who wish to promote school attendance and respond to school attendance problems. It aims to compile, generate, evaluate, and disseminate information, assessment, and intervention strategies. INSA is run on a voluntary basis but it is growing fast and developing initiatives despite limited resources.

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Since becoming Children's Commissioner, I have made tackling school absences one of my top priorities. I first came into this role in March 2021, after 30 years of experience in education as a multi-academy trust leader and headteacher. The nation was emerging from successive lockdowns and children's education had been immensely disrupted. I sensed that there were deep issues unravelling in our school system. We have since seen that school absence rates have become stuck at crisis levels.

I fear that attendance has become the issue of our time. The number of children regularly missing school has more than doubled compared to pre-pandemic and we are only making slow progress in steadying school absence rates. Worryingly, over 120,000 children are missing at least half of their time in school.

I am deeply concerned about the damage caused by school absences: thousands of children are missing out on their right to education. I have therefore made tackling school absences a core priority for my office. One of the first things I did when I became Children's Commissioner for England was carry out The Big Ask, to hear from children about their key priorities, concerns and needs coming out of lockdown. The Big Ask showed how much England's children prize education: they see it as important in and of itself, and as a pathway to opportunity.

However, The Big Ask also shone a spotlight on the group of children who had begun to disengage with education entirely. Despite desperately wanting to learn and to return to school, these children faced daunting barriers to attendance which were holding them back from achieving their true potential. I have put these children's voices at the heart of my work on education.

In 2021, I launched my Attendance Audit which drew on the stories and experiences of hundreds of children who were struggling to attend school. I spoke to children who were persistently and severely absent and those who had fallen out of the education system entirely. They told me that the reasons for absence were complex: some needed support with mental health issues, others lacked the special educational needs provision they needed to access education. No matter what the barriers were, children consistently told me that they wanted to be in school and that they wanted support to return.

This report looks at the relationship between school attendance and academic attainment. As Children's Commissioner, it is my mission to make England the best place for children to grow up. I want every child to be able to access their right to education and to leave school armed with the qualifications that they need to get a brilliant job and to thrive in later life. I am deeply concerned by this report's findings that children who attend school less regularly are less likely to get the GCSEs that they need.

This report finds that:

School absence has become endemic in Key Stage 4. Over the last couple of years, over a third of all pupils in Key Stage 4 were either persistently or severely absent for at least one year.

Poor attendance has a dramatic relationship with GCSE results. While 78% of all children who were rarely absent in both years passed at least 5 GCSEs including English and maths, only 36% of children who were persistently absent in both years and just 5% of children who were severely absent in both years reached this same standard.

When pupils' attendance improves, the likelihood of achieving qualifications at the end of school massively increases. More than half (54%) of pupils who were persistently absent in Year 10 and then rarely absent in Year 11 passed at least 5 GCSEs including English and maths, compared to 36% of pupils who were persistently absent in both years.

Our findings confirm the strong link between absence and attainment. Schools can offer a broad range of benefits to children including the opportunities to learn and gain vital qualifications. However, the benefits of school go beyond academic results. They can also be places of social and emotional development. If we want to offer every child the best chance in life, it must start with ensuring that they can regularly attend school.

It is my ambition that every child should be in school 100% of the time. This is a mighty ambition but one that we must meet because children can only benefit from an education if they are actually there.

I know that many people across our school system share the same resolve to help our nation's children return to school. As part of my work as a member of the government's Attendance Action Alliance, I spent this summer speaking to school leaders and multi-agency groups who are trying to tackle school absences.

This report draws upon the findings of these discussions and provides a plan for system reform which, if implemented, would help to improve school attendance and enshrine all children's right to education.

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Missing Children, Missing Grades | Children's Commissioner for England

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Since becoming Children's Commissioner, I have made tackling school absences one of my top priorities. I first came into this role in March 2021, after 30

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Listening to, and learning from, parents in the attendance crisis

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Listening to, and learning from, parents in the attendance crisis

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Our latest Impact Report 'Tackling absence well: The case for Whole Family Support through schools' showcases the success of our whole family support model in addressing the root causes of persistent absence, and highlights the impact we have had on the lives of the children and families we worked with.
70% of the children we worked with this year improved their attendance by an average of 8.4%, which is equivalent to an extra 17 days in school over the year.
Read or Impact Report below or sign up to receive the report directly to your inbox.

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Our Impact Reports - School Home Support

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Our latest Impact Report 'Tackling absence well: The case for Whole Family Support through schools' showcases the success of our whole family support model in addressing the root causes of persistent absence, and highlights the impact we have had on the lives of the children and families we worked with.

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Heyne et al (2024) Embracing change: from recalibration to radical overhaul for the field of school attendance

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Heyne et al (2024) Embracing change: from recalibration to radical overhaul for the field of school attendance

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School of Psychology, Deakin University, Burwood, VIC, Australia

School of Social Work, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, United States

Department of Sociology, Tilburg University, Tilburg, Netherlands

School of Education, Maynooth University, Maynooth, Ireland

Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne, Parkville, VIC, Australia

In a world characterized by dynamic demographic shifts, rapid technological transformations, and evolving pedagogical practices, the need for reimagining school attendance and a relationship with education has become paramount. This Research Topic, boldly titled "The Unlearning of School Attendance: Ideas for Change," compels us to challenge conventional thinking and working in this domain. The collection of 12 articles offers compelling opportunities for change, ranging from subtle recalibrations to radical overhauls, depending on the extent to which our current ideas and methods have grown outdated. This opening article serves as a thematic guide, curating the diverse prospects for transformation found within the collection. Four themes encourage us to reconceptualize school attendance and a relationship with education, while another four themes inspire new ways of working in this realm. Furthermore, we explore the pivotal role of the International Network for School Attendance (INSA) in facilitating change, as it strives to foster relationships with education, forge alliances among interested parties, and promote interdisciplinary research. As you engage with this article and the other 12 contributions in this collection, we invite you to reflect on your current ideas and methods, embracing the call for transformative change with compassion and a strong sense of purpose. Together, we can shape a future where school attendance and engagement with learning thrive in harmony with our evolving world.

1 Introduction

The title for this Research Topic is provocative. "The unlearning of school attendance: Ideas for change" emphasizes that change is needed in the field of school attendance to better support learners' readiness for adulthood. (We employ the term "learners," rather than "youths" or "young people," to underscore individuals' ongoing connection with education regardless of age.) The world is changing, schooling is different, and our approach to school attendance and each learner's relationship with education must be different too. The expression "unlearning school attendance" conveys the central notion that current ideas and methods need to be recalibrated or even overhauled, because they have not resulted in the progress needed in the field to adequately support readiness for adulthood among all learners. Whether our ideas and methods require a small recalibration, or a radical overhaul depends on how antiquated our current ways of thinking and working are. Current ideas and methods represent our best intentions for learners, but they may be out of touch with our changing world. They may be based on outdated assumptions or practices; insufficiently driven by data; not fully aligned with the current needs of learners, families, and communities because they are insufficiently flexible; overly focused on cure relative to prevention; or not supported by available research. "The unlearning of school attendance" is not intended to suggest that everything we currently think and do needs to be recalibrated or overhauled. To be sure, we do not encourage interested parties to "throw the baby out with the bathwater". Rather, we encourage all parties involved in school attendance to consider the need to shift their mindset or way of working, so that, collectively, we engage in the most fruitful work possible. (Regarding the term "interested parties", we have chosen to use this term instead of "stakeholders" because the latter is contested due to its colonial connotations.)

At the heart of our collective endeavor to reshape school attendance and enhance learners' relationship with education stands the integral role of the International Network for School Attendance (INSA). INSA recognizes the profound impact of a relationship with education on overall development and preparedness for adulthood, advocating for school attendance while addressing the challenges of absenteeism. INSA's journey began in 2018 during a pivotal gathering, a Lorentz Centre Workshop, when researchers and practitioners in the field of school attendance came together to nurture collaboration and consensus. Since that inception, INSA's Executive Committee has been diligently collaborating with its members to curate, create, evaluate, and disseminate information, tools, and strategies for understanding absenteeism, promoting consistent attendance, and intervening effectively in school attendance problems (SAPs).

INSA forged a partnership with the open access journals Frontiers in Education and Frontiers in Psychology to host this Research Topic. Under the leadership of INSA's Vice President, Carolyn Gentle-Genitty, and with the support of esteemed research scholars Arya Ansari, Ineke Marshall, and Michael Gottfried, our call for articles received an enthusiastic response from the scholarly community. In this context, INSA's Executive Committee takes great pride in presenting this introductory article, underscoring the profound significance of the Research Topic and reaffirming our collective commitment to empower all learners to embrace the world of learning.

The 12 other articles in this collection shine a light on a multitude of ways to unlearn attendance and effect change. For some readers, the articles will stimulate them to replace punitive responses to absence with a focus on learners' relationship with education (e.g., Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022), to think more broadly about influences on attendance (e.g., Purtell and Ansari, 2022), to re-think the key elements in a multi-tiered system of supports for geographical areas with high rates of chronic absenteeism (e.g., Kearney and Graczyk, 2022), or to unlearn the notion that home education is counterproductive (e.g., Paulauskaite et al., 2022). The richness in the current collection of articles is enhanced via the diversity in article types (original research, review, systematic review, perspective, hypothesis and theory), the locations in which the authors work (Australia, Belgium, Chile, England, Finland, France, Netherlands, Norway, Spain, United Kingdom, and United States), and the different perspectives they bring to our work in the field (anthropology, business studies, computer science, computer engineering, criminal justice, education, epidemiology, law, psychiatry, psychology, public health, research data science, social work, and sociology).

The solutions that seem pertinent in some geographical areas (countries or localities) may be less needed or less transferable to other areas due to differences in education systems ( Heyne et al., 2022) and socio-cultural influences on attendance and absenteeism ( Kearney et al., 2023). However, there are key themes that emerge from the collection, and we believe these themes are of global relevance. In this overview article, we summarize the key themes emerging from the 12 articles in the collection (Section 2). We then describe ways in which INSA is working to help the field of school attendance move forward (Section 3).

2 Themes from the work presented in this Research Topic

In this section, we present eight themes that encapsulate the concept of "unlearning attendance." These themes derive from a thorough curation of articles in the Research Topic, incorporating insights from the collection along with our own contributions. We have organized the themes into two principal areas: four themes focusing on thinking about school and attendance, and four focusing on ways of working to promote attendance and reduce absenteeism. This dual categorization establishes a framework for navigating the diverse array of topics, findings, and insights presented across the 12 articles. Importantly, an inherent interplay between thinking and working exists: our thinking shapes our working, and reciprocally, our working on attendance and absenteeism further shapes our thinking. This relationship reflects the broader distinction and interplay between theory and practice.

2.1 Thinking broadly about the meaning of attendance

When we think about attendance, it is natural for our minds to conjure images of children or adolescents at school and to have ideas about them attending school until graduation. These images and ideas, while neither inherently correct nor incorrect, represent a narrow rather than broad understanding of how we can think about attendance.

2.1.1 Attendance is about more than seat time

Familiarity with the literature on attendance and absence reveals a predominant focus, until now, on learners being at school. In effect, the focus has been on "seat time"; whether or not learners are in class. Kearney et al. (2022) refer to in-seat class time as a traditional metric which is "becoming obsolete for many students" (p. 8) because of changes in the contexts and strategies for teaching and learning, including online learning, hybrid learning which combines online with in-person learning at school, and self-learning.

"Unlearning attendance" is an invitation to think more broadly about the concept of attendance. Drawing on newer definitions of school attendance, Kearney et al. (2022) shift the emphasis away from the physical location for learning toward engagement with learning. Engagement includes learners' "cognitive, behavioral, and emotional investment in academic work and progression" (p. 8), and new metrics might include log-ins to online learning, time on task, and interactions with teachers. Kearney et al. also draw attention to the role of education in community settings such as internships, again countering the notion that education only occurs during in-seat time at school.

According to Kearney and Graczyk (2022), we need to prioritize "more flexible, valid methods to define attendance for diverse, contemporary learning formats" (p. 4). Learning formats are determined not only by contemporary changes in education, but also by the unique learning needs of specific populations of learners. Paulauskaite et al.'s (2022) work, for example, points to the potential value of elective home education for learners with neurodevelopmental conditions. For these learners, and others, traditional metrics of attendance will fail to capture their engagement with learning. (For more on engagement with learning, see Section 2.2.1.)

2.1.2 Attendance is about more than completing compulsory education at a specific time

Another traditional notion is that school completion is a singular event ( Kearney et al., 2022). While a graduation ceremony is certainly a singular and special event, symbolizing and celebrating the learner's completion of requirements for compulsory education, focusing solely on school completion detracts attention from the need to provide ongoing education opportunities for those not following a traditional time-frame for school completion. As noted by Kearney et al. (2022), many learners are not in a position to complete compulsory education at a legally predefined age (e.g., 18 years), especially those with disabilities. These learners need more time to complete schooling, and graduation policies need to be revised to "blur the line between completing high school and beginning the adult readiness process" (p. 7). Alongside revised policies, there needs to be an expansion of existing options to provide "alternative, creative, and viable pathways to school completion" ( Kearney and Graczyk, 2022, p. 4). Suggestions for flexible pathways to school completion include personalized methods of completion based on learners' circumstances and interests ( Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022), partnerships with community-based learning centers and credit recovery initiatives ( Kearney and Graczyk, 2022), and options to participate in vocational training programs or community college ( Kearney et al., 2022).

2.2 Thinking broadly about the function of attendance

The broader conceptualization of attendance described in the previous section compels us to relinquish seat-time and the completion of compulsory education as the sole objectives. Interested parties are encouraged to focus on the functions of attendance. Two primary and related functions are engagement with learning and readiness for adulthood.

2.2.1 Attendance in the service of engagement with learning

Student engagement emerged as a construct in the 1980s, with roots in the literature on the prevention of school dropout. Recent work places engagement at the center of high school reform efforts and school-based interventions to enhance outcomes across academic, social, behavioral, and emotional domains ( Reschly and Christenson, 2012; Fredricks et al., 2019). Student engagement is a nebulous construct. At present, there is no consensus on a definition, nor on how it can be differentiated from motivation. For instance, Fredricks et al. (2004) view engagement as a meta-construct which subsumes motivation. Others view engagement as the outward manifestation of motivation ( Skinner et al., 2009) and as closely aligned with effort ( Nagy et al., 2022).

Articles in this Research Topic take up the important theme of engagement. Niemi et al. (2022) explored absenteeism among learners with ADHD. In their Discussion, they call for more support for school engagement among those with ADHD as a way to prevent attendance problems among this group, and thus to support their learning. In Kearney et al.'s (2022) review article, there is the suggestion that engagement with school is augmented by restorative practices, including school-family-community partnerships and strategies to enhance safety and social relationships.

Bowen et al. (2022) describe a program that leverages technology and a gamification system to engage learners from underserved communities in an intervention that fosters social and emotional qualities for success. The program does not directly address engagement with learning, but it does so indirectly by supporting the development of learner's social and emotional skills and competencies, which the authors associate with in-class participation. In their empirical study, they explored factors in the behaviors of elementary school children (kindergarten to 6th grade) that are connected with absenteeism. Some of the factors they analyzed pertain to "core values associated with in-class participation" (p. 1), including "enthusiastic in class", "focused within class", "meet or exceed expectations on assignments", and "demonstrates initiative". Children at low risk for absenteeism were found to have a strong work ethic, to contribute to class discussion, and to complete course work as per the instructions, suggesting that engagement in the form of in-class participation is connected with school attendance.

LeBoeuf et al. (2023) investigated absenteeism among learners in Montessori schools, an alternative system of education renowned for high student engagement. In their introduction they note that Montessori classrooms aim to maximize learners' interest, concentration, and intrinsic motivation, offering individualized instruction and free-choice about what is worked on and whether work is done individually or with peers, and providing a consistent teacher across several years. They note prior research in which Montessori students report a stronger sense of community at school, and more enjoyment of schoolwork, relative to those at conventional schools. Their study was based on the assumption that Montessori schools are adept at increasing the engagement of students and families, which is reflected in higher levels of school attendance relative to those at conventional schools. In other words, attendance in the service of engagement with learning can further facilitate attendance when learners are well-engaged, constituting a virtuous cycle.

2.2.2 Attendance in the service of readiness for adulthood

Attendance is in the service of engagement with learning, which is in the service of learners' readiness for adulthood. According to Kearney et al. (2022), readiness for adulthood for all learners is the primary long-term outcome related to school attendance. Readiness includes the skills needed to be successful in one's further education (i.e., beyond compulsory education) and employment, including career and life skills. This will require changes in education with respect to pedagogical goals, such as greater focus on "a whole child/citizen approach where learning is ... competency-based ... and in part focused on student well-being" (p. 5). Kearney et al. argue that this kind of learning emphasizes the skills needed for adult readiness, including critical thinking, problem-solving, creativity, communication, interpersonal skills, and self-management. For a discussion about school-based promotion of well-being, see McNeven et al. (2023).

At the other end of the developmental spectrum, Purtell and Ansari (2022) write about school readiness. They note that young children from low-income families are more likely to be absent from preschool relative to those from higher-income families, and that numerous efforts are needed to increase school readiness among disadvantaged children. Thus, efforts to prepare learners for adulthood need to commence as early as preschool, to improve school attendance, in the service of learning, in the service of readiness for adulthood.

2.3 Thinking creatively about the provision of education

Articles in the Research Topic draw attention to the need for broad, creative thinking about the provision of education, with respect to the setting in which education occurs and the curriculum.

2.3.1 The setting in which education occurs

Two articles in the collection focus on home-based education, in one case because parents de-registered their child from school (i.e., elective home education; Paulauskaite et al., 2022), and in the other case because schools were closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic (i.e., emergency remote education; Havik and Ingul, 2022). We address these articles in turn.

Paulauskaite et al. (2022) provide a wide-ranging account of the functioning and needs of UK learners with neurodevelopmental conditions (autism and/or intellectual disability) who participated in elective home education before and/or after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The researchers elicited parent perspectives on home education and found that the most common reason given for de-registering their child from school, whether de-registering occurred before or after the start of the pandemic, was that their child's additional needs were not met sufficiently at school (e.g., learning and mental health needs). It is not surprising then that the main advantage of elective home education according to parents was the opportunity to provide "personalized education and one-to-one support" (p. 8). This included the freedom to tailor education to the needs and interests of their child. This study thus challenges the notion that learning among those with neurodevelopmental conditions needs to happen in a school setting. In support of this, the researchers found that there was no difference in levels of internalizing or externalizing problems between those in home education and those still registered at a school.

Havik and Ingul (2022) report on Norwegian teachers' perspectives on remote education during the COVID-19 pandemic, including their perspectives on whether it was likely to make school return following school closure easier or harder for learners with attendance problems. Motivation for the study included the notion that learners with attendance problems might benefit from remote education (e.g., reducing gaps in learning) and acknowledgement that there are disparate perspectives on whether remote education is indeed helpful. The authors found that forced school closures led to teachers feeling more confident about using digital tools to facilitate engagement with schoolwork, and the teachers wished to make more use of hybrid solutions (i.e., education at school and digitally) for learners who find it difficult to attend school regularly. In addition, two-thirds of teachers believed a return to school following closure would be more difficult for those with attendance problems whereas one-third believed it would be easier. The authors suggest that digital contact with learners absent from school may reduce the sense of alienation from school, that contact with these learners at school can increase opportunities for teachers to provide close monitoring and greater structure, and that teachers and parents need to cooperate in considering the advantages and disadvantages of home-based education for learners with attendance problems. They conclude that there is scope for variability in interventions for SAPs by incorporating digital tools for remote education.

The aforementioned articles illustrate flexibility regarding the setting for education, whether due to parent choice or the imposition of remote teaching during school closures. The articles present arguments in favour of home-based education for learners with developmental conditions ( Paulauskaite et al., 2022) and to some extent for those with school attendance problems ( Havik and Ingul, 2022). Kearney and Graczyk (2022) also suggest that home-based education and online programs are a flexible way to facilitate school completion by accounting for individual circumstances and interests. At the same time, it is important to note that inclusive education does not allow for segregation ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), 2016), the argument being that school systems need to adapt in order to support and engage all learners - including those with difficulty attending school. With this in mind, "unlearning attendance" also calls upon interested parties to re-imagine academic, behavioral, and social-emotional learning provided within school systems so that there is less need for learners to participate in home education.

2.3.2 The curricula for education

Kearney et al. (2022) argue that readiness for adulthood (described in Section 2.2.2) will require creative educational efforts, such as reconfigured curricula in secondary education. They describe the fundamental shift that is occurring worldwide in instructional formats, and the prospects for learning via formats which are "accessible, collaborative, inclusive, personalized, [and] self-paced ..." (p. 5). As noted in Section 2.1, this includes education that occurs outside the school setting and via ongoing education opportunities for those who do not follow a traditional path toward school completion (e.g., blended and self-learning, non-profit agency-based instruction, and vocational and fieldwork).

In the article by Purtell and Ansari (2022), there is indirect reference to curricula for education. They argue that positive experiences at preschool are likely to increase children's motivation to attend and parents' willingness to send their child to school, thereby reducing absenteeism. Indeed, they found that children who enjoyed school attended more often, as did children who were in classrooms rated as higher quality. It is highly conceivable that the children's enjoyment of school, and the quality of the teacher-child interactions, were influenced by the curriculum.

2.4 Thinking broadly about influences on attendance

The articles in this collection encourage and inspire us to think broadly about influences on attendance and absence. We firstly curate ideas from the articles according to the need to think broadly, and then present examples of broad thinking based on the empirical studies in the collection.

2.4.1 The need for broad thinking about influences

When we think broadly about influences on attendance and absence, we are better placed to develop grand theories, offer more effective intervention, and reduce stigma for learners and families.

In Kearney and Gonzálvez's (2022) overview of risk factors for attendance problems and factors protecting against these problems, they describe the forked approach to understanding attendance and absence. Some parties adopt a broad "systemic" focus (e.g., examining structural economic inequalities) while others adopt a narrow "analytic" focus (e.g., examining parental involvement in education). Kearney and Gonzálvez acknowledge that it is understandable that professionals from the many disciplines focusing on absenteeism bring specific foci to their efforts to understand absenteeism, but they lament the forked approach because it impedes the development and testing of grander theories of attendance and absenteeism, and it restricts avenues for intervention. They thus call for a more inclusive approach to understanding attendance and responding to attendance problems in order to derive grander theories and more effective intervention.

Indeed, a primary aim of broad thinking is to improve our work to promote attendance and reduce attendance problems. Kearney and Gonzálvez (2022) explain, for example, that increased attention to racial equity in educational institutions has shed light on the role that biased processes in schools and communities play in attendance problems (e.g., exclusionary discipline in the form of suspensions; arrests). These processes warrant attention in intervention for attendance problems. According to Kearney and Graczyk (2022), "unlearning school attendance" calls for attention in intervention to broad political and economic issues. They explain that many school districts with high rates of chronic absenteeism are in areas where there are deep structural inequalities and few support services which are often fragmented. They note the need for enhanced equity in intervention, calling for trauma-informed practices because of high rates of adverse child experiences; culturally relevant interventions (e.g., program content; interested parties who reflect learners' values and culture); and support for learners so that they can "navigate hostile racial school climates" (p. 3).

Comprehensive models that reflect and foster broad thinking about influences on attendance and absence include the Kids and Teens at School (KiTeS) bioecological framework ( Melvin et al., 2019). Melvin and colleagues draw attention to multiple simultaneous influences and their interactions over time, including influences in the microsystems (e.g., a child's or adolescent's sleep problems; a family's economic hardship), the mesosystem which represents interconnections among microsystems (e.g., student-teacher relationship; parent-school contact), the exosystem (e.g., school climate; educational policies), the macrosystem (e.g., neighborhood violence; government policies), and the chronosystem (e.g., time of the school year; changes in the other systems as the learner moves from primary school to high school). Examples of research on these influences are presented next.

2.4.2 Examples of broad thinking about influences

The eight empirical studies in the collection address a range of influences on attendance, including combinations of micro-, meso-, exo-, macro-, and/or chronosystem influences. Furthermore, the studies involve examination of new variables and/or the examination of previously studied variables but among different populations.

Arbour et al. (2023) examined the effects of universal strategies to promote attendance among preschool children in Chile as well as targeted strategies to reduce absenteeism among those at risk for chronic absence. Their theory of change for improving attendance has six primary determinants that span child-level factors (e.g., motivation to attend), family-level factors (e.g., focus on attendance at parent-teacher meetings; incentives for families), school-level factors (e.g., a health corner in the classroom to reduce child illness; formation of a School Attendance Committee to analyze attendance data, identify children at risk of chronic absence and the causes of absences in each case, and develop an individualized approach to help each child and family overcome barriers to attendance), and a macrosystem factor (i.e., free school van to provide transportation to school). The researchers found that attendance rates were better when schools participated in the intervention and prioritized school attendance, compared to when schools participated in the intervention but did not prioritize attendance, or simply did not participate in the intervention. While Arbour et al.'s study was not designed to investigate factors contributing to absenteeism, their evaluation of a professional development intervention points to the probable impact of micro-, meso-, and macrosystem influences on attendance and absenteeism.

Purtell and Ansari's (2022) study directly addresses the influence of multiple systems on the attendance of US preschoolers in non-compulsory education (Head Start) who come from low-income families, the majority of whom come from ethnic minority families. Absenteeism was found to be influenced, for example, by family necessity (e.g., whether or not parents were in full-time employment and thus needing their child to be in preschool), family routines (e.g., children's sleep patterns), stressors for the family (e.g., adequacy of medical care; perception of living in a violent neighborhood), classroom characteristics (e.g., quality of teacher-child interactions), and social support for parents (e.g., from other parents in the Head Start program). The authors note that there was no single mechanism driving absence; rather, multiple factors across contexts influenced absenteeism. They align their findings with the bioecological theory that multiple systems shape absenteeism, arguing that attention to one factor alone will have little impact on absenteeism. They call for attention to complex family circumstances in order to reduce absenteeism, and recommend the fostering of relationships among parents of preschoolers.

Paulauskaite et al. (2022) address influences on elective home education. As noted previously (Section 2.3.1), parents' reasons for de-registering their child from school were broadly similar across parents who de-registered prior to the pandemic and those who de-registered during the pandemic. The main reason given by both groups of parents was low satisfaction with school for not meeting their children's additional needs. Health concerns due to the COVID-19 pandemic were influential in decision-making for fewer than one-quarter of parents who de-registered their child after the onset of the pandemic. Because the study addresses the impact of the pandemic, it includes the chronosystem in efforts to understand learners' participation in education at school or at home.

Two other studies in the collection addressed the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Havik and Ingul (2022) explored Norwegian teachers' perspectives on how teachers could apply their experience of remote education during the pandemic to help learners with attendance problems return to school after school reopening. Study findings thus contribute to an understanding of the maintenance and remediation of attendance problems, rather than the development of these problems. The findings (summarized in Section 2.3.1) have implications for micro-, meso-, and exosystem influences on attendance and absence, including learners' sense of alienation from school, teachers' confidence in using digital tools to facilitate engagement with schoolwork, schools' policies concerning educational formats to engage learners and support those who have difficulty attending school, and family-school contact to determine optimal learning pathways for learners. Korotchenko and Dobbs (2023) explored the impact of the pandemic on university enrollment in Texas, the USA, and argued that future research should consider the additional impact of the political environment in areas where universities are located (i.e., the macrosystem) and the extent to which universities have adapted to the new circumstances ushered in by the pandemic, such as the percentage of courses offered online (i.e., the exosystem).

Niemi et al. (2022) examined absenteeism and the symptoms and functions associated with absenteeism among Finnish adolescents with ADHD, relative to those without ADHD, accounting for other factors such as the family's socioeconomic status. Learners with ADHD were more often absent from school, and their absences were more often due to separation anxiety, agoraphobia/panic, school aversion/other attractive alternatives, aggression, problems with parents, and family-related problems. The authors suggest that ADHD may serve as a risk factor for these other difficulties, increasing risk for absence from school. For example, those with difficulty concentrating might not receive the extra support they need at school, leading to school aversion and thus absence.

Bowen et al. (2022) studied US elementary school children's behaviors related to core values, such as enthusiasm in class, being focused within class, respecting others' space, and respectful communication. Peer relationships emerged as a major factor influencing absenteeism. Behaviors commonly observed among learners at high risk for absenteeism included being argumentative and insulting peers. Kearney et al.'s (2022) review article underscores the need to also address broader influences on peer relations, such as the impact that increasing migration has on the need to help different groups of learners integrate in a school's culture.

LeBoeuf et al. (2023) explored the relationship between school type - Montessori or non-Montessori - and chronic absenteeism, as well as racial disparities in chronic absenteeism across the two school types, while attempting to account for the characteristics of families who self-select into Montessori schools. In this way, the researchers addressed micro-, meso-, and exosystem influences on attendance and absence.

In sum, the empirical studies largely represent what Kearney and colleagues ( Kearney, 2021; Kearney et al., 2022) refer to as the analytic perspective, whereby the focus is on specific contexts and individual concerns, rather than the systemic perspective whereby the focus is on overarching contexts and structural concerns. However, some of the studies directly or indirectly address broader influences in the exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem. For other recent examples of studies addressing the influence of multiple systems on attendance and absence, see Singer et al. (2021), Leduc et al. (2022), and Lee et al. (2023).

2.5 Working on attendance, not only on absence

For some, working to promote attendance might simply sound like the inverse of working to reduce absence. However, from a practice perspective, there are important differences between the two, whereby interventions to ensure regular school attendance are largely different from the interventions used when learners display emerging or chronic attendance problems ( Heyne et al., 2022). Theoretical and empirical articles in the current collection underscore the great need to promote attendance, alongside our work to reduce absence.

The three theoretical articles include important insights about the need to promote attendance. Kearney and Gonzálvez (2022) argue that a focus on attendance and not only absence places value on the efforts of learners and families who have overcome barriers to attendance. Kearney and Graczyk (2022) present the multidimensional, multi-tiered system of supports (MD-MTSS) framework for attendance and absence, which places attendance at the forefront of efforts by interested parties to support learning and development. This three-tiered framework, which the authors introduced a few years earlier ( Kearney et al., 2019a, b; Kearney and Graczyk, 2020), underscores the importance of universal interventions to augment learners' current attendance and prevent absence (Tier 1), alongside early intervention strategies to assist when absenteeism is emerging, mild, and moderate (Tier 2), and intensive intervention when substantial assistance is needed because absenteeism has become severe or chronic (Tier 3). Kearney et al. (2022) note that the multi-tiered approach "allows for a broader reframing of school absenteeism toward efforts to enhance school attendance," so much so that there will be more focus on attendance than on absenteeism (p. 12). It should also be noted that prioritizing the promotion of attendance among all learners, in effect preventing absenteeism, can reduce the time and effort that would otherwise be needed to provide Tier 2 and Tier 3 interventions.

Kearney and Graczyk (2022) remind us that MD-MTSS frameworks for addressing attendance and absence are a work in progress, but they have potential, especially because the strategies that can be applied in each Tier have empirical support. Indeed, it is pleasing to see increased awareness and use of such frameworks to address attendance and absence (e.g., Barnes, 2020; Mitchell, 2021; Karel et al., 2022), suggesting that interested parties increasingly appreciate the importance of working on attendance, not only absence.

Empirical articles in the collection directly or indirectly address the topics of promoting attendance and/or addressing absence before it becomes chronic. In this way, the work represented in these articles corresponds with Tiers 1 and 2 of the MTSS framework for promoting attendance and reducing absence.

Purtell and Ansari (2022), who also focused on preschool children, argued that their study of reasons for absences could help identify factors to be targeted to increase preschoolers' attendance and thus their readiness for school. Thus, while the immediate aim was to identify ways to reduce absenteeism, the ultimate aim was to promote attendance beyond preschool.

Bowen et al.'s (2022) investigation of factors underlying absenteeism aimed to increase knowledge about thresholds for prevention and intervention (in terms of learners' low, medium, and high risk for absenteeism), in order to effectively influence school attendance. Peer relationships were found to be a critical factor affecting absenteeism, and they thus warrant attention in efforts to promote attendance and prevent absenteeism. Because the authors referred to the prevention of absenteeism and targeted support, their work relates to both Tiers 1 and 2 of the MTSS framework to promote attendance and reduce absenteeism.

Niemi et al. (2022) do not focus per se on the promotion of attendance and prevention of absence, but in the discussion of their results, they draw attention to the importance of prevention. Specifically, they call for research examining interventions to prevent SAPs among adolescents with ADHD (e.g., by supporting engagement with school).

2.6 Working with attendance-related data

Researchers often use school attendance data to investigate influences on absence (e.g., associations between absenteeism and socio-economic factors), the impact of absence (e.g., associations with subsequent academic achievement), and the outcome of interventions to reduce absence (e.g., change in attendance between pre-intervention and post-intervention). Five empirical studies in the current collection are exemplary.

Purtell and Ansari (2022) tested associations between child, family, and center factors, and preschoolers' levels of absenteeism across the school year. Absence was based on parents' approximations of the number of days their child had been absent from preschool since the start of the school year.

Niemi et al. (2022) compared absenteeism among adolescents with and without ADHD. Absence was measured via an item in the Inventory for School Attendance Problems ( Knollmann et al., 2019) which asks learners to estimate the frequency of absence in the previous 12 school weeks.

Bowen et al. (2022) used a data-driven approach to understand underlying factors affecting absenteeism, through the lens of pattern recognition. They employed machine learning methodologies to identify learners at low, medium, and high risk for absenteeism, drawing on more than 26,000 student-level datapoints, representing the behaviors of 332 students in one school. The behaviors, reported by educators, relate to core values associated with in-class participation. While the analyses did not make use of attendance data per se, they led to the identification of behaviors the authors associate with attendance (e.g., whether or not learners attend class on time and report to class prepared to learn). In effect, the researchers measured participation at school and engagement with learning.

Arbour et al. (2023) used publicly available databases from the national Ministry of Education in Chile to determine rates of absence over time (2011 to 2017), in order to evaluate the effectiveness of an intervention to promote attendance and prevent chronic absenteeism. These databases include individual-level daily attendance of learners enrolled in public schools.

LeBoeuf et al. (2023) used school-level data on the number of chronically absent learners (missing 15 or more school days), derived from the Civil Rights Data Collection survey of public schools in the United States, to study racial disparities in absenteeism across 116 Montessori schools and 116 non-Montessori schools (representing over 94,000 students). They critiqued the publicly available data on absenteeism, noting that it does not allow researchers to answer questions about why learners are chronically absent, making it difficult to develop intervention that meets the needs of learners. They called for improved record-keeping of the reasons for absences (e.g., health, transportation).

A sixth study, conducted by Korotchenko and Dobbs (2023), made use of official enrollment data as opposed to attendance data. The enrollment data pertained to post-secondary education, specifically universities in Texas, USA. Time-related changes in fall semester enrollment counts were examined between 2009 and 2021, to investigate the impact of the pandemic on enrollments generally, and on different study programs (e.g., criminal justice, social sciences, natural sciences). The researchers reported a small negative effect of the pandemic on overall enrollments at universities, but a small positive effect for enrollments in the natural sciences.

The articles in the Research Topic also underscore the value of working with school attendance data to identify and respond to the needs of individual learners, schools, and communities. Arbour et al.'s (2023) article is particularly illustrative. Their intervention makes use of a real-time data platform, based on the notion that strategies informed by data are more effective. A software engineer developed the platform which reads schools' attendance data, creates a database of each child's percent of attendance, and signals which children attended less than 90 percent of school days. Data was used in the context of two intervention strategies that rely on regular monitoring of the real-time data. The "Success Plan" involved showing families their child's absences to date and the number of absences remaining before the threshold for chronic absenteeism was reached, and asking families to develop a concrete plan with goals and strategies for preventing chronic absence. The "School Attendance Committee" reviewed data on a monthly basis, identified learners at risk of chronic absenteeism, and designed personalized strategies for working with each child and their family. Those using data were provided with coaching, to support the development of data literacy skills and processes. The use of data to manage absenteeism by implementing tailor-made interventions, as reported by Arbour et al., contrasts with the reporting that the historical use of data was primarily for administrative purposes ( Heyne et al., 2022).

The theoretical articles in the current collection also draw attention to the need to use attendance-related data and other data to advance our work in the field. Writing about the promotion of attendance and prevention of absenteeism, Kearney and Graczyk (2022) note that schools are encouraged to use data to shape their policy decisions. Kearney and Gonzálvez (2022) write about the collection of data at multiple points (e.g., during the school day; during the school year) and in relation to constructs other than attendance (e.g., log-ins to online learning; completed assignments; mastery of skills). Kearney et al. (2022) write about the need for large data sets and sophisticated analysis of data to: define problematic absenteeism; identify causes of absenteeism for a given learner, school, or community; design attendance tracking and early warning systems that combine data from multiple agencies and provide feedback to caregivers; and inform best practices for education and school attendance. While acknowledging privacy concerns, they argue for the use of disaggregated data to facilitate the use of "growth or on-track metrics" (p. 9) and to better identify groups at higher risk for absence, helping ensure all learners are supported in their readiness for adulthood via school attendance.

Going forward in practice and research, our use of attendance and absence data will require attention to the quality of the data and how it is used. Kearney and Childs (2022) addressed these topics in detail. Regarding quality, for example, they raise issues about the accuracy of recorded data, the importance of immediate recording as opposed to later recall, and variation in data according to who reports on attendance and absence. Issues related to the use of data include whether a 10% cut-off to define problematic absenteeism is equally applicable and helpful for all student groups and regions, the fact that important information is missed when interested parties simply rely on aggregated attendance data, and the need for guardrails that ensure data are used to improve outcomes for all learners rather than data leading to negative consequences for sub-groups such as those prone to exclusionary attendance policies (e.g., suspension). The quality and utility of data related to engagement should also be considered.

2.7 Working on the needs of specific groups of learners

There are many influences on attendance and absence (Section 2.4). While it is conceivable that all learners are exposed to one or more risk factors for absenteeism, not all will experience problems with attendance. As Kearney et al. (2022) explain, absenteeism disproportionately affects vulnerable groups of learners. For example, in developed countries, higher rates of absenteeism occur among vulnerable groups such as migrants, those of color, and those with disabilities. For learners in low-income countries, barriers to education include food and housing insecurity and long distances to school. Learners with intersecting risk factors are especially vulnerable, such as those with disabilities who lack transportation to school, and those of various racial and ethnic groups who have health problems. Intersecting risk factors are also addressed by Kearney and Graczyk (2022). They call for a fundamental reconfiguration of the MTSS framework to better address the needs of learners in geographical areas where there are high rates of chronic absenteeism, such as in large urban school districts with deep structural inequalities, fragmented support services, and residential mobility.

Five of the empirical articles in the current collection underscore the need to address specific risk factors and broader contextual influences that render particular groups of learners vulnerable to absenteeism. We address each in turn.

Niemi et al. (2022) summarized prior work documenting the difficulties learners with ADHD experience during schooling (e.g., failure to complete schoolwork) and beyond (e.g., greater difficulty finding a job). In their own empirical study, they found that adolescents with ADHD had a higher level of absence relative to those who were neurotypical, and among those with ADHD the most common reason for absence was "school aversion" (e.g., I'd rather do something at home that is more fun than school; I think it's OK if I skip school every now and then). Niemi et al. suggest that school aversion might arise among those with ADHD as a result of their difficulty concentrating and not getting sufficient support in school. They argued that preventing absence among learners with ADHD could thus focus on increasing school engagement.

Paulauskaite et al. (2022) summarized prior work on the experiences and needs of learners with autism and/or intellectual disability. Absenteeism occurs at higher rates relative to typically developing learners, many feel isolated and/or bullied at school, and they require individualized support for their learning and development. According to Paulauskaite et al., these challenges are often a precursor to parents de-registering their child from school and providing elective home education, commonly because parents are dissatisfied with the school's capacity to meet their child's learning needs and mental health needs. Paulauskaite et al. found similar results in their own study. The most common reason parents de-registered their child from school was that the school did not sufficiently meet their child's learning needs and mental health needs. Furthermore, one of the main difficulties for parents who provide elective home education is supporting their child's complex needs. Clearly, school-based adaptations are needed (e.g., improved one-to-one support) so the needs of all learners with autism and/or intellectual disability can be met within the school environment. Fortunately, there has been increased attention to school attendance and participation among those with neurodevelopmental conditions ( Totsika et al., 2020, 2023; Heyne, 2022; Melvin et al., 2023; Li et al., 2024).

Purtell and Ansari (2022) addressed the question of which preschool children are more likely to be absent from school, focusing on children from low-income families, a group known to be at greater risk for absenteeism. They found that absenteeism was shaped by multiple factors related to family circumstances (including social and economic disadvantages) and school processes. They thus call for a comprehensive approach to reduce preschool absenteeism, including consideration of the complex circumstances experienced by families across the school year, a focus on family outreach, easily accessible information on transport and medical referrals, the promotion of relationships between the parents of children in the preschool program, and the promotion of positive classroom experiences for children.

LeBoeuf et al. (2023) explored chronic absenteeism in learners from Montessori and non-Montessori schools, focusing on low-income schools and racial disparities in absence. These two foci were motivated by prior research showing higher absence rates in low-income schools, higher absence among Black and Hispanic learners relative to White learners, higher rates of suspension among colored learners relative to White learners, and higher proportions of Black and Hispanic learners in low-income schools. LeBoeuf et al. also note that chronic absence may perpetuate the racial disparities identified in learners' academic achievement, arguing that effective intervention to lower absence needs to focus on racial disparities in absenteeism, and that evaluation of an intervention "must consider whether it is appropriately lowering rates for all student demographic groups" (p. 2). In their conclusion they suggest that Montessori schools may benefit from the provision of extra support for Black and Hispanic students.

Arbour et al. (2023) evaluated an intervention to promote attendance and reduce absenteeism among preschool children. Unlike the forementioned studies in this section, Arbour et al. did not focus on a circumscribed group of children identified in prior studies as being at higher risk for absenteeism. Rather, the intervention involved school personnel working with individual families to develop and evaluate a strategy to help each family overcome a specific barrier to attendance (e.g., intrafamilial violence contributing to a child's absences). The study reminds us - as educators, practitioners, researchers, and policymakers - to simultaneously consider the unique needs of every learner and family, alongside the identified needs of specific groups of learners, such as those described in the empirical studies in this collection, including those with ADHD, those with autism and/or intellectual disability, or those from lower-income families.

The systematic review by Jay et al. (2023) centers around learners with chronic health conditions (CHCs) such as asthma, cancer, chronic pain, epilepsy, obesity, and type 1 diabetes. Citing previous research, they note that CHCs affect over one quarter of learners in early adolescence, learners with CHCs are more often absent from school, and in many cases they have lower academic achievement relative to those without CHCs. Further, they note that it is widely hypothesized that absence from school explains the lower achievement among those with CHCs. They conducted an umbrella review (i.e., systematic review of systematic reviews) to examine the role of absences in the lower academic achievement of these learners, reviewing 27 systematic reviews that quantified the association between CHCs and academic achievement. The 27 reviews covered 441 studies. Surprisingly, only 7 of the 441 studies (2%) tested the mediational role of school absence in the relationship between CHCs and academic attainment. None of these yielded evidence that absence is a mediator. To improve educational outcomes among learners with CHCs, Jay et al. call for better understanding of the causes of absence, which can include acute illness, management of the condition, and healthcare appointments. They argue against rigid attendance policies focused solely on the reduction of absence because they may fail to improve academic attainment for learners with CHCs, and they could even be harmful. Instead, school attendance policies should allow flexibility, including the provision of resources for learners to stay engaged with education even when not physically present at school.

2.8 Working on alliances, dissemination, and implementation

Alliances within and across interested parties (e.g., learners, caregivers, educators, health professionals, community partners, researchers, policymakers, national and international organizations) and across disciplines (e.g., computer science, education, psychiatry, psychology, public health, social work, sociology) are essential to recalibrating and overhauling the way we think and work to promote engagement with learning and readiness for adulthood. Alliances foster greater understanding among interested parties, promote much-needed consensus in the field of school attendance, and are key to promoting attendance and reducing absenteeism ( Heyne et al., 2020).

The outcomes of alliances need broad dissemination and implementation, which are essential to change in the field of school attendance ( Heyne et al., 2020). Dissemination involves actively distributing ideas and materials to specific audiences (e.g., information, instruments, interventions) and implementation involves actively promoting the adoption and integration of these ideas and materials (e.g., policies, skills, practices) ( Greenhalgh et al., 2004). In the current collection of articles there are examples and suggestions related to dissemination and implementation. Niemi et al. (2022) employed a translated version of a new instrument, the Inventory of School Attendance Problems ( Knollmann et al., 2019), to understand SAPs among Finnish learners. Arbour et al. (2023) suggest that improvements in attendance will only be maintained via rigorous application, monitoring, and problem-solving of attendance strategies, and that improvements will disappear without "intentional support for implementation" (p. 17). Kearney and Graczyk (2022) call for investment in training so that multi-professional assessment and intervention can be provided when there is need for Tier 2 and Tier 3 supports, and Kearney and Gonzálvez (2022) suggest that MTSS approaches be implemented within existing frameworks that are culturally responsive. According to Kearney et al. (2022), there is currently insufficient dissemination and implementation of positive interventions for attendance and absenteeism across schools and community agencies. Positive interventions are intentional, foster well-being, and are empirically supported, and the authors contrasted them with punitive interventions such as exclusionary discipline. High fidelity delivery, another important issue for implementation in the field of school attendance ( Heyne et al., 2020), also warrants attention.

3 INSA's work to move the field forward

INSA and her members are attuned to the need for change. There is a growing number of learners absent from school ( Heyne et al., 2020; Gren Landell, 2021); socioeconomic inequalities impact participation in education (e.g., Ripamonti, 2018, 2023; Sosu et al., 2021); absence is negatively associated with short-term academic performance, final educational attainment, and economic outcomes through the life cycle (e.g., Cattan et al., 2023); there is imprecision in national policies and practices for recording, reporting, and using attendance data to promote attendance and reduce absenteeism ( Heyne et al., 2022); cross-national research is hampered by inconsistencies in the definitions of SAPs (e.g., Kreitz-Sandberg et al., 2022); and current interventions for SAPs are ineffective for some learners (e.g., Heyne, 2022).

In this section we highlight some of the ways INSA is working to help the field of school attendance move forward so that all learners are supported in their readiness for adulthood. We concentrate on three topics: (1) increasing the focus on a relationship with education; (2) strengthening alliances among interested parties; and (3) fostering leading interdisciplinary research to inform practice.

3.1 Increasing the focus on a relationship with education

Figure 1. A bow-tie representation of INSA's focal points (Centre) and linked attention to influences on attendance and relationship with education (Left) and outcomes (Right).

Bioecological models have provided a valuable framework to enrich our understanding of the individual, family, school, and community factors that influence whether a learner attends school (e.g., Melvin et al., 2019). These models apply regardless of the specific context in which learners attend school, such as mainstream schools, special educational settings, or alternative educational programs. However, the models require updating due to increasing diversity in what it means to attend school. The post-Covid-19 era has given rise to a higher demand for online and hybrid learning models which offer education outside of a traditional physical classroom setting, which some learners and families prefer ( Paulauskaite et al., 2022).

The changing educational landscape urges us to explore the factors that influence learners' relationship with education, regardless of the context within which they learn. The work of Maynard et al. (2014) will be instructive. These researchers found that school disengagement was influenced by nonshared environmental factors (i.e., contexts and experiences unique to each sibling), when controlling for genetic influences. Thus, individual and contextual factors influencing a learner's relationship with education need to be considered, including genetics, family, and school influences. For example, there is a need to better understand the specific parenting practices that promote their child's school engagement ( Yang et al., 2023). The interplay between attendance and engagement also warrants attention. Some studies point to the positive influence of engagement on attendance ( Miranda-Zapata et al., 2018) and on school completion ( Fall and Roberts, 2012; Wang and Fredricks, 2014; Niehaus et al., 2016), encompassing affective, behavioral, and/or academic aspects of engagement. Other studies point to the negative influence of absence from school on engagement ( Kızıldağ et al., 2017) and on the related construct of belonging ( Mooney et al., 2022), indicating that school attendance is important in maintaining positive engagement trajectories that benefit outcomes for learners.

Understanding how the learning environment, whether it is at school or elsewhere, interacts with learners' relationship with education is crucial. This knowledge will enrich existing bioecological models of attendance so they better account for the diversity of settings in which learning can occur. It will also enable the development and implementation of effective interventions to foster an optimal relationship with education for all learners, wherever their educational journey takes place.

In the process, it will be important to pursue the challenging task of defining and measuring each learner's relationship with education, alongside our ongoing work to define and measure attendance. For example, will log-ins to online learning be equated to attendance, relationship with education, or both? In a review of 35 years of research on school engagement, Martins et al. (2022) noted that the behavioral dimension of engagement is often investigated via measures of school attendance, participation in class, and compliance with school rules. Alternative conceptualizations and measures of behavioral engagement will be needed when education occurs outside of the school setting.

In conclusion, practitioners, researchers, and policymakers must go beyond an emphasis on improving school attendance, by prioritizing positive educational experiences for young individuals. This entails supporting their active engagement in education, not only for academic learning, but also for emotional and social development (e.g., self-reflection, effective collaboration). Education, as emphasized by Biesta (2015), is about learning for a reason. As he emphasizes, "education always needs to engage with questions of content, purpose, and relationships" (p. 76). Education involves qualifying individuals to do things (by acquiring knowledge, skills, and dispositions), socializing them (e.g., cultural and professional traditions), and empowering them to become subjects of initiative and responsibility, rather than objects of others' actions-a process Biesta refers to as subjectification. Ultimately, fostering a positive relationship with education, at school and elsewhere, is vital for preparing young individuals for adulthood ( Kearney et al., 2022).

3.2 Strengthening alliances among interested parties

School attendance problems are complex, necessitating action at multiple levels, including the microsystem, mesosystem, and macrosystem (see Section 2.4). Advancing effective multi-level responses requires collaboration with a wide range of interested parties, including but not limited to learners, parents/caregivers, families, educators, health professionals, community partners, researchers, advocates, and policymakers. Therefore, building alliances that bring these individuals and groups together is a key goal of INSA.

Alliances create both opportunities and challenges. They allow us to harness and synergize the knowledge and skills of each party to create changes that would be impossible to achieve on an individual level. Alliances work best when there is trust, open communication, and a commitment by all to share ideas and listen to the perspectives and experiences of others ( Senge, 2006). Working in this way can challenge us; it requires humility (e.g., recognizing that our own knowledge is partial and incomplete) as well as attentiveness to power relations (e.g., recognizing that some groups, such as professionals, typically have more influence over agenda-setting and decision-making than do learners and their families).

Enhancing learners' participation in these alliances deserves special attention, because traditionally the voices of children and adolescents were not sought, or they were subjected to the interpretation of others. School attendance is fundamentally an issue that affects school-age learners, and it is therefore crucial to shift toward bottom-up, democratic, and participatory processes that enable the integration of their perspectives and experiences. This approach was initially stimulated by an increased recognition of the children's right emanating from the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child ( United Nations, 1989). Since then, it has been acknowledged that engaging with learners is an essential component of effective interventions and policy initiatives as it increases the likelihood of positive outcomes for them, and for organizations and systems ( Roth and Brooks-Gunn, 2016).

INSA is actively fostering robust alliances and enhancing collaborative capacity across all aspects related to school attendance. Illustrations of these endeavors were highlighted at our recent INSA 2022 Conference in The Netherlands. The conference incorporated a series of dynamic roundtable discussions attended by a diverse range of participants, including researchers, educators, health professionals, family advocates, and learners. These sessions facilitated the exchange of knowledge on specific topics of mutual interest. The notable presence of adolescents at the conference injected valuable insights, energy, and enthusiasm into the discussions. A pivotal keynote session featured young representatives from three Dutch organizations, allowing them to share their personal journeys and articulate their vision for school attendance (further details can be accessed via this link.)

Another example of INSA's commitment to advancing the field is exemplified by the recent establishment of its Education, Training, and Policy Sub-Committee in March 2023. Comprising academics and practitioners from Ireland, Australia, and the United States (Catriona O'Toole, Lisa McKay-Brown, Matthew White, and Patricia Graczyk), the committee is actively seeking youth representation as it prepares to shape its mission and terms of reference. An essential aspect of the committee's envisaged role is to cultivate alliances in alignment with the suggestions outlined in Section 2.8. This includes facilitating various professional learning opportunities that bring together diverse groups to share expertise and resources. The committee aims to collaborate on identifying foundational concepts and good practice principles, offering guidance on policy related to school attendance, supporting the implementation of research-based findings in educational settings, and advocating for comprehensive responses to school attendance challenges on both national and international levels.

3.3 Championing interdisciplinary research to inform practice

The landscape of school attendance and absenteeism research is rich and diverse, as evident from the plethora of publications listed in the research menu of INSA's website. This repository offers a compelling glimpse into the global investment of time, money, creativity, and collaborative efforts dedicated to advancing our understanding of so many aspects related to attendance and absence. This is to be celebrated. It also leads to questions about the research questions posed, the methodologies employed, and the impact of research findings on the field of school attendance.

Navigating these questions is not straightforward. One significant challenge lies in the fact that the majority of practical, scientific, and scholarly work on school attendance and absenteeism tends to occur within distinct scientific disciplines rather than fostering collaboration across them. This siloed approach results in numerous independent avenues of investigation that are not always well-coordinated or integrated ( Heyne et al., 2020; Kearney, 2021). Addressing this challenge calls for an interdisciplinary focus on school attendance and absenteeism research.

Against this background, INSA established its Scientific Sub-Committee in February 2022. The committee, composed of four members (Laelia Benoit, Carolina Gonzálvez, Christopher Kearney, and Gil Keppens), represents diverse scientific disciplines (education, psychiatry, psychology, sociology) and countries (The Netherlands, France, Spain, and the USA). Its primary vision is to promote interdisciplinary research and build connections toward a more cohesive and coordinated approach to school attendance and absenteeism. This objective will be realized by crafting a shared research agenda that encompasses common goals and actions across disciplines and research contexts (such as geographical areas of study and methodologies) and by encouraging collaboration among INSA's members and other interested parties. Six strategies are employed to facilitate a more interdisciplinary research agenda, as described next.

Second, there is a need to promote interdisciplinary research. Encouraging collaboration among researchers from diverse disciplines in joint research projects will introduce diverse perspectives and expertise for formulating and addressing complex research questions. This collaborative efforts aims to integrate systemic and analytical perspectives in our approach to researching school attendance and absenteeism ( Kearney, 2021). This includes exploring ecological levels associated with school attendance and absenteeism, considering both proximal and distal factors. Microsystem-level or proximal factors, often the focus of researchers and school personnel, serve as valid predictors of school absenteeism. These include challenges such as mental health issues for learners, learning disorders, and low parent involvement in education. A more inclusive and destigmatizing approach to school attendance and absenteeism will entail a deeper analysis and integration with broader ecological levels ( Kearney et al., 2022). Examples of these broader levels include the quality of interactions between learners, parents, and schools, the type of educational system, economic development, and youth unemployment rates ( Claes et al., 2009; Keppens and Spruyt, 2018; Leduc et al., 2022). In sum, considering multiple ecological levels allows us to strategically leverage the entire system in support of learners.

Fourth, enhancing engagement with interested parties is imperative. The inclusion of educators, policymakers, parents, and learners in the research process ensures that research questions are not only relevant and practical but also that findings are actionable. As highlighted in Section 3.2, INSA's recent conference featured round table discussions aimed at fostering dialogue among academics, policymakers, practitioners, parents, and learners facing school attendance problems. One of these discussions centered on the theme "Action on research: What needs to happen next?". The insights derived from this round table discussion played a pivotal role in shaping the strategy for INSA' Scientific Sub-Committee.

Fifth, addressing the social determinants of absenteeism is essential. These determinants encompass non-medical factors that can influence school attendance, reflecting the conditions in which individuals are born, grow, work, live, and age. They are shaped by a broader set of forces and systems that define daily life, such as poverty, housing instability, limited access to healthcare, early childhood development, and considerations of social inclusion and non-discrimination. Notably, researchers have begun incorporating global social justice variables into models of school attendance and absenteeism, particularly in aspects related to migration, racial and income inequality, economic policies and opportunities, labor markets, violence, food insecurity, and healthcare ( Keppens and Spruyt, 2018; Kearney et al., 2023). Embracing an interdisciplinary approach is crucial for identifying and addressing these underlying factors, as further discussed in the next paragraph.

Sixth, there is a need to conduct interdisciplinary research and disseminate research findings widely. Such interdisciplinary research is poised to generate insights that inform more comprehensive approaches to attendance and solutions for absenteeism ( Kearney and Graczyk, 2020, 2022). An illustrative example of a comprehensive approach could involve addressing the mental health needs of learners, offering support for families to navigate the challenges they face, implementing policies and practices that promote attendance, and utilizing community resources for additional support. It is essential to disseminate emerging insights to a diverse array of interested parties, including families, educators, practitioners, policymakers, and organizations, to ensure their translation into effective practices and policies. This will necessitate employing different dissemination strategies for various groups of interested parties, including tailoring information to the audience so it can be understood and used.

Implementing these strategies will enable INSA to facilitate a more interdisciplinary research agenda, breaking down silos between different fields and disciplines. This approach fosters collaboration and communication among researchers, educators, practitioners, and policymakers. Such collaboration holds the potential for establishing greater consensus and standardization around the conceptualization and measurement of school attendance and its problems, the development of multilevel assessment and intervention protocols applicable across various contexts, more effective implementation of interventions, and ultimately, better outcomes for learners. Currently, INSA's Scientific Sub-Committee is preparing a review and critique of contemporary systemic and analytic measurement strategies related to school attendance/absenteeism and related constructs. This initiative serves as a benchmark to develop a roadmap for constructing a next-generation common measurement of school attendance/absenteeism and related constructs.

4 Conclusion

Changing how we approach school attendance has the potential to significantly improve attendance rates, foster a meaningful relationship with education among learners, and better prepare them for adulthood. Drawing upon the insights of the 42 authors contributing to this Research Topic, we have curated eight crucial themes, four focusing on transforming our thinking about attendance, and four focusing on innovative work within this space. As you consider the concept of "unlearning school attendance," we encourage a thoughtful reflection on the need for recalibration to radical overhaul across these eight themes: thinking broadly about the meaning of attendance (Theme 1), thinking broadly about the function of attendance (Theme 2), thinking creatively about the provision of education (Theme 3), thinking broadly about influences on attendance (Theme 4), working on attendance and not only on absenteeism (Theme 5), working with attendance-related data (Theme 6), working on the needs of specific groups of learners (Theme 7), and working on alliances, dissemination, and implementation (Theme 8).

Readers are invited to assess the relevance of these themes to their contributions in the field of school attendance. Additionally, three dilemmas merit consideration. First, as we contemplate the meaning of attendance (Theme 1) and the function of attendance (Theme 2), while engaging with attendance-related data (Theme 5), a tension arises between using conventional, easily measurable metrics like in-seat time at school, and the need to develop and use more flexible and valid metrics based on our evolving, nuanced understanding of attendance. New metrics should account for contemporary learning formats and factors associated with an individual's relationship with education. Second, as we delve into influences on attendance (Theme 4), creative thinking about education provision (Theme 3), and addressing the needs of specific leaner groups (Theme 7), the challenge is to reconcile flexible approaches to education, which may inadvertently lead to segregation, with the principle of inclusive education. How can the field strike a balance, offering flexible, personalized education that is both inclusive and culturally responsive, without resorting to segregating practices that might detrimentally impact learners' long-term educational outcomes? Third, when committed to working on attendance, not solely on absenteeism (Theme 6), a potential tension arises in resource allocation for delivering universal interventions to promote attendance (Tier 1), targeted interventions for individuals or groups facing emerging, mild, or moderate absence (Tier 2), and intensive interventions for those displaying chronic or severe absence (Tier 3). While universal promotion of attendance is crucial, the question remains: How can we strike a balance to prevent the dilution of universal efforts and ensure that targeted and intensive interventions effectively address individual needs without creating disparities?

As INSA, these and other questions will occupy the forefront of our minds as we actively seek to advance the field. We extend a sincere invitation for your active engagement with our ongoing efforts detailed in Section 3. To learn more, please visit our website at www.insa.network and contact us at info@insa.network. Together, we can drive meaningful change in the realm of school attendance, paving the way for a brighter future for all learners.

Author contributions

All authors contributed to the framing, work, and final version of the article. Lead author and co-founder of the International Network for School Attendance (INSA), DH, lead the curation of materials and ideas. INSA's six Executive Committee members, the authors of this article, were instrumental in crafting the long-range goals for the future of the field of school attendance. All authors approved the submitted version.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

The author(s) declared that they were an editorial board member of Frontiers, at the time of submission. This had no impact on the peer review process and the final decision.

Publisher's note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Footnotes

References

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Embracing change: from recalibration to radical overhaul for the field of school attendance

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In a world characterized by dynamic demographic shifts, rapid technological transformations, and evolving pedagogical practices, the need for reimagining school attendance and a relationship with education has become paramount. This Research Topic, boldly titled "The Unlearning of School Attendance: Ideas for Change," compels us to challenge conventional thinking and working in this domain.

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(KiTeS) Framework: An Inclusive Bioecological Systems Approach

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(KiTeS) Framework: An Inclusive Bioecological Systems Approach

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Glenn A. Melvin 1,2*, David Heyne ³, Kylie M. Gray 2,4, Richard P. Hastings 2,4, Vaso Totsika 2,4,5, Bruce J. Tonge 2,4 and Mina Mirjana Freeman ⁴

School of Psychology, Faculty of Health, Deakin University, Burwood, VIC, Australia

Centre for Educational Development, Appraisal and Research, University of Warwick, Coventry, United Kingdom

Developmental and Educational Psychology Unit, Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences, Institute of Psychology, Leiden University, Leiden, Netherlands

Department of Psychiatry, Centre for Developmental Psychiatry and Psychology, School of Clinical Sciences at Monash Health, Monash University, Clayton, VIC, Australia

Division of Psychiatry, Faculty of Brain Sciences, University College London, London, United Kingdom

Absence from school jeopardizes children's and adolescents' education and their social and emotional development. Proximal and distal individual, parental, familial, and environmental factors have been linked to absenteeism and the development and maintenance of school attendance problems. The complex interaction among these factors necessitates a multifactorial approach to understanding school absenteeism and attendance problems. The current paper builds on recent calls to apply bioecological systems frameworks when studying risk factors for school absenteeism and attendance problems. The Kids and Teens at School (KiTeS) Framework presented here is an application of Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems model, incorporating candidate factors of particular relevance to school absenteeism and attendance problems. The current paper is also a response to the Warnock report which highlighted the need to individualize educational supports for children and adolescents with disabilities, to foster optimal educational outcomes. The KiTeS Framework is an inclusive framework, inclusive of students with and without disabilities. It is envisaged that the KiTeS Framework will provide guidance to researchers aiming to improve understanding of the factors influencing absenteeism among all school-aged students, including those from minority or vulnerable populations.

Introduction

School, as construed by any culture, is essential for the cognitive and social-emotional development of all children and adolescents (hereafter referred to as youth). It represents preparation for life beyond school, irrespective of the youth's abilities or disabilities (Warnock Report; Department for Education and Science, 1978). Attending school can be understood as a behavior but also as a developmental outcome because it is a marker of the youth's developmental capacity to separate from their caregiver and be engaged at school.

Poor school attendance predicts lower academic achievement over time ( Hancock et al., 2013) and subsequent school drop out ( Barrington and Hendricks, 1989; Schoeneberger, 2012). Those who leave school early are at greater risk of long term negative outcomes, such as reduced employment and economic security, poorer mental and physical health, and lower life expectancy, compared to youth who complete schooling ( Rumberger, 2011).

Absenteeism appears to be a universal problem. In the UK in 2016-17, almost 11% of youth in state-funded primary and secondary schools were classified as persistent absentees for having missed 10% or more of school ( United Kingdom Department of Education, 2018). In the US chronic absenteeism has been described as a "hidden crisis," with nationwide data showing that 16% of youth had absences of 15 or more days during the 2015-16 school year ( U.S Department of Education, 2016). An Australian report concluded that ~30% of youth were at some educational risk due to being absent from school for 10% or more of the time ( Western Australia Auditor General's Report 16, 2015). In rural Karnataka, South India, 8% of lower caste adolescent girls reported being frequently absent from school (four or more days missed in a month; Prakash et al., 2017). A study of youth in Mozambique found that 36.6% of those surveyed reported being truant at least 1 day during a 30 day period ( Seidu, 2019). Research conducted by the Consortium for Research on Educational Access, Transitions, and Equity identified high rates of absenteeism in India and Ghana ( Lewin, 2011). As the aforementioned studies illustrate, different cut offs are used to define when absenteeism becomes problematic. This is an important issue as Skedgell and Kearney (2018) found that associations between problematic levels of absenteeism and contributing factors differ according to the cut-off applied (1, 10, 15% absence).

While acknowledging that a consensus has not yet been reached on an appropriate cut-off to define problematic absenteeism, a body of research shows that a broad range of individual, parental, familial, and environmental factors are implicated in absenteeism and school attendance problems (SAPs) ( Kearney, 2016). Given this broad range of factors spanning multiple contexts, some researchers have proposed bioecological models to inform approaches to prevention and intervention ( Lyon and Cotler, 2009; Doren et al., 2014; Guralnick, 2015; Gottfried and Gee, 2017). Bioecological models typically position the individual at the center of a nested hierarchy of environments that are understood to influence the individual's development over time ( Bronfenbrenner, 1977; Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006). These environments extend outward from the most immediate contexts experienced by the individual (e.g., home, school) to broader contexts which impact on the individual and their immediate environments in more or less direct ways (e.g., educational policies, overarching societal, cultural, and historical contexts).

Reasons for and Types of Absenteeism

Reasons for school absenteeism vary greatly. For example, students may be absent due to an illness or medical appointment; anxiety about being away from parents or being amongst other youth at school; difficulty with school work or disinterest in learning; because parents keep a child at home; family transport problems; and the school's exclusion of youth engaged in problematic behavior at school. Often, absences are differentiated according to whether they are excused (e.g., illness) or unexcused (e.g., truancy), and there is some evidence that risk for academic impairment is greater for students with unexcused absences relative to those with excused absences ( Gottfried, 2009; Hancock et al., 2018a). In practice and research, it is difficult to reliably establish whether absence is excused or unexcused, and policy and practice differ within and between countries. Moreover, the fact remains that absence for any reason is a risk factor for negative student outcomes ( Gottfried, 2009; Hancock et al., 2013).

SAPs are often differentiated by type. Four types described by Heyne et al. (2019) are school refusal, truancy, school withdrawal, and school exclusion. There is some scientific support for differential associations between psychosocial risk factors and types of SAPs ( Heyne et al., 2019). However, most research into the multiple determinants of absenteeism does not usually account for likely differential relationships between risk factors and different types of absenteeism. Rigorous research accounting for types of absenteeism may reveal that specific risk factors have weaker or stronger relationships with absenteeism contingent upon the type of absenteeism under investigation.

Absenteeism in Disadvantaged Populations

There is a paucity of research addressing absenteeism among youth with IDD, despite the increased risk for absenteeism in this group. However, prior research has demonstrated that youth with IDD have elevated known risk factors for absenteeism such as higher rates of chronic and multiple health conditions and health care utilization relative to youth without IDD ( Boulet et al., 2009; Schieve et al., 2012). The complex health needs of IDD youth may partly explain their higher rates of school absenteeism. At the same time, some youth with IDD may have a decreased risk for particular types of SAPs. For example, youth with moderate to severe intellectual disabilities may be less likely to truant from school because they may find it more challenging to plan out-of-school activities and to conceal their absence from parents and school staff.

A few studies have addressed the question of whether the reasons for absence differ between disadvantaged and non-disadvantaged populations. For example, Havik et al. (2015) reported a tendency for youth with special educational needs to explain their own absences in terms of truancy rather than school refusal. Maynard et al. (2017) reported divergent risk patterns for different racial/ethnic groups of truanting youth. One finding was that non-Hispanic White youth using illicit drugs were at higher odds of truanting relative to those not using illicit drugs, whereas this difference was not observed among African-American youth and Hispanic youth.

ORGANIZING Risk Factors for Absenteeism

Researchers across the fields of education, psychology, mental health, sociology, and juvenile justice have identified a broad range of individual, peer, family, school, and environmental factors associated with school absenteeism and SAPs ( Kearney, 2008, 2016). These factors include but are not limited to student physical and mental health ( Egger et al., 2003; Allison and Attisha, 2019), family and neighborhood socio-economic status (SES; Zhang, 2003; Gottfried, 2014), family functioning ( Carless et al., 2015), parent mental health ( Bahali et al., 2011), school climate ( Hendron and Kearney, 2016), and social norms and practices ( Prakash et al., 2017). As noted above, given the diversity of factors, some researchers have proposed multi-systemic approaches to understand and respond to absenteeism, aiming to integrate knowledge gained across various fields ( Lyon and Cotler, 2009; Kearney, 2016; Guralnick, 2017; Prakash et al., 2017). It has been argued that models based on bioecological and developmental systems, which attend to the interaction of factors across multiple contexts, offer a useful way to navigate the complexity of absenteeism and SAPs ( Benner et al., 2008; Lyon and Cotler, 2009; Doren et al., 2014; Guralnick, 2015).

Indeed, research indicates that a combination of risk factors may better explain the development and maintenance of absenteeism and SAPs, with no single factor determinative ( Ingul et al., 2012; Hancock et al., 2018b; Skedgell and Kearney, 2018). For example, Gottfried and Gee (2017) applied Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems model to examine the determinants of chronic absenteeism in US pre-school students. Factors across various domains, including child attributes and environmental factors, interacted in their influence on chronic absenteeism. The authors found that students who were broadly defined as having a disability (based on school records indicating an individualized education program) and who were in the low SES group had lower odds of being chronically absent than low SES students without disability. This finding was somewhat unexpected given prior research linking low SES to absenteeism and showing higher rates of absenteeism among students with disabilities ( Ingul et al., 2012; Balkis et al., 2016; Gottfried et al., 2017). Gottfried and Gee (2017) speculated that parents of pre-school children with disabilities and from low SES environments may place emphasis on their child being at school to receive specialized services they could not otherwise afford. The study provides a useful example of how individual level factors (e.g., child's age, disability status) can combine with factors at other levels (e.g., SES, access to services) to influence attendance.

According to Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems model, human development is driven by ongoing interactions between the person and elements of their immediate environment, referred to as proximal processes. For school-aged youth, proximal processes related to absenteeism and SAPs include the interactions they have with parents, siblings, friends, and peers, as well as their engagement in morning and evening routines, learning, and extra-curricular activities. The impact of proximal processes on development is understood to vary as a function of individual characteristics (e.g., social skills, personality) and variables spanning multiple ecological contexts (e.g., family, school) as well as broader social contexts and changes over time ( Bronfenbrenner, 1977; Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006). Accordingly, the fundamental elements of bioecological models are referred to as process-person-context-time.

Bioecological models typically depict the child embedded in a hierarchy of systems. Immediately surrounding the child is the microsystem, the environments in which proximal processes occur (e.g., family, school, community). Surrounding the microsystem is the mesosystem which is composed of associations between elements of the child's microsystem, such as connections between parents and teachers. At the next level is the exosystem encompassing those settings that influence elements of the microsystem but are not experienced directly by the child (e.g., a parent's work setting; parent and sibling social networks; local health and social services, and infrastructures). Additional levels include the macrosystem and the chronosystem. The macrosystem encompasses broader cultural and institutional norms and beliefs and SES (e.g., family SES; community attitudes to people with disabilities). The chronosystem encompasses the influence of time on development (e.g., timing of significant events; changes in systems over time) which can manifest across a number of domains including cultural and societal values, community attitudes, government policies, and economic stability.

The interplay of proximal and distal factors on school attendance can be illustrated by the proximal processes involved in preparing for school in the morning. The morning routine typically involves some level of cooperation between the child and family members and may be influenced by many individual child characteristics such as age, functional abilities, and mental and physical health. Such child factors may interact with the mental health and wellbeing of parents as well as the family's functioning ( Egger et al., 2003; Bahali et al., 2011; Carless et al., 2015). A depressed parent who lets their anxious child stay at home to give them "a day off" may base their decision, in part, on their own need for support or the desire to avoid the stress associated with getting their child to school in the morning. In turn, a child with separation anxiety who is allowed to remain home is relieved of their anxiety when they observe their parent and feel assured that the parent is safe. Exosystem factors such as a parent's employment ( Ingul et al., 2012), school start times ( Bowers and Moyer, 2017; McKeever and Clark, 2017), and transport options ( Gottfried, 2017) might also exert an influence on proximal processes. Such distal factors may differentially influence attendance outcomes for special populations such as indigenous students or those with a disability. It is well established that youth with IDD, for example, are more likely than typically developing peers to live in low income, single parent, or unemployed households and poorer neighborhoods ( Emerson et al., 2010b). Moreover, socio-economic risk factors are linked to poorer mental and physical health in children with IDD and their parents ( Emerson et al., 2006, 2010a; Emerson and Hatton, 2007). In turn, poor mental and physical health in parents and children are known risk factors for absenteeism and SAPs ( Allison and Attisha, 2019). Bioecological models that focus on the interaction of factors across domains are, therefore, in line with trends in disability research to shift the focus from individual factors to an understanding of how broader cultural and structural factors, including educational settings, impede the development of students with disabilities ( Mittler, 2015).

There have been calls for more research on factors influencing absenteeism and SAPs among disadvantaged populations, such as students from diverse ethnic backgrounds along with those with disabilities, to better understand potentially unique risk profiles ( Zubrick et al., 2006; Lyon and Cotler, 2007; Gee, 2018). Moreover, there is no conceptual framework which is explicitly inclusive of factors relevant to disadvantaged populations. Efforts to improve school attendance, educational outcomes, and lifelong outcomes for these disadvantaged populations requires a better understanding of the determinants of absenteeism.

Research on absenteeism and SAPs in typically developing populations provides a useful starting point for examining the same phenomena in other student sub-groups, including those experiencing disadvantage. However, absenteeism and SAP types and their key risk and protective factors may differ across disadvantaged and non-disadvantaged groups. A comprehensive research framework is needed to ascertain whether there are meaningful differences in the pathways to absenteeism and SAPs between and among the various populations of students. Research informed by a broad framework relevant to all student populations may have important implications for prevention and intervention for absenteeism and SAPs, including family support, school policy, community services, and culturally sensitive school adaptations.

The Kids and Teens at School (KiTeS) Framework-applies Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems model to facilitate research that builds knowledge about attendance and absence among all school students, including those from disadvantaged populations (see Figure 1). The framework seeks to inform research on the development, maintenance, and alleviation of school absenteeism and SAPs.

Figure 1. The KiTeS bioecological systems framework for school attendance and absence.

The KiTeS Framework

The KiTeS Framework uses the conceptual structure of Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model including micro-, meso-, macro-, exo-, and chrono-systems to organize factors known to influence human development ( Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006). We also describe the extant literature in its relationship with the factors included in the framework.

We place youth characteristics operating at the micro- and meso-system level at the center of the KiTeS Framework because of their key influence on the interactions between the individual and their environment (i.e., proximal processes). Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) conceptualized person characteristics as demand, resource, and force characteristics. Demand characteristics are features of the person that are directly apparent to others and invite or discourage interactions and reactions. Examples include age, gender, and appearance. Resource characteristics refer to a person's skills, abilities, experiences, and disabilities which can influence the capacity of the person to engage in proximal processes. Force characteristics are considered the shapers of development as they refer to behavioral dispositions that either support or disrupt proximal processes and therefore development. Examples include responsiveness, distractibility, and emotional regulation.

A range of resource characteristics are linked to absenteeism and SAPs, including biological and psychological factors such as functional limitations, acute and chronic illness, mental health conditions and sleep ( McShane et al., 2001; Egger et al., 2003; Houtrow et al., 2012; Hysing et al., 2015; Allison and Attisha, 2019). Specific learning disabilities, IDD, and neuro-developmental conditions are also associated with absenteeism ( Redmond and Hosp, 2008; Gottfried et al., 2017; Black and Zablotsky, 2018).

Self-regulation, a force characteristic according to Bronfenbrenner and Morris' conceptualization, has been found to negatively associate with absenteeism ( Balkis et al., 2016). Similarly, attitudes toward school and perceptions of academic ability have been linked to absenteeism and these might best be viewed as force characteristics given their influence on a student's active orientation toward school ( Green et al., 2012; Balkis et al., 2016). Mental health conditions, including anxiety, mood disorders, and externalizing behavior problems such as inattention, impulsiveness, and hyperactivity are developmentally disruptive and are linked to absenteeism and SAPs ( McShane et al., 2001; Egger et al., 2003; Ingul et al., 2012; Kearney, 2016). While these disorders are considered resource characteristics (Bronfenbrenner and Morris 2006), their symptoms, such as anxiety, low affect, and cognitive impairment impact on force characteristics such as social avoidance, self-regulation, inattention, and motivation and are likely to invite or discourage responses from others and impact the likelihood of proximal processes being initiated or sustained.

The KiTeS Framework identifies a range of parent, family, and school factors at the micro- and meso- levels that may influence proximal processes and factors implicated in absenteeism and SAPs. Important parent factors include parental stress, mental and physical health, and parenting styles ( Dura and Beck, 1988; Corville-Smith et al., 1998; Martin et al., 1999; Hastings, 2002; Herring et al., 2006; Lipstein et al., 2009; Bahali et al., 2011; Woodman et al., 2015). Parental attitudes to school and parental involvement in their child's schooling are also relevant because these factors are linked to youth's academic achievement and school engagement which are factors associated with school attendance ( Newman, 2005; Jeynes, 2007; Doren et al., 2012).

At the family level, family composition ( Bernstein and Borchardt, 1996), family functioning ( Corville-Smith et al., 1998; Carless et al., 2015), and family dynamics ( Kearney and Silverman, 1995) have been linked to absenteeism and SAPs. School factors at the micro- and meso- system levels include aspects of school climate, a multi-dimensional construct encompassing teacher, student, and peer relationships; feelings of safety and inclusion at school; levels of academic and social support; the quality of the school's physical environment; and connections within the broader school community including parents ( Cohen et al., 2009). Positive school climate is associated with a number of positive school outcomes such as academic achievement, fewer student behavior problems, and better attendance rates ( Faircloth and Hamm, 2005; Freeman et al., 2015; Hendron and Kearney, 2016; Roorda et al., 2017; Van Eck et al., 2017).

Exo-system factors related to the school domain such as classroom setting, school type, and school organizational factors also show some links to absenteeism and SAPs ( Gottfried et al., 2017; Lenhoff and Pogodzinski, 2018). For example, Lenhoff and Pogodzinski (2018) found that school organizational effectiveness moderated the influence of demographic and individual level factors (sex, race/ethnicity, special educational status, English language learner status, and economic disadvantage) on absenteeism in US state schools but not in charter schools (publicly funded independent schools). A study by Gottfried et al. (2017) found that the risk of chronic absenteeism was lower for mainstream school students with disabilities (broadly defined by special educational needs and including students with emotional problems) who received instruction in classrooms among a higher percentage of typically developing students (inclusive classrooms) compared to students with disabilities receiving instruction in separate classrooms among fewer typically developing students (exclusive classroom). Further, students who received part-time instruction with a special education teacher in inclusive classrooms were less likely to be chronically absent compared to students who had the same disabilities but were in contact with special education teachers full-time in the inclusive classrooms.

Factors at the exo- and macro- system levels may be particularly salient to disadvantaged populations. Youth with IDD are more likely to be exposed to risks of socio-economic disadvantage such as living in low income or unemployed households, poorer neighborhoods, and single parent households compared to their typically developing peers ( Emerson and Hatton, 2007). These distal factors are considered within the KiTeS Framework given they may exert a particular influence on absenteeism and SAPs in disadvantaged populations.

Within the macro-system, attitudes toward education vary between cultural groups and may impact attendance rates. There is evidence of variability across cultural groups in parent's beliefs and behaviors regarding their children's education which may influence how parents socialize their child to school ( Stevenson and Lee, 1990; Taylor et al., 2004). For example, in a cross-cultural study, Stevenson and Lee found that Chinese and Japanese mothers held higher standards for their child's academic achievement than did American mothers and they also endorsed the importance of academic effort to a greater degree than American mothers. Cultural attitudes toward persons with disabilities also vary. In the Australian multi-cultural context, there is some evidence that cultural groups differ in their acceptance of persons with disabilities ( Westbrook et al., 1993). A report from Victoria, Australia, noted that students with disabilities from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds may be missing more school because of cultural views about the benefits and cultural relevance of mainstream education ( Victorian Equal Opportunity Human Rights Commission, 2012). The KiTeS Framework prompts researchers to consider such factors when investigating risks for absenteeism in disadvantaged populations.

With respect to the chronosystem, absenteeism that occurs early in schooling places students at increased risk for absenteeism in later years ( Hancock et al., 2013). Different constellations of risk factors for absenteeism are also likely to be influential at different ages. For example, Skedgell and Kearney (2018) found that rates of absenteeism differed across school grades. Similarly, separation anxiety may be a more influential risk factor for the SAP school refusal at younger ages ( Last and Strauss, 1990). Consideration of chronosystem factors is thus required to achieve a comprehensive understanding of absenteeism and SAPs.

Advancing Research With the KiTeS Framework

The KiTeS Framework, based on Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems model, offers an inclusive structure to inform research. It highlights the complex array of factors within the micro-, meso-, macro-, and chrono-systems, that may contribute to school absenteeism and SAPs amongst diverse student populations. A strength of the KiTeS Framework is that it demands the consideration of multiple levels of influence on school absenteeism and SAPs by placing the child within a nested framework of interacting systems. The Framework is relevant to many disciplines, including but not limited to education, psychology, psychiatry, pediatrics, disability, youth justice, social work, sociology, and criminal justice and is well placed to inform the development of a multi-disciplinary research agenda for absenteeism and SAPs which the field is currently lacking.

As noted earlier, several student populations experience elevated levels of, and vulnerability to, absenteeism and SAPs, including indigenous youth and those with disabilities. The KiTeS Framework is applicable to all student populations and fosters examination of the interacting factors that may underlie increased risk for different groups of students. The KiTeS Framework is equally applicable to research into protective factors that promote attendance, counteracting risk factors for the development of absenteeism and SAPs. To-date, the literature in the field has had a greater focus on understanding risk factors for absenteeism and non-attendance. However, the development of interventions to prevent and reduce SAPs will need to target both a reduction in risk factors and an increase in protective factors. The Framework offers a comprehensive context for exploring risk and protective factors to help explain absenteeism and SAPs and develop appropriate interventions.

Implications

It is envisaged that the knowledge gained through research guided by the KiTeS Framework will inform the development of interventions to prevent absenteeism and reduce SAPs. Lyon and Cotler (2009) have argued that traditional psychological interventions for SAPs, which largely focus on individual child factors, should be complemented by knowledge of the influence of factors at other levels, such as broader school, family, and policy levels. Research informed by the KiTeS framework might also influence policies and laws on school attendance and absenteeism by yielding policy-relevant research data. Although policies and laws around absenteeism evidently change over time, the empirical basis for these changes appears to be lacking (e.g., Brouwer-Borghuis et al., 2019).

There are scientific and practice advantages associated with the explicitly inclusive objective of the KiTeS Framework, whereby the needs and experiences of disadvantaged populations are acknowledged, including those with special education needs. The complexities of these youths' lives are challenging for researchers and practitioners who wish to understand school absenteeism and SAPs among these youth. An inclusive framework can help reduce inequalities in the longer term by ensuring that organizations and systems are enabled to develop and provide interventions and supports that consider the needs of all children-those with and without disadvantage.

Conclusion

School attendance is important for youths' optimal development. A comprehensive understanding of the complex interplay of protective and risk factors for school attendance and absence is critical. The KiTeS Framework applies Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems framework to guide research toward an inclusive and multifactorial examination of absenteeism and SAPs. It is hoped that research informed by the framework will yield data directly relevant for enhancing prevention programs, tailoring interventions to the needs of those displaying SAPs, and informing evidence-based policies and laws. In turn, these will help improve school attendance, educational outcomes, and the social and emotional well-being of all youth.

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the work, and approved it for publication.

Funding

Preparation of this manuscript was supported by an Australian Research Council Discovery Project Grant DP160101142.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

References

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Kids and Teens at School (KiTeS) Framework: An Inclusive Bioecological Systems Approach to Understanding School Absenteeism and School Attendance Problems

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Absence from school jeopardizes children's and adolescents' education and their social and emotional development.

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Connelly et al. (2023) School Distress and the school attendance crisis: a story dominated by neurodivergence and unmet need

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Connelly et al. (2023) School Distress and the school attendance crisis: a story dominated by neurodivergence and unmet need

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Front Psychiatry. 2023; 14: 1237052.

Abstract

Background

The Covid-19 pandemic has brought into sharp focus a school attendance crisis in many countries, although this likely pre-dates the pandemic. Children and young people (CYP) struggling to attend school often display extreme emotional distress before/during/after school. We term this School Distress. Here we sought to elucidate the characteristics of the CYP struggling to attend school in the United Kingdom.

Methods

Using a case-control, concurrent embedded mixed-method research design, 947 parents of CYP with experience of School Distress completed a bespoke online questionnaire (February/March 2022), alongside an age-matched control group ( n = 149) and a smaller group of parents who electively home-educate ( n  = 25).

Results

In 94.3% of cases, school attendance problems were underpinned by significant emotional distress, with often harrowing accounts of this distress provided by parents. While the mean age of the CYP in this sample was 11.6 years (StDev 3.1 years), their School Distress was evident to parents from a much younger age (7.9 years). Notably, 92.1% of CYP currently experiencing School Distress were described as neurodivergent (ND) and 83.4% as autistic. The Odds Ratio of autistic CYP experiencing School Distress was 46.61 [95% CI (24.67, 88.07)]. Autistic CYP displayed School Distress at a significantly earlier age, and it was significantly more enduring. Multi-modal sensory processing difficulties and ADHD (among other neurodivergent conditions) were also commonly associated with School Distress; with School Distress CYP having an average of 3.62 NDs (StDev 2.68). In addition, clinically significant anxiety symptomology (92.5%) and elevated demand avoidance were also pervasive. Mental health difficulties in the absence of a neurodivergent profile were, however, relatively rare (6.17%). Concerningly, despite the striking levels of emotional distress and disability reported by parents, parents also reported a dearth of meaningful support for their CYP at school.

Conclusion

While not a story of exclusivity relating solely to autism, School Distress is a story dominated by complex neurodivergence and a seemingly systemic failure to meet the needs of these CYP. Given the disproportionate number of disabled CYP impacted, we ask whether the United Kingdom is upholding its responsibility to ensure the "right to an education" for all CYP (Human Rights Act 1998).

Keywords: school distress, school refusal, school attendance difficulties, autism, pathological demand avoidance, sensory processing disorder, mental health, ADHD

1. Introduction

" A withered boy who was so afraid, hiding from society in the shade, His solitary cries no-one did hear, his confused mind full of fear. His tortured soul locked inside, with his faded dreams that had died." Damian Milton, Autistic scholar ( 1).

School attendance problems driven by mental health (MH) difficulties are increasingly prevalent in the United Kingdom with the Children's Commissioner's recent Attendance Audit ["Where are England's Children?," ( 2)] estimating that 1.7 million pupils in England were persistently absent (missing over 10% of school sessions) and 124,000 pupils severely absent (missing over 50% of school sessions) in the autumn 2021 term.

School attendance problems underpinned by MH difficulties are, however, not a new phenomenon. Failure by the scientific community to agree a typology for describing attendance problems driven by MH difficulties ( 3) has hindered understanding and support, and led to a phenomena that is poorly described in the literature ( 4). Terms such as "school refusal," "school phobia" and "school avoidance" have been used interchangeably throughout the literature to describe attendance problems, with "school refusal behavior" frequently used as an umbrella term covering anxiety-based school refusal and truancy ( 3).

Terms such as school "refusal" and "avoidance" are, however, rejected by many individuals with lived experience of school attendance problems driven by MH difficulties, as they suggest the behavior is under the control of the young person ( 5-10). Moreover, they do not convey any information regarding the emotional distress associated with school attendance experienced by these children and young people (CYP) ( 6, 7, 11-13) (see Figure 1 ). The term "School Anxiety," which first appeared in the literature in 1959 ( 14), has become increasingly prevalent over recent years, as it goes some way in addressing the above concerns. However, it is narrow, focusing only on the anxiety component of the CYP's experience. This places the focus on treating the CYP's anxiety, as opposed to simultaneously addressing the drivers of this anxiety ( 6, 7, 11, 12).

We propose that attendance problems underpinned by emotional distress are best described as "School Distress" (SD), given that emotional distress associated with school attendance is the core driving feature (see Figure 1 ). This term does not focus solely on the anxiety component of the phenomena, which may be the outcome, rather than the driver, of the distress experienced by the CYP at school. Unlike terms such as "School Refusal," School Distress is person-orientated and, as such, attempts to convey information to individuals surrounding CYP with respect to the child's experience and presentation. We hope that this will intrinsically foster greater understanding and earlier recognition (particularly to early signs of distress), ultimately leading to more empathetic, appropriate support for these CYP.

Historically school attendance problems are considered equally common among boys and girls, with no noted socioeconomic component ( 15). The onset of attendance problems may be sudden or gradual, with possible presentations including children pleading to miss school, displaying physical refusal in the morning, or expressing somatic complaints ( 16, 17).

Although School Distress likely accounts for a significant proportion of school absences, official figures are not available in the United Kingdom, with absences due to MH difficulties not being recorded differently to general absences ( 18). This prevents a full estimation of the scale of the problem. However, even if available, these figures would exclude CYP experiencing School Distress who still manage to attend school but who experience significant distress while there. Some authors estimate that attendance problems due to emotional distress affect around 1% of school-aged children ( 19), although others suggest higher estimates [e.g., ( 15, 20)], likely due to the different conceptualizations used ( 21).

Within current literature, limited research has directly explored the causes of School Distress. Despite this, some potential factors have emerged within small-scale interviews with CYP and their parents, including fear of teacher behavior, noisy and disorganized classrooms, anxiety, isolation, and unpredictability ( 22-24). In recent years, autism and sensory processing difficulties have become increasingly recognized as common characteristics among CYP experiencing school attendance problems ( 25).

1.1. Autism

Autism impacts how individuals makes sense of the world around them. These differences often result in communication breakdowns between autistic and non-autistic individuals, likely due to the differing perspectives between the two neurotypes ( 26, 27). Significant differences in the primary sensory experiences of the autistic lived experience are widely documented [e.g., ( 28)], with previous estimates of sensory processing differences in ~90% of autistic individuals ( 29, 30). Elevated rates of anxiety are also pervasive ( 31, 32).

Strikingly, Ochi et al. ( 33) found 40% of their school 'refusing' participants to be autistic, while Munkhaugen et al. ( 34) identified teacher-reported attendance problems in 42.6% of autistic students, compared to 7.1% of neurotypical (NT) students. Munkhaugen et al. ( 34) also reported that these differences persisted when primary and secondary students were studied separately, and that autistic CYP were absent on significantly more days than their neurotypical peers, indicating greater severity. This aligns with Ochi et al. ( 33) who reported a significantly lower age of onset of attendance problems in autistic children.

Insights into why autistic CYP have disproportionately negative experiences at school, and thus why they appear to be at increased risk of School Distress, are available from multiple sources ( 35-39). Contributing factors overlap with previously identified drivers ( 22-24) and include sensory processing difficulties, feelings of exclusion, lack of teacher understanding, anxiety and demand avoidance.

1.2. Sensory processing difficulties

1.3. Anxiety

Anxiety may also play an important role in the emergence and/or persistence of School Distress for many CYP [e.g., ( 24)], with high anxiety levels commonly noted in CYP experiencing attendance problems [e.g., ( 45)]. For example, Jones et al. ( 46) found significantly greater clinician- and child-reported anxiety severity among school-reluctant CYP, compared to non-school reluctant CYP. Moreover, in a study of Ecuadorian adolescents, Gonzalvez et al. ( 47) found that CYP whose school 'refusal' was strongly linked to avoidance of negative affectivity, escape from aversive social and/or evaluative situations, and/or pursuit of attention, had significantly elevated depression, anxiety and stress. Thus, high anxiety appears to be another characteristic of CYP experiencing School Distress. These studies do not, however, tell us whether high anxiety is a cause or a consequence of CYPs' distressing experiences in school.

As severe symptoms of anxiety frequently co-occur in autistic individuals ( 32), understanding the role of both autism and anxiety (and the intersection between the two) in the development and maintenance of School Distress is likely important in elucidating key drivers of this phenomenon. Similarly, other neurodivergent conditions that also frequently co-occur with anxiety may also heighten the risk of experiencing School Distress [e.g., ADHD ( 48)], as too could a primary diagnosis of anxiety.

1.4. Demand avoidance

Parents of CYP experiencing school attendance problems often highlight their child's difficulties coping with everyday demands as being instrumental in the difficulties faced at school, leading to extreme distress and/or behaviors ( 6). Such demands are omnipresent in the adult-directed mainstream setting, indicating a potential link between School Distress and demand avoidance.

Pathological Demand Avoidance (PDA) was first described by Newson ( 49, 50), to describe a group of CYP who displayed seemingly "obsessive resistance" to everyday demands and an extreme need for control ( 51). Although research is limited, a population cohort study from the Faroe Islands suggested almost 1/5 autistic CYP show some demand avoidant characteristics ( 52). Demand avoidance in adults may be anxiety-driven ( 53), and in CYP these behaviors may be an attempt to increase certainty/predictability in order to alleviate increasing anxiety ( 54). PDA is also described in the literature as 'Extreme Demand Avoidance' (EDA) ( 52), although some advocates suggest 'Rational Demand Avoidance' (RDA) [i.e., as a rational response to one's circumstances ( 1, 55)] or 'Pervasive Drive for Autonomy' ( 56) as more appropriate typology.

Importantly, a key motivation for Newson's recognition of PDA was that a lack of recognition of this " markedly divergent overall presentation...contributes to inappropriate handling and educational methods, since PDA children respond best to very different approaches compared with those suitable for autistic and Asperger children." More recently, Summerhill and Collett ( 57) highlighted anecdotal evidence indicating that when demand avoidant CYP are not identified, their presentation is viewed as defiance and deliberately challenging behavior, leading to school exclusions ( 58), which negatively impacts access to education, social relationships, and MH ( 57).

Moreover, the uniqueness of the demand avoidant profile may explain why a 2018 survey found that 70% of school aged demand avoidant CYP were either not enrolled in school or were unable to tolerate their school environment ( 59). Additionally, Truman et al. ( 60) found that while all parents of autistic CYP described their child's school experiences as overwhelmingly negative, parents of demand avoidant autistic CYP provided markedly more negative descriptions than parents of autistic CYP without demand avoidant profiles. Hence, demand avoidant autistic children may be especially vulnerable to School Distress, perhaps due to their elevated levels of anxiety ( 61) and need for alternative educational methods ( 49, 50), which likely require a flexible, non-directive teaching style ( 62), as pressure to comply with direct demands is well-documented to lead to escalation in emotional reactivity and challenging behavior ( 63).

Interestingly, while the PDA profile is recognized by autism specialist clinicians and academics as an important known range of co-occurring difficulties for many autistic individuals ( 64), PDA has also been documented in other neurodivergent profiles such as selective mutism, language disorders, epilepsy, and, less commonly, in the general population ( 52). Understanding how demand avoidance relates to School Distress, and the parameters discussed above (e.g., neurotype, anxiety, sensory processing differences), is thus important to fully elucidate the factors that contribute to School Distress. To date, however, there is a dearth of academic research exploring this link.

1.5. Current research

In this research, we sought to address the current dearth of understanding in the literature by addressing a number of outstanding questions. More specifically, by comparing CYP who have experienced School Distress with both CYP who attend school without distress and CYP who have never attended a school setting [i.e., Electively Home-Educated (EHE) CYP], we aimed to 1. identify prevalent characteristics of CYP who have experienced difficulties attending school; 2. quantify the proportion of cases of school attendance problems associated with emotional distress; 3. compare anxiety levels, sensory processing difficulties, and demand avoidance profiles between the three groups; 4. explore associations between sensory processing difficulties, anxiety, demand avoidance, and markers of School Distress severity (i.e., duration of School Distress, school attendance rate, age of onset, and impact of school attendance on MH); and 5. assess the level of support received by CYP currently experiencing School Distress.

It is hypothesized that neurodivergent (ND) CYP will be over-represented among individuals with School Distress experience, particularly autistic CYP and CYP with sensory processing difficulties; that anxiety will be prevalent in CYP with School Distress, particularly in autistic, non-autistic ND, and/or demand avoidant CYP; and CYP with more extensive sensory processing difficulties, higher anxiety, and more pervasive demand avoidant profiles will show more severe School Distress than their neurotypical peers.

2. Materials and methods

2.1. Participants

Participants were required to live in the United Kingdom and be parents/carers of school-aged CYP. Initially, 1,055 participants were recruited via volunteer sampling, consisting of 738 parents of children currently experiencing School Distress (Current SD), 209 parents of children who have previously experienced School Distress (Past SD), 83 parents of children who have never experienced School Distress (No SD), and 25 parents of children who have never attended a school setting (Lifelong EHE). An additional 66 parents of CYP who have never experienced School Distress were recruited via prolific.org to ensure the Current, Past, and No School Distress groups were all matched in terms of chronological age, providing an overall sample of 1,121 participants. To assist with age matching, prolific parents with more than one child were instructed to consider their eldest child within the questionnaire. On average, participants completed 77.35% of the survey, with 62.5% completing 100%. Most participants were mothers (97.03%). Table 1 displays key characteristics of the CYP. Figure 2 shows a map of the CYP experiencing School Distress.

Table 1

Characteristic

All

Current SD

Past SD

No SD

Lifelong EHE

n (%)

1,121

738 (65.8)

209 (18.6)

149 (13.3)

25 (2.2)

Respondent's relationship to child (%)

Gender (%)

Ethnic group (%)

Main language (%)

Country of residence (%)

Siblings (%)

Position in family (%)

SEN Support (*Mainstream only)

2.2. Language

Where possible, we use identity-first language (e.g., autistic CYP) ( 65). We defined neurodivergence (ND) for parents as "a term for when someone's brain processes, learns and behaves differently from what is considered 'typical'. Autism is an example of a neurodivergence." We use the term 'non-autistic' to refer to CYP whose parents did not identify them as autistic (be that diagnosed or self/parent-identified), and 'non-autistic ND CYP' for the subgroup of non-autistic CYP who are otherwise neurodivergent. We use the term 'neurotypical' (NT) to refer to CYP whose parent identified them as not being neurodivergent.

2.3. Design

The study employed a case-control, concurrent embedded, mixed-methods design where qualitative data was collected to supplement quantitative data. This was chosen due to the study's exploratory nature, and because the limited literature prevented us from providing fully comprehensive lists of response options to some questions. To collect qualitative data, text boxes were presented within some questions for parents to provide comments. The results reported in this paper are largely quantitative, with some parental comments reported to support understanding. Thematic analyzes and additional data will be reported elsewhere.

2.4. Materials

A bespoke online questionnaire was developed containing four sections and 76 questions. Only certain questions were presented to each respondent, based on their experience of School Distress and survey responses. Questions and response options were developed based upon a comprehensive literature review, and aimed to collate key information about the respondent, their CYP, their CYP's experience of School Distress, and the impact of School Distress on themselves.

This paper will report data from the questions and clinical scales described below. Data relating to how School Distress presents, the reasons underlying School Distress, the efficacy of supports, the consequences of School Distress, and the parental experience will be reported elsewhere.

(1) Demographic information: Participants were asked their relationship to the CYP, and the CYP's country of residence, spoken language, ethnicity, age, gender identity, and number of siblings (with ages). Postcodes were requested and converted into Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) Deciles for families living in England ( 66). In accordance with prolific.org data protection policy, prolific participants provided only their IMD decile.1

(2) School attendance problems: Participants were asked whether their child has ever experienced difficulties attending school (response options: 'currently', 'in the past', 'never', or 'not applicable as child never attended a school setting'), and if so, what age their difficulties began. Where attendance difficulties were current, parents were asked how long they had been ongoing, and how many days their CYP had attended school over the proceeding 20 school days. Attendance rates for the current (2021/22) and previous academic year (2020/21; excluding Covid-19-related absences) were also estimated. All parents of CYP with school attendance problems were asked to describe these difficulties using one of the following options: "Self-corrective school avoidance (i.e., absenteeism that remits spontaneously within 2 weeks)"; "Acute school avoidance (i.e., absenteeism that lasts from 2 weeks to 1 year)"; "Chronic school avoidance (i.e., absenteeism that lasts longer than 1 year)"; "None of the above. It looks more like...(please describe)." In addition, all parents were asked about the impact of attending school on their child's MH [response options: 'Extremely positively' (+3), 'Very positively' (+2), 'Somewhat positively' (+1), 'Neither positively nor negatively' (0), 'Somewhat negatively' (−1), 'Very negatively' (−2), 'Extremely negatively' (−3)]. Detailed results will be presented elsewhere, however this measure will be used here as a marker of School Distress severity. Finally, parents were also asked whether the CYP's siblings have a history of school attendance problems.

(3) Educational information: Parents were asked to indicate the types of educational provision their child currently (and if relevant, previously) attended, the total number of schools their child had attended, and whether their child was currently receiving SEN support at school [response options: 'receives no additional support', 'receives SEN support (e.g., is on the SEN register)', or 'has an EHCP/Statement/CSP/ALN (or similar) in place or in process'].

(4) Child health and neurodivergencies: To better understand the needs of CYP struggling to attend school, parents were asked if their child has any physical or MH difficulties (and, if so, what they were), and if they are neurodivergent. Parents who stated their child was (or might be) neurodivergent were provided with a list of possible neurodivergencies (see Table 2 ) and asked to select all that apply to their child (response options: 'has a clinical diagnosis', 'is on the diagnostic pathway', 'had a referral refused', 'suspected but has never been referred and/or diagnosed'). Unless otherwise indicated, prevalence rates for each neurodivergent condition were calculated by accepting endorsement of any of these four options.

Table 2

Neurodivergence

Current SD

Past SD

No SD

Lifelong EHE

Between-group analysis

Mean Number of NDs (StDev)

3.7 (2.5)

3 (2.5)

0.72 (1.7)

2.5 (2.0)

F(3,1,085) = 61.0, p < 0.001

Parents who identified their CYP to have sensory processing disorder were presented with the eight sensory systems (visual, auditory, tactile, olfactory, gustation, vestibular, proprioceptive, and interoceptive) and asked to identify those in which their CYP experienced difficulties. Parents who selected intellectual disability were asked if this was best described as 'mild-moderate', 'severe', or 'profound'. To gain a wider understanding of the CYP's family history, we asked whether either of the CYP's parents, or their siblings, are neurodivergent. Rates of parental neurodivergence will be published elsewhere.

All parents were asked to complete the 24-item Anxiety Scale for Children-Autism Spectrum Disorder-Parent Version (ASC-ASD-P) ( 67), which was derived from a well-validated measure used with typically-developing children ( 68) and developed for use with autistic CYP. The ASC-ASD-P was selected given the anticipated rates of autistic CYP in our sample. This parent-report measure provides a total anxiety score, and individual scores for Separation Anxiety, Uncertainty, Performance Anxiety, and Anxious Arousal (total anxiety will be presented here, and findings regarding specific subscales will be reported elsewhere). Parents respond along a 4-point Likert scale (0 = Never, 1 = Sometimes, 2 = Often, 3 = Always), and Finally, we explored scores are calculated by summing responses, with higher scores indicating greater levels of anxiety (range 0-72). A total score of 20-23 suggests "significant anxious symptomatology," and scores above 24 suggest a "more specific indication of significant anxiety" ( 67). The ASC-ASD-P has excellent internal consistency (α = 0.94) and good convergent validity.

(5) Demand avoidance: All parents were asked to complete the 8-item Extreme Demand Avoidance-8 Caregiver Report Questionnaire (EDA-8) ( 69), which is a refined version of the Extreme Demand Avoidance Questionnaire (EDA-Q) ( 70). The scale's items cover features consistently described in accounts of EDA: obsessive avoidance of demands and requests, outrageous or shocking behavior to avoid, need for control, poor awareness of hierarchy, and lability of mood. The EDA-8 has good internal consistency ( α = 0.90) and convergent and divergent validity, and is proposed to be a useful tool to identify children showing an extreme response to demands ( 69). Parents respond along a 4-point Likert scale (0 = Not at all true, 1 = Somewhat true, 2 = Mostly true 3 = Very true). Scores are calculated by summing responses, with higher scores indicating greater EDA. Cut-off scores are not currently available.

2.5. Procedure

Data was collected using Qualtrics. The survey link was shared widely on social media, and the additional control participants recruited via prolific.org were directed to the Qualtrics link. The original advertisement for the study was posted on Facebook. The original post was 'liked' 441 times, had 60,944 Post Impressions, 48,649 Post Reaches, and 3,714 Post Engagements. Organizations that shared the advertisement included parent support groups such as 'Not Fine in School-Public Page-School Attendance Difficulties' (~29,000 members) and 'Define Fine: Parent Peer Support for School Attendance' (~6,200 members; see Supplementary material for more details).Participants read the information sheet and provided consent before beginning the survey. They were informed that they could skip any questions and stop/start at any time. Qualtrics' display-logic function ensured respondents were only asked questions which were relevant to them. Upon completion, participants were presented with a debrief form, including a comprehensive list of support services. The study ran for 14 days (22/02/2022-08/03/2022).

2.6. Data analysis

Participants were designated to one of four groups based upon whether their child had ever experienced difficulties attending school: the response option 'Yes, currently' assigned them to the Current School Distress group, 'Not currently, but they have in the past' to the Past School Distress group, 'No, never' to the No School Distress group, and 'Not applicable as child never attended a school setting' to the Lifelong EHE group.

Quantitative data analyzes were run using IBM SPSS Statistics V26. Descriptive statistics were calculated to summarize participants' responses to each question. Further statistical analyzes were conducted to examine relationships between variables. Before performing statistical analyzes, normality was assessed by plotting results in histograms and conducting Shapiro-Wilk and Kolmogorov-Smirnov tests. When results were not normally distributed, non-parametric methods were used. A significance level of α  = 0.05 was adopted for most analyzes, and a Bonferroni-corrected alpha level was used to correct for multiple comparisons. Odds Ratios (ORs) were calculated as an estimate of effect size. Correlational analyzes were conducted to examine the relationships between variables using Spearman Rho correlations.

As CYP in the Lifelong EHE group were significantly younger than CYP in the other groups [(Current SD=Past SD=No SD) > Elective EHE, p  < 0.001], it was necessary to conduct additional analyzes using more precisely age-matched comparison groups. Hence, for each CYP in the Lifelong EHE group, two age-matched participants were identified from each of the three other groups. The selected CYP from each group were the two CYP closest in age to the corresponding Lifelong EHE CYP. Analyzes were then replicated using this reduced sample, and conclusions specific to the Lifelong EHE group were derived from these results.

Within our study, we measured four key proxy markers of School Distress: duration, age of onset, attendance rates (in the previous 20 school days, 21/22 academic year, 20/21 academic year), and impact of school attendance on MH. Within this paper, we explored correlations between the four proxy markers and several characteristics of our sample (i.e., anxiety, EDA, and the number of sensory systems that CYP experience difficulties in) to see how they related to School Distress severity.

3. Results

3.1. Demographic information

3.1.1. Gender

52.1% of CYP were cisgender boys, 42.5% cisgender girls, and the remaining 5.4% were split between the non-binary, transgender boy, transgender girl, self-describe, and prefer not to say options.

3.1.2. Age

The mean age of the CYP was 11.6 years. There was an overall between-group difference in age [ F(3, 1,106) = 8.548, p < 0.001], driven by the significantly younger age of the Lifelong EHE CYP [(Current SD=Past SD=No SD) > Lifelong EHE]. No differences remained when considering the Lifelong EHE age-matched subgroups [ F(3, 171) = 0.084, p  = 0.969].

3.1.3. Indices of deprivation

IMD Decile data was available for 47% of Current School Distress CYP, 53% of Past School Distress CYP, 59% of No School Distress CYP, and 16% of Lifelong EHE CYP. There were no significant between-group differences in IMD Decile scores [ F(3,533) = 1.413; p  = 0.238].

A one sample t-test compared the mean IMD Decile against the population mean, estimated to be 5.5. The overall mean in our sample was 6.04 (StDev = 2.9), which was significantly higher than the population mean, t(536) = 4.312, p < 0.001, indicating less deprivation. Broken down into groups, the Current (6.16, StDev = 2.82) and No School Distress group means (6.17, StDev = 2.96) were significantly higher than the population mean [Current SD: t(347) = 4.368, p < 0.001, No SD: t(71)=2.127, p < 0.001], while the Past School Distress (5.50, StDev = 3.09) and Lifelong EHE group means (5.50, StDev = 2.65) were not significantly different than the population mean [Past SD: t(72)=0.16, p = 0.987, Lifelong EHE: t(3)=0.000, p  = 1.000].

3.1.4. Birth order

47.3% of Current School Distress CYP were first-born children (26.5% 'eldest' children and 20.8% an 'only' child), relative to 49.9% who were younger siblings (39.2% 'youngest' and 10.7% 'middle' children). When considering CYP who had experience of School Distress and who were either the 'youngest' or a 'middle' child in their family, we found having an older sibling who had also experienced School Distress was common. More specifically, 42.9% of younger siblings in the Current School Distress group, and 46.5% of younger siblings in the Past School Distress group, also had an older sibling/s with a history of School Distress. Similar figures were obtained when 'youngest' children were considered in isolation (see Supplementary Figure S1). For a complete description of demographic information, see Table 1 .

3.2. School attendance difficulties

3.2.1. Age of onset and duration

The mean age of onset of School Distress across both groups was 7.89 years (StDev = 3.37). This was younger in Past School Distress CYP (7.19 years; StDev = 3.21) than Current School Distress CYP (8.07 years; StDev = 3.21). Strikingly, 51.2% of cases of School Distress first occurred at 8 years or younger. The mean duration of School Distress was 3.99 years (StDev = 2.95). This was longer for CYP whose difficulties had now resolved (4.79 years; StDev = 3.12) than for those whose difficulties were still ongoing (3.79 years; StDev = 2.88). Hence, School Distress began significantly earlier in Past School Distress CYP ( p < 0.01), and lasted significantly longer ( p < 0.001), likely because the Current School Distress CYP were still experiencing School Distress. The age of onset of School Distress was significantly younger for autistic CYP than non-autistic CYP, and School Distress was reported as being significantly more enduring for autistic CYP (see Figure 3 ).

Given the timing of this research, with survey completion occurring almost 2 years after the initial Covid-19 school closures began in the United Kingdom, we explored the percentage of School Distress cases that began before and after the Covid-19 pandemic. In most cases, the onset of School Distress preceded Covid-19 related school closures (Current SD: 69.82%; Past SD: 85.15%).

3.2.2. School attendance problems

For 94.32% of CYP, parents indicated their child's school attendance problems were either partially or fully emotionally-based (i.e., SD).

The existing categories for school "refusal" within the literature ( 58) (self-corrective, acute, and chronic) failed to capture a significant proportion of the experiences of CYP in this sample (see Supplementary Table S1; Other), with 37.1% of cases ( n = 320) falling outside of these categories. Examining the Past School Distress group alone, the 'none of the above' category was selected by 54.2% of parents. Parents who selected this option were asked to describe what their child's School Distress looks like. Example responses can be seen in Table 3 , Q1. These descriptions capture the distress element of the lived experience of School Distress, as do the additional quotes with respect to how School Distress presents in their children ( Table 3 , Q2). A full thematic analysis of this data will be described elsewhere.

Table 3

Summary of Question

Example Quotes

Q1. Parental descriptions of their CYP's school attendance difficulties/situation

"Will go but after huge amounts of upset and panic, odd day of refusal followed by managing to go in with difficulty a day or so later"
"We would manage to get him into school but he would beg not to go (heartbreaking) and feel nausea from waking until he got home (which he would not tell anyone)"
"He attended school but was very distressed, would cry, did not want to go, found being at school pretty stressful (meltdowns at the end of the day)"
"We always got him there - but it was hard on many days""Occasional days off but having to carry a kicking screaming child into school everyday"
"We are able to get her into school most days by carrying her...but if she was bigger...she would be missing school"
"Will attend more times than not but frequently late/part of day only and does not go to lessons or if he does will read or do his own writing rather than engaging with curriculum"
"It's lasted 10 years! Coping on and off depending on which environment she was in"
"Sporadic - in response to situations and difficulties at school with particular lessons, teachers or students"
"Extreme withdrawal and a corresponding lack of expression/engagement"

Q2. Parental descriptions of how their CYP's difficulties present

"Wakes me in the night crying about school"
"Sleep disturbance, tummy aches and bed wetting every night prior to school"
"Vomiting and incontinence at home,"
"Panic on way to school"
"Lashing out at myself and car on way to school and on the way home"
"Attempt to run in front of traffic, attempts to eat nuts (nut allergy)"
"Self harm after a difficult school day"
"Attempted suicide due to unmet needs within school"

3.3. Educational information

3.3.1. Type of education setting

Overall, 97% of CYP had previously, or were currently, attending a mainstream school setting (Current SD: 97%, Past SD: 97%, No SD: 99%). Almost all CYP in the No School Distress group were currently attending a mainstream school, while just 58.3% of CYP in the Current School Distress group remained in this setting currently. The current and past educational provisions of CYP with School Distress experience will be described in more detail elsewhere.

CYP in both School Distress groups had attended significantly more school settings than CYP without School Distress [ F(2,1,007) = 12.986, p < 0.001; Current SD > No SD, p < 0.001; Past SD > No SD, p  = 0.009]. More specifically, the average number of schools attended by CYP in the Current School Distress group was 2.36 (StDev = 1.094), relative to 2.22 in the Past School Distress group (StDev = 1.164) and 1.86 in the No School Distress group (StDev = 0.814).

3.3.2. Support at school (SEN/EHCP)

Of the Current School Distress CYP, 32.8% received no support at school, 38.1% were on a SEN register (or equivalent), and 48.5% had an EHCP or were in the process of seeking one. This declined to 32.9% when we removed cases where parental comments indicated an EHCP was not yet in place ( n  = 111). Of those cases, 95 parents indicated they were in the EHCP process [e.g., applying, applied, in the assessment phase, in the draft stage/awaiting a finalized plan, at mediation/appealing...]. Some of the mediation/appeals were taking place following a refusal to assess or to issue an EHCP following assessment, while others were appealing the content of sections B (description of the CYP's SEN), F (provision required to meet needs), and I (specific placement).

Parental dissatisfaction with the support their child is/was receiving from their school and/or local authority (LA) was clear throughout responses. For instance, many described a lack of support in place (e.g., "Very limited support from school"; see Supplementary Table S2, Q1). Even when parents indicated their child was on the school's SEN register or had an EHCP, comments continued to indicate a lack of support for many CYP (e.g., "Is on the SEN register however no further support in school," see Supplementary Table S2, Q2). Application for and implementation of EHCPs was also a particular source of frustration, with comments including: "I'd to self-apply as school delayed and blocked" and "School not following EHCP" (see Supplementary Table S2, Q3).

Occasionally comments reflected a more positive situation (e.g., "My child's school currently provides reasonable adjustments for my daughter's needs ", see Supplementary Table S2, Q4), however this only represented a small proportion of parent voices.

Finally, some parental comments reflected the complexity of providing support (e.g., "He can receive support from a learning base but he is masking in school and does not want others to know he has autism so only accesses the base twice per week for 50 min per time").

3.4. Child health and neurodivergences

3.4.1. Child health

When asked whether their child has any physical or MH difficulties, only 7% of parents in the Current School Distress group responded 'No', compared to 69.8% who stated 'Yes' and 23.3% who stated 'Maybe'. This differed to the other groups, whereby 23.5% of Past School Distress parents, 79.9% of No School Distress parents, and 56% of Lifelong EHE parents responded 'No'. When asked to specify details of these health difficulties, some parents listed neurodevelopmental conditions. As we later gathered detailed information about neurodivergent conditions, we excluded such responses from analysis (e.g., autism, ADHD, PDA, and sensory processing differences).

Table 4 summarizes the remaining responses with respect to the CYPs' mental and physical health difficulties, with anxiety being the most frequently mentioned condition in all groups. Depression, Hypermobility, PTSD/trauma, and Low mood/emotional regulation difficulties were the next most common in the two School Distress groups, with few incidences in the No School Distress and Lifelong EHE groups. Hence, MH as opposed to physical health concerns (except for hypermobility) were the most frequently mentioned health difficulties by parents of children with School Distress experience. This should not be considered an exhaustive list, as some parents did not complete this, and others may not have listed all health concerns.

Table 4

Physical/Mental health difficulty

Current School Distress (n = 731)

Past School Distress (n = 204)

No School Distress (n = 149)

Lifelong EHE (n = 25)

These responses were further subdivided into three categories: CYP whose parents listed MH difficulties only, whose parents listed physical health difficulties only, and whose parents listed both mental and physical health difficulties. Rates of CYP whose parents reported physical health conditions in isolation were relatively low in all groups (see Supplementary Table S3; Figure 4 ). However, having either MH difficulties in isolation, or in combination with physical health difficulties, was strikingly more common in both School Distress groups than in both the No School Distress and Lifelong EHE groups. No formal statistical analyzes were conducted here as more precise data (including anxiety data gathered using a clinical scale) is described below. Co-occurrence between neurodivergent conditions and health difficulties is also discussed further below.

3.4.2. Neurodivergence

Neurodivergent CYP were significantly over-represented among CYP who currently experience, or who have previously experienced, School Distress, with 92.05% of the Current School Distress group rated as neurodivergent by their parents (i.e., "Yes" or "Maybe"), compared to 22.2% of those without School Distress experience. Statistically, Current School Distress CYP were significantly more likely to be neurodivergent than Past School Distress CYP, and Past School Distress CYP were significantly more likely to be neurodivergent than No School Distress CYP (Current SD > Past SD > No SD). Notably, the OR for a CYP to experience School Distress if they are neurodivergent was 32.57 (95% CI 20.903, 50.762). Restricting the criteria of ND to just the CYP whose parents responded "yes" increased this OR to 42.25 [95% CI (24.53, 72.78)].

Lifelong EHE CYP were equally likely to be described as neurodivergent by their parents as CYP in both School Distress groups [(Current SD=Past SD = Lifelong EHE) > No SD, p  < 0.008 (Bonferroni adjusted alpha level)]. The OR for a CYP in the Lifelong EHE group being neurodivergent (considering "yes" and "maybe" responses) relative to a CYP in the No School Distress group was 25.8 (95% CI 7.26, 91.46), suggesting the Lifelong EHE CYP had neurodevelopmental profiles comparable to the CYP in the two School Distress groups.

Co-occurrence between neurodivergent conditions was high, with many CYP having multiple neurodivergent conditions [overall mean = 3.14 (StDev = 2.62); Current SD = 3.70 (StDev = 2.51); Past SD = 3.0 (StDev = 2.54), No SD = 0.72 (StDev = 1.73); Lifelong EHE = 2.52 (StDev = 2.0)]. Number of neurodivergent conditions per CYP differed significantly between the four groups [H(2)=218.123, p < 0.001], with No School Distress CYP having significantly fewer neurodivergent conditions than all three other groups (all p-values<0.001). No significant differences were found between the Lifelong EHE group and either School Distress group.

Co-occurrence between neurodivergent conditions and health difficulties, particularly MH difficulties, was also high. Notably, 89.14% of CYP in the Current School Distress group whose parents listed one or more health difficulty, were also neurodivergent. Having a physical health condition in isolation accounted for only 0.88% of cases of Current School Distress CYP, while having a mental health condition in isolation accounted for just 6.13% of cases (see Figure 4 ).

3.4.3. Autism

Autism was the most prevalent neurodivergent condition among CYP with School Distress experience (Current SD: 83.4%; Past SD: 66.2%; see Table 2 ). These prevalence rates include all individuals who were either diagnosed or suspected to be autistic, meaning prevalence rates were lower when analysis included only CYP with a confirmed autism diagnosis (Current SD: 46.9%; Past SD: 42.1%).

Statistically, CYP in both School Distress groups were more likely to be autistic than No School Distress CYP (Current SD > Past SD > No SD; see Table 2 for further details). Notably, the OR of an autistic CYP (suspected or diagnosed) experiencing School Distress (Current or Past) was 37.69 [95% CI (23.22, 61.18)], relative to non-autistic CYP. This increased to 46.61 [95% CI (24.67, 88.07)] when analysis included only autistic CYP with confirmed diagnoses.

Lifelong EHE CYP were also significantly more likely to be autistic than No School Distress CYP (Lifelong EHE > No SD). The odds of a Lifelong EHE CYP having a confirmed autism diagnosis was significantly greater than for No School Distress CYP [OR = 6.44 (95% CI 0.98, 42.46)]. This increased further when non-diagnosed autistic CYP were included [OR = 20.11 (95% CI 5.33, 75.85)].

3.4.4. Sensory processing difficulties

The second most prevalent neurodivergent condition among CYP with School Distress experience was Sensory Processing Disorder/Sensory Integration Disorder (SPD/SID), and again, prevalence differed significantly between groups (see Table 2 ). Visual inspection of Figure 5 (column 2) shows the markedly increased prevalence of SPD/SID in CYP with School Distress (top panel) relative to those without School Distress (bottom panel), across the breadth of neurodivergencies and differing levels of anxiety and demand avoidance (with only a few exceptions). CYP within the Lifelong EHE group were also significantly more likely ( n = 13/25) than CYP without School Distress ( n = 5/50) to have SPD/SID [ χ ²(1) = 14.501, p < 0.001; analysis conducted using the Lifelong EHE CYP and their age-matched No School Distress group]. Moreover, restricting the dataset to only non-autistic CYP, SPD/SID remained significantly more prevalent in CYP with School Distress relative to those without School Distress ( χ ² = 21.627, p < 0.001; see Figure 6 ).

In cases where SPD/SID was indicated, difficulties were reported in an average of 4.8 sensory systems (StDev = 2.1) and having difficulties in just one sensory system was rare, accounting for 3.7% of reported cases. When split by group, the mean number of systems impacted was 4.79 for Current School Distress CYP (StDev = 2.08), 4.96 for Past School Distress CYP (StDev = 2.09), 4.1 for No School Distress CYP (StDev = 2.6) and 4.62 for Lifelong EHE CYP (StDev = 2.53). The tactile system, followed closely by the auditory system (both>80%), were the systems identified most frequently as being impacted (see Supplementary Table S4, upper panel).

Across all CYP (including those for whom SPD/SID was not reported), difficulties were reported in an average of 2.28 (StDev = 2.8) sensory systems [Current SD = 2.72 (StDev = 2.8); Past SD = 2.19 (StDev = 2.8); No SD = 0.27 (StDev = 1.2); Lifelong EHE CYP = 2.61 (StDev = 3)]. A Kruskal-Wallis test indicated the number of systems impacted differed between groups, H(3)=111.340, p < 0.001, with pairwise comparisons revealing: Current School Distress (Mdn = 2) > No School Distress (Mdn = 0), p < 0.001; Past School Distress (Mdn = 0) > No SD, p < 0.001; and Current SD > Past SD, p  = 0.046.

For CYP experiencing School Distress, the number of sensory systems impacted (range: 0-8) correlated significantly with School Distress duration (rs = 0.153, p < 0.001), age of onset of School Distress (rs = −0.214, p < 0.001), and school attendance in the previous 4 weeks (rs = −0.141, p = 0.002), 2021/22 academic year (rs = −0.199, p < 0.001), and 2020/21 academic year (rs = −0.137, p = 0.003). Number of sensory systems impacted also correlated with anxiety (rs = 0.422, p < 0.001), EDA (rs = 0.403, p < 0.001), and the degree of emotional distress associated with school attendance (rs = −0.319, p  < 0.001).

When the dataset was split into autistic and non-autistic but otherwise neurodivergent groups, significant differences in frequency of SPD/SID were observed [ χ ²(1,880) = 25.648, p < 0.001]; with 61.6% of the autistic CYP experiencing SPD/SID relative to only 36.8% of the non-autistic neurodivergent CYP. Moreover, when SPD/SID was indicated, the mean number of sensory systems impacted for autistic CYP (mean = 4.89, StDev = 2.08, Mdn = 5) was significantly greater than for non-autistic neurodivergent CYP (mean = 3.81, StDev = 2.23, Mdn = 0, U = 56871.5, p  < 0.001). Note: the neurotypical group was not included in the former analyzes as the working definition of neurodivergence used in this research recognizes sensory processing differences as part of the spectrum of neurodivergence.

Finally, we explored co-occurring conditions amongst autistic CYP with and without School Distress. We found a significantly higher frequency of SPD/SID in the autistic CYP with School Distress experience [Current and Past School Distress combined] than in the autistic CYP with no School Distress experience ( χ ²(1)=9.692, p= 0.002).

3.4.5. Other neurodivergent conditions

The third most prevalent neurodivergent condition among individuals with School Distress experience was ADHD, followed by dyslexia, dyspraxia, Auditory Processing Disorder (APD), speech difficulties, and giftedness, while intellectual disability and spatial processing disorder were the least prevalent (see Table 2 ). Both SPD/SID (see above) and Tic disorders were reported more frequently in autistic CYP (10.2%) than in non-autistic ND CYP (1.8%; χ ²(1,880) = 8.53, p < 0.001), and there were no instances where a neurodivergent condition was more prevalent in the non-autistic ND group relative to the autistic ND group (see Table 5 ).

Table 5

Autistic

Non-Autistic ND

(n = 769)

(n = 114)

χ ²

df

n

Sig

No SD

Autism

100% (n = 769)

0%

-

-

-

-

3.25% ( n = 25)

Sensory

61.6% (n = 474)

36.8% (n = 42)

25.648

1

880

< 0.001

1.94% ( n = 10)

Visual processing difficulties

10.6% ( n = 81)

6.1% ( n = 7)

2.168

1

880

NS

0%

Tic disorder

10.2% (n = 78)

1.8% (n = 2)

8.530

1

880

< 0.01

6.25% ( n = 5)

Unspecified learning disorder

8.5% (n = 65)

6.1% ( n = 7)

0.727

1

880

NS

1.39% (n = 1)

Intellectual disability

7.4% (n = 57)

3.5% ( n = 4)

2.379

1

880

NS

3.22% ( n = 2)

Other

12% (n = 92)

16.7% ( n = 19)

1.952

1

880

NS

2.6% ( n = 3)

Finally, considering the prevalence of other neurodivergent conditions among non-autistic CYP with and without School Distress, we found a significantly higher frequency of ADHD [ χ ²(1) = 29.617, p < 0.001], APD [ χ ²(1) = 11.579, p = 0.001], dyscalculia ( p = 0.007, Fisher's Exact test), dyslexia [ χ ²(1) = 19.998, p < 0.001], dyspraxia [ χ ²(1) = 11.518, p = 0.001], giftedness [ χ ²(1) = 8.666, p = 0.003], SPD/SID [ χ ² = 21.627, p < 0.001], and 'other' neurodivergent conditions [χ ²(1) = 9.385, p = 0.002] among non-autistic CYP with School Distress relative to non-autistic CYP without School Distress (see Figure 6 ).

3.4.6. Anxiety

Individual total scores on the ASC-ASD-Parent Version ( 67) ranged from 0 to 72. Only 7.5% of Current School Distress CYP did not reach the cut-off indicative of significant anxiety symptomatology (i.e., 20), with 92.5% meeting or exceeding this score (see Figure 7A ). Moreover, 86.7% of Current School Distress CYP scored above 24 and therefore exceeded the more specific cut-off score for significant anxiety, while 53.8% of Current School Distress CYP scored at least twice the initial cut-off (40+).

There were also significant differences in the frequency of CYP scoring above and below the initial cut-off score of 20 between the Current and No School Distress groups, χ ²(1, 771) = 353.661, p < 0.001. The OR of a CYP experiencing School Distress if a CYP scored 20+wwas 44.015 (95% CI 26.773, 72.362). Moreover, both Current and Past SD groups had significantly higher total anxiety scores than the No School Distress and Lifelong EHE groups, with total anxiety scores highest in the Current SD group [Current SD > Past SD > (No SD = Lifelong SD), see Table 6 for full details]. Additional analyzes using the Lifelong EHE age-matched comparison groups are presented in Supplementary Table S5.

Table 6

Measure

Current SD

Past SD

No SD

Lifelong EHE

H(3)

p

Significant group differences*

Median

IQR

Median

IQR

Median

IQR

Median

IQR

ASC-ASD-P Total

41

19

33

20

10

12.75

14.5

20.75

296.9

<0.001

Current SD > Past SD > Lifelong EHE and No SD

EDA-8 Total

13

9

9

10

1

4

7.5

7.75

242.9

<0.001

Current SD > Past SD; Current SD and Past SD and Lifelong EHE > No SD

We also explored whether anxiety scores correlated with our markers of School Distress. Higher anxiety correlated significantly with longer School Distress Duration (rs = 0.150, p < 0.001), more negative impact of school attendance on MH (rs = −0.545, p < 0.001) and lower school attendance in the previous 20 days (rs = −0.41, p = 0.002), and the 2021/22 (rs = −0.199, p < 0.001) and 2020/21 academic years (rs = −0.137, p  < 0.001).

However, when CYP ( n = 951) were re-categorized as a function of broad neurotype [i.e., autistic, non-autistic but otherwise neurodivergent, and neurotypical] as opposed to school attendance difficulties, a significant between-group difference in anxiety was also observed ( H = 260.70, df = 2, p < 0.001). More specifically, anxiety was highest in the autistic group and lowest in the neurotypical group (autistic>non-autistic ND > NT; bonferroni-corrected pairwise comparisons; all p-values <0.001). This presence of significantly higher anxiety among autistic CYP relative to neurotypical and non-autistic neurodivergent CYP, regardless of the presence or absence of School Distress, represents a potential confound when interpreting ASC-ASD-P scores as the significantly higher scores in the School Distress groups could have been driven by the significantly different rates of autistic CYP between the groups (see above for more detail), as high anxiety is well documented among such CYP. Hence, we additionally compared anxiety levels between the Current, Past, and No School Distress groups for each neurotype separately. Importantly, significantly higher anxiety in CYP with School Distress was evident in each neurotype [Autistic Group ( n = 662): H (2)=38.631, p < 0.001, Current SD > Past SD > No SD; Non-Autistic ND Group ( n = 87): H (2)=10.111, p = 0.006, Current SD > No SD; Neurotypical Group (n =182): H (2)=85.174, p < 0.001, Current SD=Past SD > No SD] (see Figure 7B ).

3.5. Demand avoidance

The groups also differed significantly with respect to total demand avoidance (EDA-8) scores [H(3)=242.945, p < 0.001], with total EDA-8 scores highest in the Current SD group and lowest in the No School Distress group (see Table 6 ; Figure 7C ). Additional analyzes using the Lifelong EHE age-matched comparison groups are presented in Supplementary Table S5.

Higher EDA-8 scores correlated significantly with longer School Distress duration (rs = 0.095, p = 0.008), younger age of onset of School Distress (rs = −0.205, p < 0.001), more negative impact of school attendance on MH (rs = −0.101, p = 0.011), and worse school attendance in the previous 20 days (rs = −0.126, p = 0.005) and the 2021/22 academic year (rs = −0.106, p = 0.021). Higher EDA-8 scores also correlated significantly with number of sensory systems impacted (rs = 0.402, p < 0.001), and higher anxiety (rs = 0.483, p  < 0.001).

Re-categorizing the CYP with respect to neurotype instead of school attendance difficulties, a significant between-group difference in demand avoidance was also observed ( H = 49.62, df = 2, p < 0.001), with total EDA-8 scores highest in the autistic group relative to both the non-autistic but otherwise neurodivergent group and the neurotypical group [all p-values <0.001]. Again, this presence of significantly higher demand avoidance among autistic CYP relative to neurotypical and non-autistic neurodivergent CYP, regardless of the presence or absence of School Distress, represents a potential confound when interpreting our findings as the differences could be driven by the unequal proportion of autistic CYP across the School Distress and no School Distress groups. Hence, we additionally compared EDA-8 scores between the Current, Past, and No School Distress groups for each neurotype separately.

Importantly, significant between-group differences persisted in both the Neurotypical and the Autistic groups, whereby autistic CYP in the School Distress groups had significantly higher EDA-8 scores than autistic CYP in the No School Distress group [H(2)=34.317, p < 0.001, Current SD > Past SD > No SD], and neurotypical CYP in the Current School Distress group had significantly higher EDA-8 scores than neurotypical CYP in the No School Distress group [H(2)=59.009, p < 0.001, Current SD > (Past SD=No SD)] ( Figure 7D ).

4. Discussion

This study identified several prevalent characteristics among CYP affected by school attendance problems. In most cases, school attendance problems were underpinned by significant emotional distress associated with school attendance, and parental accounts regarding their child's difficulties were often harrowing. This led us to devise the term 'School Distress' to replace pre-existing terms such as "School Refusal," as this reinforces that for many CYP, the defining feature of their experience is not a "refusal" to attend school, but rather the severe emotional distress experienced when attempting to do so (see Figure 1 ). Additionally, definitions of "School Refusal" often require CYP to be absent from school for a period of time [e.g., ( 71, 72) which specify an absence rate of at least 10-50% in the prior month], thus failing to adequately capture the experiences of many of the CYP described above who experienced School Distress but who continued to attend school despite the emotional distress experienced. Given their unaffected attendance rates, and the prior absence of an adequate typology, these CYP's distress may fall under the radar of educational professionals, particularly in the emergent stages. Hence, we argue the 'School Refusal' label, which captures nothing of the emotional distress suffered by CYP and is deeply unpopular with those with lived-experience of SD ( 13), should no longer be used. Instead, we propose these difficulties are best described as 'School Distress', which is not only person-orientated, but also specifically encompasses CYP who manage to attend school despite their distress.

4.1. Children and young people characteristics

The CYP with School Distress experience were young, with onset of their School Distress commonly occurring within their formative years, and their difficulties were enduring. As hypothesized, School Distress first occurred significantly earlier and was more enduring in autistic CYP than in their non-autistic peers, indicating greater School Distress severity. This replicates and extends previous findings showing that school attendance problems occur significantly earlier in autistic CYP ( 33), and aligns with the findings of Munkhaugen et al. ( 34), whose teacher reports indicated greater severity of attendance problems in autistic pupils.

The majority of CYP experiencing School Distress either currently or previously attended a mainstream provision. Thus, while not restricted to mainstream provisions, it appears School Distress is common in CYP whose educational journey originated in a mainstream setting, posing the question of whether mainstream settings are suitable for all CYP, and if not, which provisions may be more appropriate.

Consistent with the literature, we did not find compelling evidence of differential rates of School Distress among male and female CYP. Notably, 3.3% of parents identified their child as non-binary or transgender, and 1% selected 'self-describe', with these options being more frequently selected by parents of CYP with School Distress experience. Future studies should explore this further to ensure transgender and gender-diverse CYP are being appropriately supported in schools.

Notably, CYP with School Distress were significantly more likely to be neurodivergent than CYP without School Distress, confirming our predictions. This is comparable with Epstein et al. ( 73) who, in a smaller sample, revealed that about 90% of CYP missing school had Special Educational Needs/Disability (SEND) or a health problem. Similarly, 75% of Amundsen et al.'s ( 35) participants experiencing school attendance problems were neurodivergent. Co-occurrence of neurodivergencies was high among CYP with School Distress experience, and a large proportion of the CYP experiencing School Distress were neurodivergent and experienced MH difficulties.

The high rate of MH difficulties in our sample is consistent with previous findings showing high levels of depression, anxiety, and stress in CYP experiencing school-related emotional distress [e.g., ( 45-47)]. They are also consistent with a growing mental health crisis that is reportedly affecting CYP both in the United Kingdom ( 74, 75) and globally ( 76). This includes increases in depressive episodes, serious psychological distress and suicide-related outcomes ( 77, 78), and an almost doubling of school loneliness between 2012 and 2018 ( 79). However, in the current study, neurotypical CYP experiencing School Distress alongside a MH condition accounted for just 6.13% of cases. Thus, exploring MH difficulties alone [e.g., ( 46, 47)] is likely to obscure the wider functional profiles of CYP experiencing School Distress, with our data suggesting such CYP predominantly have multiple neurodivergent conditions alongside MH difficulties. Future research should explore the role of neurodivergence in the emergence and maintenance of School Distress further, while simultaneously exploring other factors which could be driving recent secular changes in child and adolescent MH such as increased exposure to social media ( 80, 81), increased testing in schools ( 82), and/or a societal shift to knowledge-based economies that increasingly links life chances with educational performance ( 83). How these latter factors intersect with both School Distress and neurodivergence are also likely relevant.

Sensory processing difficulties (i.e., SPD/SID) were the second most prevalent neurodivergence among our School Distress samples and were significantly more prevalent in the School Distress groups relative to No School Distress CYP. Additionally, sensory processing difficulties were significantly more prevalent in autistic CYP with School Distress than in autistic CYP in the No School Distress group. Finally, although autistic CYP were significantly more likely to have SPD/SID than non-autistic neurodivergent CYP, over a third of non-autistic neurodivergent CYP were still classified as having SPD/SID. Hence, CYP with SPD/SID, and in particular autistic CYP with SPD/SID, may have a particular vulnerability to School Distress. Given that co-occurring sensory processing difficulties appear to increase risk of School Distress in autistic children, this may offer one potential explanation as to why only some autistic children experience School Distress ( 34).

Interestingly, difficulties were noted in the tactile and auditory systems in 4/5 CYP with SPD/SID. Tactile hypersensitivity and auditory filtering have previously been linked to cognitive inattention and academic under-performance in autistic CYP in mainstream classrooms ( 89), potentially providing insight into why individuals with SPD/SID are at increased risk of School Distress. Relevant also are Howe and Stagg's findings ( 90) that autistic pupils attending mainstream school perceived auditory differences to be most disruptive to their learning, followed by touch, smell, and vision. Furthermore, difficulties in the olfactory system were noted in 2/3 CYP with SPD/SID in our study, resonating with observations that "PE changing room" and "incidental smells such as perfume and cleaning products" are particularly challenging sensory experiences for autistic pupils in school ( 36) (p. 7). Such olfactory processing difficulties, alongside differences in the gustation system (indicated in half of the CYP with SPD/SID reported here), may also explain why many autistic CYP find school halls/canteens particularly distressing. The sensory difficulties identified in this study align with the findings of Jones et al. ( 36) who explored the impact of SPD on autistic pupils' learning and school life, with parental comments including: "They try to protect themselves by covering their ears, closing their eyes, pulling their t-shirts over their noises to block out smells." In order to fully elucidate the role played by SPD in School Distress, future studies should seek to further assess the severity of these difficulties, the specific systems in which they occur, and explore these parameters with respect to anxiety, demand avoidance, autism, and neurodivergent more broadly.

ADHD, APD, dyscalculia, dyslexia, dyspraxia, giftedness, SPD/SID, and 'other' neurodivergent conditions were significantly more prevalent in non-autistic School Distress CYP relative to non-autistic CYP with No School Distress, indicating that these neurodevelopmental differences may increase risk of School Distress in the absence of autism. Given the high co-occurrence of neurodivergent conditions in this study, coupled with autism being so prominent among School Distress CYP, care is however needed when interpreting the individual impact of each neurodivergent condition on School Distress. Interestingly, the high co-occurrence of neurodivergent conditions in our School Distress sample may be a key finding in itself; whereby it may be the complexity of managing multiple neurodivergent conditions within an environment optimized for the neurotypical learner that overwhelms these CYP and renders the school environment so difficult and detrimental to their wellbeing. Support and planning will likely therefore need to be multidimensional and bespoke to the specific needs of individual CYP experiencing School Distress. Future studies may seek to fully explore the prevalence of School Distress in CYP with neurodivergent conditions such as ADHD, dyslexia, and dyspraxia, all of which were present at relatively high rates in our School Distress groups.

The disproportionate rates of neurodivergence found among School Distress samples are extremely concerning and indicate that appropriate support for neurodivergent CYP needs to be improved. Relatedly, care needs to be taken to ensure CYP with School Distress have access to timely assessments of underlying neurodivergent conditions, with autism, SPD/SID, ADHD, dyslexia, dyspraxia, and EDA (among others) all important to consider. It is also critical that educators and policy makers consider whether mainstream schools are truly inclusive environments for CYP with SEND more broadly. Indeed, D'Alessio ( 91) highlighted that SEND CYP are frequently segregated from peers, resulting in feelings of exclusion within mainstream environments, while Webster et al. ( 92) described the experience of high-needs SEND CYP as often equating to " marginalization masquerading as mainstream" (p. 77).

Of additional concern is the finding that over 90% of Current School Distress CYP met or exceeded the cut-off indicative of significant anxiety symptomatology on the ASC-ASD-P. Moreover, CYP in both School Distress groups had significantly higher anxiety than CYP who have never experienced School Distress, regardless of neurotype. When grouped with respect to neurotype and School Distress experience, the autistic Current School Distress group had particularly high anxiety scores (mean = 41.52, which is over twice the cut-off score for significant anxiety). Such scores are markedly higher than previously published scores using the ASC-ASD-P in autistic CYP ( 93). Such elevated scores are of concern, not least because higher anxiety severity is associated with a lower quality of life in both autistic and non-autistic children with anxiety disorders ( 94), and in autistic CYP more generally ( 93, 95). Hence, supporting individual CYP experiencing such levels of anxiety should be a priority for educational and health-care professionals. Overall, while these findings replicate those of Gonzalvez et al. ( 47) who also found significantly higher anxiety levels among school "refusing" CYP compared to CYP without school attendance problems, it also extends previous research by using a larger sample size and a broader typology, and considers CYPs' neurodevelopmental profiles. Moreover, it builds on previous research by using a clinical scale devised using evidence of the anxiety phenomenology in autistic CYP specifically, including items relating to sensory anxiety, intolerance of uncertainty, and phobias ( 67). This is important as anxiety symptoms differ in the context of autism ( 96), and autistic CYP appear to be at considerably greater risk of School Distress. Of note, mean anxiety scores in autistic CYP in the No School Distress and Lifelong EHE groups also exceeded the cut off for significant anxiety, demonstrating the more general heightened anxiety in autistic CYP, however these scores were markedly lower than in the School Distress groups. Finally, when exploring how anxiety related to our proxy markers of School Distress, we found higher anxiety significantly correlated with more extensive School Distress, greater level of emotional distress due to school attendance, and lower school attendance in the previous 20 days, and in the 20/21 and 21/22 academic years. Such high anxiety among CYP with School Distress may be a cause or consequence of School Distress, or both.

As anticipated, School Distress CYP scored significantly higher on the EDA-8 ( 69) than No School Distress CYP. Hence, consistent with parental accounts, CYP with School Distress appear to display significantly more EDA behaviors than CYP who attend school without difficulties. Additionally, scores on the EDA-8 correlated significantly with all proxy markers of School Distress severity and higher anxiety, reinforcing the link between EDA and anxiety, and supporting previous anecdotal and research links between Demand Avoidance and school attendance problems ( 59, 60). Interestingly, autistic CYP had, on average, higher EDA scores compared to both the NT and non-autistic neurodivergent groups, confirming previous accounts linking high levels of demand avoidance to the autistic experience.

In addition to the above correlations, scores on the EDA-8 also correlated with the number of sensory systems in which CYP experience difficulties. These relationships warrant further consideration to understand why and how demand avoidant behaviors become so pervasive in autistic CYP (and indeed in some otherwise neurodivergent and neurotypical CYP), and how they relate to the emergence and maintenance of School Distress. This could help address the current dearth of understanding of how best to support CYP with demand avoidant profiles in traditional education settings, particularly in mainstream school environments that so often fail to provide inclusive sensory environments for CYP who experience considerable sensory distress ( 40).

Strikingly, almost one-third of parents in the Current School Distress group reported that their child received no support at school. Moreover, for many of those CYP who were on the school's SEN register (or equivalent) or had an EHCP, this did not translate into ring-fenced SEN support at school, as indicated by parental comments, with many parents also referring to a lack of support from their child's school when they attempted to seek additional support, and schools blocking their attempts to secure an EHCP for their child. The likely reason for this is well documented elsewhere, i.e., the issues of school budgets and the fact that English schools must pay the first £6,000 of meeting an EHCP from their own budgets annually ( 97, 98).

4.2. Birth order and sibling school attendance problems

Within this study, we replicated a previous observation in the literature which noted that a high rate of CYP who experience school attendance problems are the youngest child in their family ( 99). This was particularly evident in our Current School Distress group, where almost 40% of CYP were the youngest in their families. Given that we also found that youngest CYP with School Distress often had an older sibling(s) who had also experienced attendance problems ( Supplementary Figure S1), the high rates of youngest children experiencing School Distress observed here may well be due to multiplier effects, whereby genetic (e.g., ND) and environmental factors (e.g., experience of a previous sibling's School Distress, specific SEND provision in the local schools) interact and compound the risk of subsequent children in the family experiencing School Distress.

4.3. Lifelong EHE CYP and their families

CYP whose parents had decided school-based education was not appropriate for them at an early point in life (Lifelong EHE) showed similar neurodevelopmental profiles to School Distress CYP, with comparable rates of neurodivergence. Lifelong EHE CYP were also significantly more likely to have both sensory processing difficulties and elevated demand avoidant scores relative to No School Distress CYP. Importantly, however, there were no significant differences with respect to anxiety scores between the Lifelong EHE CYP and the No School Distress CYP, and both of these groups had significantly lower anxiety scores than the Past and Current School Distress groups, indicating that despite comparable neurodivergence and demand avoidant profiles in the Lifelong EHE CYP, these young people were not experiencing the same levels of anxiety as the CYP who experienced School Distress (be that currently or historically). Relatedly, while 92.2% of Current School Distress and 84.5% of Past School Distress CYP met the clinical cut-off indicative of significant anxiety on the ASC-ASD-P, only 40% of Lifelong EHE CYP met this score. Hence, Lifelong EHE CYP, and particularly neurodivergent Lifelong EHE CYP, are an important comparison group here, and suggest that neurodivergent profile alone is not sufficient to account for these markedly different anxiety profiles. Future research should attempt to explore the emergence of anxiety in both school and home educated ND/demand avoidant CYP longitudinally, to more fully understand the drivers of this anxiety.

Additionally, some of the parents of Lifelong EHE CYP explicitly stated that their child's neurodevelopmental profile was a key determinant in their decision not to enrol their child in a school setting. These parents noted recognizing early in their child's life that, given their child's neurodivergent profile, they would likely face difficulties accessing school-based education (see Supplementary Table S2, Q5). Moreover, some reported that they considered EHE a better fit to their child's needs as it affords them flexibility to readily adapt their approach to meet the child's individual learning needs (see Supplementary Table S2, Q6), or to provide the levels of individual support required (see Supplementary Table S2, Q7). This flexibility attunes with the advice of specialist PDA educators ( 62). However, home education is simply not a feasible educational option for many families, not least due to the considerable financial implications. Moreover, on a societal level, is it acceptable for education outside of the family to be inaccessible to some CYP, simply as a consequence of their neurodivergent profile?

4.4. Limitations

One key limitation is the lack of diversity among our sample, with an over-representation of white CYP, meaning our findings may not accurately represent the profiles of all CYP experiencing School Distress. Our Current and No School Distress groups were also living in less deprived areas than would be expected by chance alone. Thus, future research should aim to collect more diverse samples to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the experience of School Distress across all CYP, and to therefore guide more individualized support. Such research may identify different drivers of school attendance problems.

Moreover, this study was limited to the United Kingdom, further reducing the generalisability of our findings. As education systems vary internationally, the School Distress experience and the characteristics of individuals experiencing School Distress may differ between countries, providing an additional avenue for future research.

Additionally, while this study was advertised widely on social media (with a considerable number of post impressions, reaches and engagements), the sites where it was shared may have influenced who participated. For example, within our No School Distress group, 16.8% of CYP were autistic, despite the national prevalence rates of autism standing at around 1-2% ( 100), indicating this group may not be entirely representative of all CYP who do not experience School Distress. The advertisement was however shared on the largest family support page for families of children and young people facing barriers to school attendance (for whatever reason) in the United Kingdom, i.e., Not Fine in School. Future studies should formally record the social media site that each respondent comes from.

Alternative recruitment strategies include sampling directly from schools, e.g., by contacting parents whose children have a greater number of absences. However, whilst such an approach may confer certain advantages, it would miss the CYP who have fallen out of the school system ( 101), and hence may only capture milder, or emergent, forms of School Distress. As the data presented here indicates that School Distress is more enduring and associated with higher levels of anxiety and demand avoidance in autistic CYP, sampling milder presentations would likely result in autistic CYP being underestimated. Sampling via schools would likely also miss the CYP who, despite experiencing considerable School Distress, manage to maintain attendance at school, as these CYP may fall under the radar of educational professionals. Moreover, school attendance problems may be the first indicator to professionals that a CYP is not managing in their environment, and it may take some time before the underlying driver of this is identified (e.g., autism, ADHD, dyslexia, etc.), resulting in some emergent cases of School Distress initially being mis-attributed solely to MH difficulties. Indeed, a recent meta-analysis indicated that only 72.4% of cases of autism and 56.8% of cases of ADHD have been recognized by age 14; figures that rise to 89.8% by age 18 and 94.8% by age 25 for autism, and 73% by age 18 and 91.8% by age 25 for ADHD ( 102).

Online recruitment via social media also enabled us to attempt to capture the full age range of CYP attending United Kingdom schools. While this is a likely strength of the study, it needs to be noted that the age range of the specific sample will likely influence the characteristics. Hence these findings may not extrapolate fully to a more specific age range and, in particular, to mid to late adolescents. This is because, firstly, the overall peak age of onset of mental health difficulties does not occur until 14.5 years of age (and the mean age of the CYP in the current study was just 11.6 years of age), and secondly, because the peak age of onset of MH difficulties varies considerably depending on MH subtype [e.g., 5.5 years of age for anxiety/fear-related disorders relative to 20.5 years of age for mood disorders ( 102)]. In addition, environmental factors that appear to place downward pressure on CYPs' MH, such as social media use ( 81), vary depending on age, with current estimates indicating that 33% of 5-7-year-olds relative to 97% of 16-17-year-olds use social media ( 103). Moreover, there appear to be distinct developmental windows of sensitivity to social media in adolescence, i.e., 11-13 and 19 years old for females and 14-15 and 19 years old for males ( 80). Hence, both age and sex of the cohort sampled may impact the observed characteristics.

Notably, we used a broad criterion for neurodivergent conditions, including CYP currently awaiting assessment/diagnosis, CYP whose referral was rejected, and CYP who have yet to be referred. The rationale behind this is discussed at length above, however it is possible this led to an overestimation of prevalence rates. A final weakness of this study is the differing sample sizes between participant groups, with the Lifelong EHE group being particularly small, potentially influencing the accuracy of between-group comparisons. Future research should collect more evenly sized participant groups, although this is challenging in rarer groups such as Lifelong EHE CYP. This disparity did, however, arise due to the volume of CYP currently experiencing School Distress in the United Kingdom.

One key drawback of the School Distress literature generally, as opposed to this study specifically, is the lack of a standardized questionnaire to assess School Distress which is suitable for use in autistic individuals. Given the prevalence of autism among CYP experiencing School Distress, development of such a questionnaire which can be used in clinical, education, and research settings is vital. Thus, one next step should be to gather perspectives of autistic CYP and autistic adults, and to work collaboratively with them to develop a standardized questionnaire to assess School Distress severity and/or risk.

This study also had several strengths, including the large sample of CYP currently experiencing School Distress, and the exploration of various aspects of School Distress within this large sample size. This was much greater than in previous research, enabling stronger conclusions to be made.

5. Conclusion

The Human Rights Act states "No person shall be denied a right to an education" ( 104). However, our findings suggest that a large number of CYP are being denied access to education due to the emotional distress they experience at school. The finding that particular groups of individuals with a recognized disability (e.g., autistic CYP) are specifically affected is of grave concern, particularly when one considers the Human Rights Act ( 104), the Equality Act ( 105), the Children Act ( 106), and Articles 23 and 28 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of a Child ( 107), which enshrine all CYPs' right to an education regardless of disability.

Further research involving both autistic and non-autistic CYP who experience School Distress, and their families, is urgently needed to further understand this problem, and develop solutions that ensure all CYP can access education, and that all families have the option to avail of safe educational opportunities for their child outside of the family. Such research should be used to inform future changes to education legislation, as legislation changes which do not consider this evidence-base run the risk of making the current situation even worse for those CYP at risk of distress-based school attendance difficulties.

Wider discussion with respect to the appropriateness of traditional, school-based education for all CYP is needed. Further research, ideally co-produced with autistic and otherwise neurodivergent individuals, is needed to determine best practices in education, and to ensure appropriate understanding of how neurodivergent pupils best learn ( 58). Relatedly, research into best-pedagogical practice for pupils with SEND, including pupils with complex presentations, is urgently needed, especially within mainstream settings ( 108). Given the substantial heterogeneity in the neurobiology of autism, this will undoubtedly be complex, and efforts must include consideration of how learning needs will vary with neurosubtype ( 109, 110) and demand avoidant profile ( 57). Research exploring educational and life outcomes of Lifelong EHE CYP, and CYP with provisions such as EOTAS, is also urgently required to better understand how CYP can be successfully educated outside of school settings.

Data availability statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Ethics statement

The studies involving humans were approved by Faculty of Medical Sciences Research Ethics Committee, part of Newcastle University's Research Ethics Committee. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author contributions

SM and SC conceptualized and designed the study, organized the database, and performed the initial statistical analysis. SC, HC, and SM performed the final statistical analyzes. SC and SM wrote the initial drafts of the manuscript. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Acknowledgments

We sincerely thank all the parents who generously gave up their time to take part in this research. We wish them, and their children, all the very best in the future. We also thank Katherine Patterson and Eliza Hockey for their assistance with initial data processing and analysis, Kieran Rose ( https://theautisticadvocate.com/) for his advice on language, Ellie Costello ( https://www.teamsquarepeg.org/) for her assistance with distribution of the questionnaire and discussions around barriers to school attendance more broadly, and Eliza Fricker ( https://missingthemark.blog/) for permitting the use of her illustrations in Figure 1 .

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher's note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

References

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48. Accardo AL, Pontes NM, Pontes MC. Heightened Anxiety and Depression Among Autistic Adolescents with ADHD: Findings From the National Survey of Children's Health 2016-2019. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders. (2022):1-14. doi: 10.1007/s10803-022-05803-9 [[ PubMed] [ PMC free article] [ CrossRef] Google Scholar]

53. White R, Livingston LA, Taylor EC, Close SA, Shah P, Callan MJ. Understanding the contributions of trait autism and anxiety to extreme demand avoidance in the adult general population. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders. (2022):1-9. doi: 10.1007/s10803-022-05469-3 [ PubMed] [ PMC free article] [ CrossRef]

63. O'Nions E, Happé F, Viding E, Noens I. Extreme Demand Avoidance in Children with Autism Spectrum Disorder: Refinement of a Caregiver-Report Measure. Advances in Neurodevelopmental Disorders. (2021) 5:269-81. [ Google Scholar]

65. Bottema-Beutel K, Kapp SK, Lester JN, Sasson NJ, Hand BN. Avoiding ableist language: Suggestions for autism researchers. Autism in adulthood. (2021). doi: 10.1089/aut.2020.0014 [[ PubMed] [ PMC free article] [ CrossRef] Google Scholar]

Articles from Frontiers in Psychiatry are provided here courtesy of Frontiers Media SA

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School distress and the school attendance crisis: a story dominated by neurodivergence and unmet need

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The Covid-19 pandemic has brought into sharp focus a school attendance crisis in many countries, although this likely pre-dates the pandemic. Children and young people (CYP) struggling to attend school often display extreme emotional distress before/during/after ...

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http://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/

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http://beaconhouse.org.uk/resources/

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http://www.facebook.com/p/NeuroWild-100087870753308/

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Neurodiversity in the Early Years Guide (Anna Freud Centre)

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Neurodiversity in the Early Years Guide (Anna Freud Centre)

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http://d1uw1dikibnh8j.cloudfront.net/media/18298/anna-freud-neurodiversity-booklet-early-years-110423.pdf

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https://autismunderstood.co.uk

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Naomi Fisher. BPS Article (2024): What does neurodiversity really imply for education?

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Naomi Fisher. BPS Article (2024): What does neurodiversity really imply for education?

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I didn't enjoy a single part of school.

Everything was challenging - interacting, socialising, coping with the busy, noisy environment, dealing with unfairness and people breaking the rules and getting away with it (e.g. a student did not submit their homework on time and the teacher gave them another week to complete it with no detriment), trying to manage having different hobbies from everyone else, not relating to what other students were talking about.

No one suspected I might have autism. No one recognised how anxious I was. I think it was because I was so quiet that I was invisible. I never caused any problems to anyone. I went through the whole of secondary school never getting even one detention. I was polite and well-behaved and had no obvious difficulty with schoolwork so my difficulties were unnoticed.

(Alis Rowe, autistic woman and founder of The Curly Hair Project, from A Different Way to Learn, Neurodiversity and Self-directed Education)

I hear a lot of stories like Alis Rowe's in my clinical practice. Stories of young people who aren't thriving at school. It isn't necessarily that they find the academic demands of school too challenging (although that certainly is a factor for some). It's the non-academic elements of school which cause the most trouble. Being with peers all day. The chaotic and noisy playground. Paying attention to things which you're not interested in. The smells of the dining hall. Waiting in line and the way that adults talk to children.

Children express their distress about school in a range of ways. Some are disruptive at school, whilst others are quiet during the day and then become distressed after pick-up. Some complain of tummy aches in the mornings, whilst some refuse to go to school at all.

I have a particular interest in this client group because this was my story too.

The Brain or Blame dilemma

I was very unhappy at school when I was aged 5 and aged 13. Both times, I became reluctant to go. My parents managed this by changing my school. In a different environment, I was happier and more able to learn. I went on to excel at school and university.

I was lucky. For most children who are unhappy at school, it's unusual for the school environment to be considered the problem. Instead, we tend to locate the problem in the child themselves. The problem is seen as either 'behavioural' or 'emotional'. Children are incentivised with awards or punished for poor attendance. Sometimes they are sent to psychologists and offered treatments for anxiety. We treat their emotional reaction as the problem. If this doesn't work, their parents are fined and threatened with court orders.

The other way that the system copes with children who aren't thriving is to identify them as having 'special educational needs' - a term which essentially says that they are not well-suited to what mainstream school is offering. These children often go onto waiting lists to see health professionals. I've worked in one of these clinics. We assessed young people and we sent them back with a report, often a diagnosis, and a list of recommendations. We never knew whether those recommendations were helpful. The reports were sent to the school and the children were discharged from our service.

Professor Mary Boyle, emeritus professor of clinical psychology at the University of East London, calls this dichotomy the Brain or Blame dilemma. The Brain or Blame dilemma suggests that our society only offers a few explanations for those who struggle. We tend to either blame them (parents need to use Tough Love, children should try harder) or say that there's something wrong with their brain using the medical model (they have a 'mental disorder' or 'special educational needs'). After 'Blame', the medical model comes as a huge relief. It effectively says, 'It's not your fault. There's something wrong with your brain. You can't help it'.

It's not surprising that families are so desperate for this. A diagnosis can be the key to help and extra funding. It can mean that people around a child stop blaming them or their parents for their difficulties.

However, there's a downside. Both Brain and Blame locate the problem in the child and their family. This means that we don't have to ask ourselves difficult questions about why so many children are not thriving in the education system. We don't ask ourselves whether the education system is fit for purpose or whether it meets the developmental needs of children. When we locate the problem in individuals, we neutralise any pressure for systemic change. We assume that the problem isn't the system, it's the children.

Window dressing

This is a particularly salient dilemma for psychologists because we are often the ones who are being asked to legitimise the 'brain' side of this dilemma. We are being asked to say, yes, this isn't your fault. You have a diagnosable disorder. It's because there's something wrong with your brain.

The discomfort of many psychologists with this role can be seen in the move to replace the pathologising language of DSM and ICD. People will write reports with terms like 'autism spectrum condition' rather than 'autism spectrum disorder', even though the official diagnostic term is indeed 'disorder'. These changes in terminology make no difference to fundamental assumptions of the medical model, which is designed to identify disorder or disease so that the appropriate treatment can be chosen. They are essentially window-dressing.

Psychiatric diagnoses were not designed in order to describe or appreciate difference. Their purpose is to identify who might need treatment or an intervention.

Diagnoses are used to determine who should get extra help in school, and so it's not surprising that there's a massive pressure on neurodevelopmental services. Waiting times of several years for an NHS assessment are not uncommon. Private clinics are proliferating which offer quicker diagnoses, usually for a fee of several thousand pounds. A diagnosis can unlock extra financial support for their school and access to disability benefits, meaning that those who can pay for a diagnosis are then able to get more support more quickly than those who cannot. Many families see a diagnosis as their only hope.

In those circumstances, I know from experience that it is very hard to be the clinician who says no. There is a pressure to lean towards giving the diagnosis. When I worked in a neurodevelopmental service I would talk to senior colleagues about tricky decisions and they would say 'Do they want the diagnosis? Then give it to them.' I know from talking to other psychologists that this isn't uncommon.

Neurodiversity

I was concerned by my experience in the neurodevelopmental clinic. I felt that the health service was being used to de-politicise the problems in the education system. I felt that whilst we might achieve something for the individuals who got a diagnosis, we were leaving those who did not get a diagnosis without anything except blame. I knew from my experience that the difference between someone who received a diagnosis and someone who didn't could be as small as one criteria - and yet this distinction was being treated as if it was of the utmost importance in that person's life.

In my search for something different, I found neurodiversity. At its most basic level, neurodiversity (a term coined by Judy Singer in the 1990s) is the idea that humans are all different, and that this difference does not have to be seen as a disorder.

The basic idea of neurodiversity is at odds with the diagnostic model. It's fundamentally a dimensional, non-pathologising approach. It refers to differences between everyone.

However, the medical model is deeply rooted in our culture. There are aspects of it which are often taken for granted in general discourse - for example, that differences between people fall into distinct diagnostic categories, rather than being best understood as dimensional. The way that the public understands the term 'diagnosis' means that many assume that a diagnosis based on behavioural symptoms (like autism or ADHD) means that an underlying biological cause has been identified. These assumptions are pervasive in our culture, and so it's no surprise that when talking about neurodiversity, they show up.

It shows up in the way that people still get divided into categories and how it is assumed that these categories reflect a neurological difference. Rather than understanding neurodiversity as dimensional and something which refers to the whole population, the world is sometimes divided into the 'neurodivergent' (which refers to people who get a diagnosis or self-diagnose) and the 'neurotypical' (those who do not), with the assumption being that this division reflects distinct underlying neurological differences.

It's common to hear it said that people belong to different 'neurotypes', an idea which assumes that a category such as 'ADHD' or 'autism' defines a distinct type of brain. Parents are sometimes told their children need to form connections with their 'neurokin' - people who share their diagnosis. There is frequent talk in the press about those with a neurodevelopmental diagnosis being 'differently wired', (e.g. Williams, 2023) leading many of the public to assume that receiving a diagnosis means that professionals have reliably identified that they have a brain which works differently (and always will work differently) to other people.

In some ways, this can be more deterministic than the medical model. Receiving a diagnosis is sometimes presented as the only way a person can truly understand themselves. For many, those diagnoses have become an identity. For late-diagnosed adults, this identity is one they choose. For children, it is usually chosen for them.

There is no evidence that people can be divided into neurologically distinct groups based on psychiatric diagnosis and in fact, recent research is pointing us in a very different direction. Neuroscientists are finding that neurological differences in those with developmental differences are transdiagnostic (Kushki et al., 2019).

Behavioural geneticists are finding that genetic differences are a matter of many different genetic variations, all of which have a tiny effect and which are present through the whole population (Plomin, 2018). The days of thinking that there is a straightforward correspondence between genes, neurobiology and psychiatric diagnosis are behind us. These findings suggest that we will never be able to diagnose autism (or other types of neurodiversity) based on a brain scan, because the diagnostic category does not reliably map onto neurological differences.

Neurodevelopmental diagnoses are based on symptoms, and it is becoming clear that there can be different pathways to a similar set of symptoms. We know that the majority of psychological and behavioural differences between people are dimensional, rather than categorical. The frustration which scientists have felt with the limitations of diagnostic classification system have led to several new alternative dimensional frameworks being developed (Insel, 2014, Kotov et al., 2017).

There is also evidence that the term 'neurotypical' is a misnomer. As Schaefer et al. (2017) showed in their population-representative study cohort study in New Zealand, by midlife the large majority (83 per cent) had experienced at least one diagnosable 'mental disorder'. If we define the 'neurotypical' as those who never fit criteria for a 'disorder' then they are in the minority - and therefore not really 'typical' at all.

One size cannot fit all

To me, this means that we need to think far beyond diagnosis when seeking to understand neurodiversity. Developmental differences in areas such as executive functioning and emotional regulation mean that a standardised system may not work well for many children, whether they fit diagnostic criteria or not. It means that we need to think about how our education system could accommodate the whole range of developmental variation - and we need to acknowledge that this variation could be far wider than many of us appreciate.

It means we should be taking individual differences as our starting point. It's not enough to provide a standardised system and to either blame or pathologise children when it doesn't work for them. It's also not enough to take one group of children, give them a diagnosis and say that they (and only they) need something different, whilst assuming that the system works fine for everyone else. Neurodiversity is the norm, not the exception.

I think the only way in which more children could thrive would be to create a system which is far more flexible than it is at present. One size cannot fit all.

Looking for alternatives led me to self-directed education. Most people have never heard of self-directed education, but it's been practiced for decades by home educators and there are schools which run on these principles which have been open for over a century, for example, Summerhill School in Suffolk.

The idea behind self-directed education is a simple one. The learner retains responsibility for their learning. They are the one who chooses what to learn, how to learn it and when to stop. This is very different to school, where the teacher (or the government) decides what a child should learn, how and when they should learn it.

Even though you probably haven't heard of it, most of us do know about self-directed education. It's what we do with our young children. In a good nursery, adults set up an environment full of things which children like to do, and within that, the children can choose how they spend their time. Adults are available and involved, but they do not insist on the child following their agenda. Young children are self-directed learners.

Self-directed education continues the principles of a good early years setting upwards as children get older. The opportunities become more sophisticated, but the principles are the same. The child retains the right to choose what they do.

Self-directed learning is also how most adults learn. They find information online, they watch documentaries, they read books. They talk to other people. They stop when they have had enough. They set themselves extraordinary challenges, including writing books and running marathons. They rarely decide that they must go and sit in a classroom and listen for hours on end - and when they do, they often complain about how hard it is to concentrate.

Self-directed education is evidence-informed. It takes the principles of Ryan and Deci's self-determination theory and puts them into practice. Adults create the circumstances for intrinsic motivation so that children can drive their own learning.

For many things about the way that mainstream school is organised are not evidence-based. There is no evidence that between the ages of 5-18, humans learn in a different way to earlier and later life. There is no evidence that it's necessary to make young people all do the same thing or that they should be constantly compared against each other. There is evidence that for some children, the standardised school system causes distress and disability - which we (by which I mean psychologists and other professionals) are then legitimising by locating the problem in the children.

That is why I wrote a book about neurodiversity and self-directed education. I wanted to tell the stories of families who had taken a very different way with their children. They told me what self-directed education looked like in their homes. It looked very different to school.

To show you what I mean, I'll use an extract from the book. Malachi is five years old and is autistic with complex medical needs. His older brother Jacob, aged 10, is dyslexic. They are both self-directed learners and do not attend school. This story was told to me by their mother.

Malachi} has things that he's really passionately interested about for a period of time and then that's kind of out the window. Then he doesn't really know what to do with himself for a while and he sort of wanders around. He likes being with me. He likes asking lots of questions, and just sort of pottering around. He likes going on trains and bus rides. He likes to sit in a coffee shop. He likes things like shelling eggs and he really loves kneading dough. Then there's other things that he just really isn't interested in that you would assume he might be interested in, like watching TV shows.

He is quite sensory-seeking in a lot of ways but then he's avoidant in other ways. We thought about Forest School for a while and the idea of being outside and doing fires. We'd agreed that I would stay with him. He tried it for a little while. I think we had been three times and he said, 'I've done it now.' I said, 'You know, the idea is that you keep going.' And he's like, 'No, no, but I've done it. I've been there. I've seen the place. It's done. I know what's gonna happen.' So he doesn't do that anymore.

He loves playing with Jacob and they play together a lot: video games, or they make up games. Jacob frames the whole game, even down to when he'll say, 'And now you say this'. And then Malachi will say it. Jacob scaffolds the whole play for him and Malachi really loves that. But if you just say to Malachi, 'Do you want to just play?' Or, 'What do you want to play?' He'll say, 'I don't know. I just don't know.' But when Jacob is scaffolding things for him, then he'll say, 'Oh, yeah, I could say this.' And I can see that he comes out of himself a lot more than within that frame that Jacob has created for him.

Malachi's education is very different to school. There's no mention of phonics or of his ability to follow instructions. Instead, his mother is providing him with opportunities - like forest school - but his choices are respected, even when they are video games.

It can be hard to believe that this form of education works, but in fact, there is research which shows that children educated in this way can and do go on to higher education (Riley, 2021). Many of the families in my book told me how as their children became teenagers, they started to set themselves goals and work towards them in a way which had seemed impossible when they were younger. There was a qualitative shift in their learning which became more mature.

Self-directed education is on the increase, particularly in families of children who struggle in the school system. It provides an alternative to the 'brain or blame' dilemma which families often find themselves caught in. It allows families to start where their child is, even if that place is very different to other children of their age.

I'll finish with a quote from Alice, whose autistic son is 15 and doesn't go to school. She talks here about how her son, who spent many years playing video games, has started to engage with new experiences.

Over this past year, it's been like moving out into the world, slowly moving out into the wild. To see that person functioning in that way is phenomenal. Part of the reason he can is because he knows he has choices. He can come to me tomorrow and say, 'I'm not doing carpentry anymore' and I'll say, 'That's great'. Everything he does is a free choice.

What we've given him is autonomy, which is what he has to have. If he doesn't, he's out of control. He's learning to live with his autonomy. And I think sometimes it is too much for him. There's too much to choose, he gets overwhelmed by who he'll be in the future and where he will go. And that's when it's just time for a big hug and to let him know that you know it's all okay.

Dr Naomi Fisher is an Independent Clinical Psychologist, author and EMDR-Europe trainer specialising in trauma, autism and alternative approaches to education. Her two books, Changing Our Minds and A Different Way to Learn, focus on the psychology of self-directed education.

Key sources

Caspi, A., Houts, R.M., Belsky, D.W. et al. (2014). The p Factor: One General Psychopathology Factor in the Structure of Psychiatric Disorders? Clin Psychol Sci. Mar;2(2):119-137.
Fisher, N. (2023). A Different Way to Learn: Neurodiversity and Self Directed Education. Jessica Kingsley Publishers.
Insel, T.R. (2014). The NIMH Research Domain Criteria (RDoC) Project: Precision Medicine for Psychiatry. American Journal of Psychiatry 171, 395-397.
Kushki, A., Anagnostou, E. et al. (2019). Examining overlap and homogeneity in ASD, ADHD, and OCD. Translational Psychiatry Vol. 9 Issue 1 Pages 318
Kotov, R., Krueger, R. F., Watson, D., et al. (2017). The Hierarchical Taxonomy of Psychopathology (HiTOP). Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 126(4), 454-477.
Pink, D. (2010). Drive: The surprising truth about what motivates us. Canongate books.
Plomin, R. (2018). Blueprint: How DNA makes us who we are. Allen Lane.
Riley, G. (2021). Unschooling: Exploring Learning Outside the Classroom. Palgrave MacMillan.
Schaefer, J.D., Caspi, A., Belsky D.W., et al. (2016). Enduring mental health: Prevalence and prediction. J Abnorm Psychol. 2017 Feb;126(2):212-224.
Shalaby, C. (2017). Troublemakers: Lessons in Freedom from Children at School. The New Press.
Williams, R. (2023). Wired Differently. The Guardian, August 23rd.

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What does neurodiversity really imply for education? | BPS

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I didn't enjoy a single part of school. Everything was challenging - interacting, socialising, coping with the busy, noisy environment, dealing with unfairness and people breaking the rules and getting away with it (e.g.

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Trafford's guidance has been developed to provide further information and support for children and young people who are experiencing school attendance difficulties and/or Emotionally Based School Non-Attendance (EBSNA), and to support their families, school staff and other professionals across our Local Authority.

What is EBSNA?

Emotionally Based School Non-Attendance (EBSNA) is a term adopted by Trafford Council and a number of authorities to describe children and young people who have significant difficulties in attending school due to a range of factors.

EBSNA can start early on in a child's school life with minor to severe indicators but is often not identified until secondary school.

What can EBSNA look like?

Crying or pleading

Avoidance of getting up, get ready for school or leave the house

Preoccupied with worries about school related issues

Sleep difficulties

Frequent complaints of minor illness e.g., feeling sick, headache

Distressed and aggressive behaviours (usually at home)

Some children mask their anxiety and appear fine at school

At home, or at school, children or young people may display their emotional distress in a variety of different ways. It is also important to acknowledge that children and young people may present as being 'ok' whilst in school yet display a high level of distress at home. This can happen when a child or young person 'masks' how they feel in an attempt to 'fit in'. It is therefore important to listen to parental/carer concerns and what they communicate about their child's behaviours.

In line with the Working Together to Improve Attendance guidance, school staff should proactively use data to identify pupils at risk of poor attendance, this includes identifying those children and young people who may be at risk of school-related anxiety, and paying attention to any parental concerns.

Causes of EBSNA:

Research suggests there is no single cause of EBSNA. Instead it is thought to be an interaction of risk factors unique to your child or young person that can include:

special educational needs

social and communication difficulties

stressors from school

bullying or perceived threats of bullying

family and friendship difficulties

negative thoughts

This can lead to pushing children and young people away from school and pulling them towards home.

EBSNA is more likely to happen when "stress exceeds support". (Thambirajah et al 2008)

Early Identification and working together towards action is essential

Many of our children and young people who live and go to school in the Trafford area are struggling with high levels of anxiety related to attending school.

The need for parent carers, school staff and specialist services to work together has become even more important as children, young people and families try to adapt to the short and long-term impact of the COVID-19 pandemic situation.

How can we support children and young people?

The Trafford EBSNA guidance document details the process of support that should be followed when a child or young person is identified as experiencing difficulties attending school (or as at risk of becoming persistently absent). This follows the Assess, Plan, Do, Review process, including:

1. Early identification of indicators of attendance difficulties.

2. Collaborative meeting between home and school to discuss and understand the child's needs. This should include the pupil's views and may also use the Early Identification of Needs Tool.

3. Create an individual action plan and implement. This may include reference to the Ideas Bank within the guidance.

4. Review and update regularly (e.g. every 3 - 4 weeks).

5. Refer to specialist services if required.

It is important that this cycle of support is completed promptly, and that the support and progress is agreed and regularly reviewed with the young person and their family. Further information around each area can be found within Trafford's guidance document.

Trafford's EBSNA Guidance Document

Trafford's guidance document has been developed to provide further information and support for children and young people who are experiencing school attendance difficulties and/or Emotionally Based School Non-Attendance (EBSNA), and to support their families, school staff and other professionals across our Local Authority.

The guidance is based on EBSNA research evidence and similar tools that have been shown to be successful in other local authorities. It includes:

An understanding of EBSNA and how to recognise those at risk

Children and young people's views and experiences of EBSNA

ADPR guidance for school settings, including action plan templates and tools to gain pupil views

Whole school approaches to promoting regular attendance

Ideas bank for support strategies

Who can help?

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

Example case studies of support

It can be downloaded here.

Trafford's Early Identification of Need Tool (EINT)

Trafford schools and services have also developed a Emotionally Based School Non-Attendance (EBSNA) Early Identification of Need Tool (EINT) which aims to be a user-friendly but comprehensive progress document.

It is hoped that the EINT will help prevent families, children and young people reaching crisis point and before EBSNA becomes extremely difficult to change. It can be very effective in helping families and schools to quickly identify what risk factors and triggers might be contributing to a child or young person's anxiety and feeling unable to attend school.

The EINT can be the first but very important step in gaining a shared understanding of what emotional and practical challenges a child or young person faces.

This awareness could then lead to possible adjustments and available support being offered to the child, young person and families. This can go on to change the quality of your child or young person's school experience.

Information about writing and reviewing an action plan to improve attendance can be found in the guidance document, including ideas for support and reasonable adjustments.

What works?

Recent research from the University of Manchester has highlighted the successful use of these approaches in supporting children and young people to return to school following a period of anxiety (Corcoran, Bond and Knox, 2022):

Key areas identified as supportive included:

Effective home-school communications ¸ to ensure parent/carer concerns are heard and support approaches are consistent.

Positive relationships with school staff, were noted as key for students who successfully returned to school.

Awareness of triggers, understanding the push and pull factors to better support the young person before, throughout and after the school day.

Providing an individualised approach, tailoring the intervention to the specific push and pull factors identified by the young person and those around them.

Engagement with other professionals, when needed, seeking further specialist support to inform the assess, plan, do, review process.

Where to get help?

If you feel that your child or young person is struggling with anxiety and difficulties with attending school, then it might be helpful to complete the Trafford EINT with the support of Special Education Needs and Disability Co-ordinator (SENDCo).

The Trafford pilot EINT and Trafford Guidance Document can be viewed right here on the Trafford's SEND Local Offer.

Our guidance document contains a 'Who Can Help' page, with details of other services in Trafford who may be able to support you.

Trafford's Educational Psychology Service offer whole school training on EBSNA and school attendance, please contact either your link EP or email shannon.corcoran@trafford.gov.uk for further information.

What you can do to raise awareness of EBSNA

Be aware of the early signs of EBSNA (even in early years children)

Share your concerns with the class teacher, SENCO, relevant staff or service

Have a whole school approach to promoting regular attendance

Use the Trafford guidance and toolkit within your cycles of support

We all want our children and young people to enjoy the opportunities of being part of the school community.

There is a huge amount of research that suggests that children and young people who attend school regularly benefit from the experience of greater well-being and stronger social relationships. Also, in the long term they have an increased chance of achieving the qualifications and careers that can lead to job, financial security and better health.

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- Article by Dr Rhonda Boaler and Shannon Corcoran, Educational Psychology Service

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Trafford Directory | School Attendance Difficulties and Emotionally Based School Non-Attendance (EBSNA)

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Trafford's guidance has been developed to provide further information and support for children and young people who are experiencing school attendance difficulties and/or Emotionally Based School Non-Attendance (EBSNA), and to support their families, school staff and other professionals across our Local Authority. What is EBSNA?...

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e-Estonia sat down with the Minister of Education and Research Kristina Kallas to discuss the success factors of Estonia's education, how to find a balance between traditional learning methods and innovation and technology, and what are the future aspirations for Estonian education.

Estonia has made significant progress in terms of student achievement and global competitiveness in education. What are the key factors that have contributed to this success? What lessons can other countries learn from Estonia's experience?

Estonia's success combines several different actors: history and mindset, accessibility, curricula, and teachers.

Historically, education has been highly valued in Estonian society. Everyone believes that one should have as good an education as possible. I would even say that we are an education nation - a nation that strongly believes in the value and need for education to succeed in life and be self-fulfilled.

Another major factor to our success is most definitely the equitable and comprehensive school system. Every child must have universal access to quality education. In Estonia's case, this means free school lunches and textbooks, free education, schools close to home and high standards for teachers.

Our teachers are highly educated and eager to learn and develop their skills, competencies and knowledge while enjoying very wide autonomy in teaching. We believe that the key to success is providing schools and teachers with a framework set of skills, competencies, and learning outcomes but giving them freedom in deciding how to reach these outcomes.

How is Estonia leveraging digitalisation to maintain its global leadership in education? Particularly regarding PISA rankings and overall educational excellence. Also, how does Estonia's education system adapt its curriculum to equip students with the skills needed for a dynamic, technology-driven economy?

First, we fully trust our schools' judgment of what is best for them. Several key tools covering our school network are, in fact, offered by private providers, chosen autonomously by the schools themselves.

On the state level, specific attention to the development of students' digital competencies has been a priority since 2011. That year, digital competence was first included in the national curricula as one of the general competencies that must be acquired by graduating. This way, we can help learners familiarise themselves with digital tools available in the learning process, but we also keep in mind the broader impact. In a fully digitalised world, digital competencies are crucial for self-fulfilment, contributing to career goals, learning, leisure, and, most importantly, social inclusion.

Since 2014, we have had a lifelong learning strategy that also includes a digital transformation programme. The idea is to help develop the digital competencies of both the teachers and the students. IT training courses and instructional materials helped to integrate digital technology into the learning process to develop digital competence.

The success of the digital transformation of the Estonian education system relies on thorough professional development and training of teachers and educational technologists.

In addition to teaching knowledge and skills in the digital field, Estonian education widely uses numerous smart solutions. These include digital databases, digital textbooks, e-learning materials, digital class diaries, and digital assessments, as well as various applications and programs.

These innovative tools provide an easy way for parents, teachers, and children to collaborate and organise all the information necessary for teaching and learning.

How does the education system balance traditional teaching methods and embracing innovative technologies in promoting digital literacy and skills? What have been some challenges and successes in this regard?

Where we are today is the result of the work of several decades ever since the restoration of our nation's independence. On this continuous journey, we must keep in mind that digitalisation is never a goal on its own. There is no use for technology just for the sake of digitalising education. Every decision to move from traditional to digital tools must be meaningful. It should simplify and support the learning process. Access to quality education is vital for all learners, regardless of background. These tools should enrich learning opportunities and improve access, not hinder them.

The importance of mental health and socio

-emotional skills is recognised in modern education. How does Estonia's education system address these aspects within and beyond the school environment?

Every spring, we organise national satisfaction surveys to diversify the feedback we receive about the quality of teaching and educational work and create opportunities for systematic monitoring of the well-being and livelihood of different target groups in the educational institution.

This data helps the schools and the Ministry to be aware of the situation and take necessary action to support the teachers and students.

Ensuring equitable access to digital education tools is vital. How does Estonia address disparities in digital literacy and educational opportunities among students, promoting social equity and inclusion?

With our whole school network being covered with stable access to the internet as a first step taken several decades ago, today, many tools are an inseparable part of the average school day. E-diaries for sharing homework and feedback between the school and the home; textbooks and learning resources moving online; or online admission systems: for many, this is how the school has always been. The speedy and smooth transition to distance learning during COVID-19 showed us that we are on the right path but also highlighted the bottlenecks we have quickly been able to draw our attention to ensure continuous access to quality education for all.

Looking ahead, could you outline the Ministry's short and long-term goals for the education sector and how these align with broader societal aspirations?

The most ambitious short-term goal is the transition to Estonian language education by 2030. The society, including myself, has been ready for this for a long time. Having been raised in a bilingual family, I think this division in our education system has been a huge problem. PISA results have also highlighted the need for establishing equal access to quality education. Estonia is a small country - we do not have the resources to keep two equally good education systems in both Estonian and Russian.

Secondly, we are looking for monetary optimisation in education because our population is declining, and thus fewer school buildings are needed. We have been demolishing old, large school buildings and have replaced them with new, contemporary, more efficient, and suitable buildings that help us to save money while improving the learning environment. It is expensive to build new buildings, but we have a long-term goal: spending more wisely to invest more money in personnel.

Thirdly, raising the compulsory school age from 17 to 18 and re-establishing the vocational education sector. I believe vocational education would be much more popular if the variety of programs were greater. In the coming years, this will be another big goal for the Ministry - to make vocational education more popular by increasing the selection of specialities.

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Minister of Education: "Digitalisation is never a goal on its own." - e-Estonia

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e-Estonia sat down with Estonia's Minister of Education Kristina Kallas to discuss the success factors of Estonia's education.

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Finland's educational approach, characterized by progressive reforms, offers a compelling model for other countries. With its delayed introduction of compulsory education and a strong focus on learning rather than standardized testing, Finland prioritizes student well-being. These lessons provide valuable guidance for nations aiming to improve their schooling systems

, emphasizing innovation, and children's rights as essential elements for academic achievement and personal growth.
Finnish schools are renowned worldwide for their success, despite the fact Finland made education compulsory relatively late, in 1921. This change was particularly crucial in the past for rural areas where school attendance was limited. In the 1960s, the country's learning system was reformed to meet the need for vocational workers who were to rebuild the country after World War II. This reform led to a new curriculum that adopted a fresh approach, encompassing both technical and academic studies (European Commission, 2023).

It was only in 2012 that the compulsory education was extended to 18 years, making upper secondary training free for all students, further enhancing children's rights and access to education (European Commission, 2023). The success of the reforms became evident in 2000 when the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) results showed that Finnish youth were the best readers globally. In subsequent years, they also excelled in math and science, consistently ranking among the top countries (Hancock L, 2011).

Key principles and components of the Finnish model

The new program aimed to get back to the fundamentals of learning. Their goal wasn't just about achieving top grades or intensifying competition. Instead, they wanted to create a fairer school environment. Since the 1980s, Finnish educators have emphasized principles such as reducing social inequality through schooling, providing psychological counseling, and offering personalized guidance for students, among others (Calagrossi M, 2018).

The Finnish education system prioritizes learning over testing. Unlike in many countries, there are no regular national exams. Instead, teachers assess students based on curriculum objectives. The only nationwide test, called the matriculation examination, happens at the end of high school. This exam serves to determine admission to advanced studies (Council for Creative Education, n.d.)

Finland funds most of its school training publicly, meaning there are no tuition fees at any level of education. Even in the early years of schooling, things like school materials, meals, and transportation are free. In high school, students pay for their books and transport. There is also a good system of study grants and loans available to support students in high school and college (Council for Creative Education, n.d.)
Written by Lidija Misic
Teachers in Finland undergo a demanding, research-based five-year master's program that is highly competitive, with only a small number of applicants being accepted. What sets Finnish educators apart is their autonomy in selecting teaching methods, a departure from the norms in many other countries where external requirements like standardized testing and government control are prevalent. This approach aims to nurture teachers who can make informed decisions and consistently enhance their teaching techniques. Consequently, the school teachers enjoy a high level of respect (Crouch D, 2015).

Positive educational outcomes for children

Finland prioritizes children's mental well-being by implementing a nationwide anti-bullying policy in schools. This policy is rigorously enforced to ensure a safe learning environment. The country is committed to addressing inequality, as it is often connected to bullying and mental health problems. The Finnish school system challenges the idea that children from disadvantaged backgrounds will be less successful. Instead, it strives to provide all students with an equal opportunity to excel, regardless of their background (Poon Y. X, 2020).

The curriculum is designed to engage children and foster their interest in the world around them. Instead of dividing class time into subjects, Finnish students learn by exploring around them, making learning more relevant (Poon Y. X, 2020). Additionally, the curriculum promotes greater pupil participation, encourages students to take responsibility for their learning, and emphasizes competencies such as critical thinking and cultural awareness (Finnish National Agency for Education, n.d).

Subjects are modernized to reflect contemporary society and daily life management. The curriculum also guides the development of a school culture that promotes learning, interaction, and welfare while introducing multidisciplinary learning modules and diverse assessment methods. Overall, it aims to provide a comprehensive education that nurtures engagement, adaptability, and a positive learning environment for children (Finnish National Agency for Education, n.d.).

Finnish strong emphasis on children's well-being aligns with the principles of children's rights. This holistic approach encourages students to take charge of their learning journey. It also ensures that every child has an equal opportunity to excel academically and personally, making Finland a prime example of education that champions children's welfare.

Lessons from Finland for global education

Finland's school system can teach others important lessons. For instance, students here have shorter school days, no homework, and they focus more on learning. Teachers also pursue higher qualifications, which helps students do better in school. On the other hand, In the United States, there's more focus on government tests, especially in math and reading. But other subjects like history and art aren't given as much importance. To improve, the US can learn from the Finnish approach, which values learning over testing (Matias S, 2019).

Similarly, the United Kingdom's education system could also adopt valuable lessons from Finland where teachers foster a higher quality of learning, instead of relying on mandatory tests. Regrettably, teachers in the UK have less freedom to shape their curriculum and methods, which in turn hinders innovation and collaboration. Lastly, in Finland, children start formal schooling at age 7, allowing for more play and better social development, unlike in the UK, where formal education begins at age 5 (Career Teachers, 2018).

Humanium remains dedicated to safeguarding children's fundamental rights, such as their right to education and protection. That is why we believe that countries worldwide can draw valuable lessons from the Finnish system, which prioritizes play, autonomy, and equal opportunities for children's development.

At Humanium, we support lifelong learning initiatives that contribute to a brighter future for children. If you wish to support our cause, please consider donating, volunteering, or becoming a member. Together, we can advocate for a more equitable and child-centered approach to education.

Bibliography:

Calagrossi Mike (2018), 10 reasons why Finland's education system is the best in the world. Retrieved from World Economic Forum at https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/09/10-reasons-why-finlands-education-system-is-the-best-in-the-world. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

Career Teachers (2018), What the UK education system can learn from Finland:

Finland has one of the most successful education systems on Earth but what makes it so successful? Retrieved from Career Teachers at https://www.careerteachers.co.uk/career-advice/blog/what-the-uk-education-system-can-learn-from-finland. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

Council for Creative Education (n.d.), Introduction to Finland Education. Retrieved from CCE at https://www.ccefinland.org/finedu. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

Crouch David (2015), Highly trained, respected and free: why Finland's teachers are different. Retrieved from The Guardian at https://www.theguardian.com/education/2015/jun/17/highly-trained-respected-and-free-why-finlands-teachers-are-different. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

European Commission (2023), Political, social and economic background and trends. Retrieved from European Commission at https://eurydice.eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-education-systems/finland/historical-development. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

Finnish National Agency for Education (n.d.), National core curriculum for basic education. Retrieved from Finnish National Agency for Education at https://www.oph.fi/en/education-and-qualifications/national-core-curriculum-basic-education. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

Hancock LynNell (2011), Why Are Finland's Schools Successful? Retrieved from Smithsonian Magazine at https://www.smithsonianmag.com/innovation/why-are-finlands-schools-successful-49859555/. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

Matias Selma (2019), Comparison of the U.S. and Finland's Educational Systems on

Students' Academic Achievement. Retrieved from Digital Commons at https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1684&context=caps_thes_all. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

Poon Yun Xuan (2020), How Finland designed its schools around well-being. Retrieved from GovInsider at https://govinsider.asia/intl-en/article/anna-korpi-how-finland-designed-its-schools-around-childrens-mental-health. Accessed on October 7, 2023.

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Finland's children-centric school system: a global model for success - Humanium

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Finland's educational approach, characterized by progressive reforms, offers a compelling model for other countries.

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20% of curriculum time to be negotiated around the interests, concerns, purposes and questions of the students

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20% of curriculum time to be negotiated around the interests, concerns, purposes and questions of the students

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It seems to me that the crucial commodity that young people need in order to find and deepen their interests and identity, and to learn how to live with others is TIME. Time to think, time to wonder, time to question, time to create, time to hang out with their friends, time to find out who they are, time to relax and just be idle for a while - and a space to do it in.

Yet this is the one thing that prior to 'the virus' most state funded secondary or high schools, and increasingly, middle, primary or elementary schools as well, deprived them of. Lunch hours and playtimes/recess were shortened or cut. The encroachment into their free time was not just during the school day but also at home, in the evenings and at week-ends, with often relentless homework and test/examination revision.

Covid-19 virus opportunities

Even in the time of Corona Virus and school closure/lock-down many schools aimed to teach and task-set on-line on a full school day basis. The tasks set were often basically conventional school-work with conventional teacher-talk, from the screen instead of from the front of the classroom, followed by a conventional test.

Some parents are expecting and requiring this, but a growing number are not. Young people missed their friends during the pandemic lockdown - but some did not miss lessons where they had no choice, no control or no consent in their learning. Many parents struggled to present this curriculum to their children at home. It is interesting that research into Canadian parents' attitudes to school curriculum since the Covid 19 lockdowns shows that 73% think that much more attention should be given to the interests of the students when the schools finally reopen.

A Danish parent writes:

"Since the exams and mandatory learning goals are abandoned for now, teachers report feeling more playful with students. They are working with co-creation and involving students in making decisions more than before.

There is more quality time spent between teachers and students, resulting in better relationships and increased student well-being."

Here the emphasis is switching from teaching to learning, from prescribed content to inquiry, and, freed from the pressure of examination preparation, a change in the quality of student-teacher relations to include more student participation and playful creativity. What an opportunity this provided to do things in a better way when schools re-opened for all students!

Some entire school systems are already moving in this direction

In my experience students should wherever possible and as much as possible participate in decisions about their own learning; real self-directed and self-exploring learning around the interests, concerns, questions and purposes of the young people themselves. I share Jerome Bruner's 3 'c's view of childhood - that children are naturally CURIOUS and COLLABORATIVE, and like to feel COMPETENT - adding with the late Ken Robinson that they are naturally CREATIVE. These qualities of childhood match those described by Peter Gray of Boston College who sees the "Educational Instincts" of Curiosity, Sociability, Playfulness and above all Playfulness as crucial.' For me PLAY and CREATIVITY are closely linked - maybe they are the same thing or at least one leads to the other. The research of Sandra Russ of Cape Western Reserve University is showing that more imaginative play in young children correlates with enhanced creativity later on in life.

Recent lockdown experience in England where primary schools had too few children for age based classes and were unable to use the formal curriculum, found that mixed age play with minimal teacher intervention has been wonderful to watch - often the younger children seem to take the lead. Peter Gray is finding the same in his "Play Club" research in US elementary schools.

We know that it is perfectly possible to have a school system with high attainment that does not create pressure and anxiety.

Finland, for example, under the banner of "Less Is More" has a shorter school day than most with minimal homework - a legal maximum of 30 minutes per night in total and none at week-ends which are held to belong to the students - and no high-stakes national tests until the final year of high school.

Despite this apparently more relaxed approach to schooling, academic performance is higher on average in Finland than most European and North American school systems.

Two examples of a more motivating way of doing things

When I was deputy head of an English comprehensive school in the 1980s, the students proposed that we should have occasional 'activities' days when they and the teachers together could create a wide programme of activities, which students of any age could choose from. Parents were supportive and some became involved.

The variety was amazing as was the enthusiasm! It was very successful and very popular, so we extended it to an 'activities week' in the summer term.

The process of programme negotiation and creation was in itself an education with staff, students, parents, and other stakeholders such as local sports groups learning to listen to, and learn from and about each other, often for the first time. Relationships were transformed with much use of first names.

At the point where I left the school to become an inspector, the idea was being discussed of having an 'activities week' every term - which would have represented about 8% of annual curriculum time. No-one regarded this as time lost or wasted - far from it. Some students previously disengaged from school entirely changed their attitudes both to school and to themselves as learners.

Parallel to this development and closely associated with it was the emergence of the school as a 'community school' with an elected community education council, commonly chaired by an older student. A 'community fair' took place at which the myriad community organisations in the rural town of five thousand opened themselves up to the school, and the school opened up its resources to the town's organisations.

Each benefitted enormously and a number of entirely new organisations emerged; such as a community newspaper co-edited by adults and students which, as I write 30 years later, has just published its 200 th edition; and a community orchestra with some 60 players aged 8 to 80. At the same time some normal school lessons became open to adult students of any age and part-time flexi-schooling was explored for the first time at the request of some home educating families.

Some years later, as an inspector, I visited another secondary school of 1300 students in a rural area where many students could not take part in extra-curricular activities because of long bus journeys home. The head teacher, staff, governors (English school board), parents and students' council formed an 'Electives Committee' which decided to move 'extra-curricular' into the regular school schedule/timetable. They allocated half a day per week (10% of curriculum time) to a large and wide-ranging programme of 'electives.' These were negotiated between students and staff around the interests, questions, concerns, purposes and enthusiasms of both. If students wanted an activity that was beyond the expertise of any staff, though kitchen and janitorial staff also participated, then an appeal would be made to the parents.

The school was close to an internationally famous motor racing circuit and, as well as the more conventional musical and sporting electives, with the assistance of some parents, one mixed age group actually built a working racing car.

Because conventional teaching time was reduced, it was possible for the electives programme to have a budget and if nobody else could be found, an 'expert' would be hired.

As in my school, these negotiations were themselves an education for democracy and through them relationships were transformed. Students of different ages could join any group they chose. Some were led by students themselves. The programme was very popular with all the groups involved. A parent told me that their children would 'get off their death beds to get to school on electives day!' In fact, part of my job as an inspector was to check the student attendance figures for each half-day of the week. The highest figure was consistently for 'electives' afternoon on Wednesdays.

I also checked the school's examination record, as well as its attendance figures. Both were significantly better than might have been expected for schools in similar socio-economic environments! Likewise, the figures for exclusion for anti-social behaviour were virtually zero - there had been no permanent exclusions for the previous five years and many fewer short term exclusions than the average for this type of school.

The modest proposal

So - my modest proposal. All state-funded schools, both primary and secondary, should be encouraged to allocate 20% of curriculum time to be negotiated around the interests, concerns, purposes and questions of the students. Time for individual or collaborative self-directed learning with the teachers being available as facilitators or 'experts' if their services were requested by the students. The staff could also use this time to pursue their own research questions and interests as exemplars of lifelong learning.

Sometimes the students themselves might be facilitators for other students - or even teachers. A teacher recently wrote in my union magazine about how much more her students knew about climate change issues than she did! In the Australian state of Victoria, students are running 'Teach the Teachers' courses in how to motivate learners more effectively.

I predict that the negotiation process itself would be educational. The motivation and morale of all will rise. The new engagement which will result will more than compensate for any feared loss of learning from reduction in formal subject teaching time. In fact, standards will rise. Results will improve. Students will learn how to take responsibility for at least part of their learning and learn how to manage at least part of their own time - both crucial if they are to deal with the changes, opportunities and uncertainties that the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), artificial intelligence (AI), and Climate Change are already presenting us with.

The students of the largely private international democratic schools movement such as Sudbury Valley School in the US, Summerhill in England, De Ruimte in the Netherlands, Riverstone Village in South Africa or Hadera School in Israel, learn how to participate in managing their communities while respecting human rights and they learn to discover their own genius, create their own identities rather than being defined by test scores.

As paid employment declines with AI and 4IR and Universal Basic Income (UBI) becomes the norm, this will enable alumni to be unique, creative, socially responsible individuals and not rely on full time paid work for their identity - or to have learned the entrepreneurial skills necessary to launch their own economic or social enterprises.

Schools could create a '20% Committee' of staff and students to plan how the 20% programme would be organised. This would introduce the idea of students participating in serious school decision making. A 20% department could be created, led by a teacher of assistant principal status and staffed by teachers from all subjects who chose to work in this way. This would create a team of experienced self-directed learning facilitators. It could have its own part of the school buildings - the 20% wing where presentations of student projects could be held.

An entirely new approach to assessment would be required, based on processes rather than finished projects - failure would be something to be learned from and not to be feared. The 20% department would develop digital profiling which would gradually be adopted across all departments. 20% of students of mixed ages would be in the 20% wing at any one time.

Recently the Economist Intelligence Unit produced a report called "Staff 2030: The Future of Teacher Training." It actually recommends 20% of curriculum time for student directed learning, claiming that the competences developed are precisely those required for the future workplaces of the 4 th Industrial revolution. The autonomous learners and creators which our current school systems are not producing. It is ironic that the evolved nature of human childhood as described by Bruner and Gray of playful, creative, autonomous yet collaborative young people now aligns with the needs of enlightened employers - yet few schools or school systems seem to be making the connection.

We need 'innovation' or 'moon-shot' time where students are free to come up with their own ideas of what they want to do and study, and how they want to do it. "Your students will be future ready if you give them the time!" says Esther Wojcicki, pioneer of the 20% programme at Palo Alto High School and member of the Economist Intelligence Unit team. Time is perhaps the greatest gift we can give young people. We must stop filling every moment at school and at home with prescribed curriculum. They have realised this in Finland where the school day is short and there is little set homework.

It's already happening in the most innovative companies

Companies such as the conglomerate SEMCO in Brazil or the Scot Bader Commonwealth paint company in the UK have for many years used company training programmes to encourage employees to widen and deepen their learning following their own personal passions and interests. More to the point, for more than 70 years, 3M's unique 15% Culture has encouraged employees to set aside a portion of their work time to proactively cultivate and pursue innovative ideas that excite them.

Drawing on the 3M philosophy, Google has introduced its '20% Project' where employees are encouraged to follow their own ideas beyond their actual job descriptions for 20% of their paid work time. This has led to some of the most profitable of Google's innovations such as Gmail and Adsense, actually developed by one of Esther Wojcicki's daughters, Susan, until recently CEO at YouTube. The US company Target Project has opened up a similar scheme to all its employees with its "Orange Friday" programme.

...and in a few public/state schools

I would also like to see the creation of more alternative democratic schools within large mainstream schools - schools within schools (SWS). These would offer parents, students and teachers the choice of a full-time, self-directed and democratic school experience within a conventional school.

There is a history of such schools in the United States where the Just Community Schools based on the thinking of Lawrence Kohlberg evolved and some, such as the SWS in Scarsdale High School, New York, survive and flourish.

Recently the idea has spread to Europe with examples in Slovakia and Estonia, where the Suvermae school of 65 students exists within the large Arts High School of Tallinn led by the pioneering educator Charlie Moreno-Romero. Universities should develop 20% laboratory schools in programmes such as the EU Erasmus Plus funded LabSchoolsEurope.

And all around the world we are seeing campaigns for change coming from young people themselves. In the UK, one group called 'Teach the Future' argues for a more relevant climate change curriculum. It is being listened to by policy makers in Scotland though insufficiently in England - yet. There would be students in many schools who would almost certainly use their 20% time for this purpose.

The transfer of the 20% idea from the hi-tech business world to education is already happening in the United States and Germany.

Led by Esther Wojcicki students at Palo Alto High School use 20% of their class time for totally self-directed projects where their natural learning instinct take flight either individually or more usually in collaboration with others. She uses the mnemonic TRICK - Trust, Respect, Independence, Collaboration and Kindness.

Interesting that kindness is identified as a key, though underrated, evolutionary human quality by Dutch writer Rutger Bregman in his latest book "Human-kind" (highly recommended by psychologist Peter Gray of Boston College.)

Wojcicki's ideas run parallel to the emergence of the 20Time movement, nicely illustrated in a Vimeo film by Sean Ziebarth, and described in detail by Kevin Brookhouser in his book "The 20Time Project: How Educators Can Launch Google's Formula for Future Ready Innovation."

In Germany the Schule im Aufbruch movement led by the inspirational Berlin high school principal Margret Rasfeld has grown from 50 to 300 participant schools in just 12 months. These schools have 'Freitag or FriTag' days. One day per week (20%), usually Friday, is controlled and managed by the students loosely focused on the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

In the UK the Rethinking Assessment organisation and the Edge Foundation are exploring various Baccalaureate possibilities, all of which follow the lead of the IB (International Baccalaureate) programmes including personal projects. The innovative Da Vinci Life Skills programme, developed by Cambridge based Rosina Dorelli of Biophilic Education and currently being field-trialled in several countries, similarly includes a 20% personal project for middle school students. For 16-19 A level students in England the EPQ (extended project qualification) is another example of the 20% principle in action, though insufficiently valued by universities.

Every school should be free to organise the use of this 20% time in its own way - it could be half a day per week, plus 20% of some lessons, or two half-days, or one day per week, or 20% of all lessons. And, of course, if it was found that as students became more motivated the compulsory directed curriculum could be managed in a reducing amount of time, then the 20% could grow.

The world is ready for the idea?

When the Israeli educator Yaacov Hecht and I launched the 20% idea at a Council of Europe conference on Education and Democracy at Strasbourg in 2016, he asked for a vote on the issue when concluding his keynote speech. The 1000 or more administrators, policy makers and teachers voted overwhelmingly in favour. Afterwards I asked some who had voted against what they didn't like about the idea.

"20% is not enough," they said. "It should be more!"

I agree with them.

Young people are natural learners

Could it be that at last the natural learning potential of young people will come into alignment with the future requirement for collaborative and creative innovators? Could schools become places that nurture the social and economic entrepreneurs that the world needs, capable of facing up to the challenges confronting us, not least of those being the implications of climate change?

Let's hope so!
Vote 20% - you know it makes sense!
Derry Hannam is a retired deputy head teacher of a Derbyshire community comprehensive school and school inspector. He is currently an international consultant in Education for Democracy and Human Rights.

Seaford, UK. August 2023This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License

Read more from Derry Hannam

Derry Hannam's book, Another Way is Possible - Becoming a Democratic Teacher in a State School, originally published as an e-book by Smashwords, has been translated into several languages. You can read an excerpt here.

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The 20% Project for Schools - A Modest Proposal, by Derry Hannam - Progressive Education

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What young people need It seems to me that the crucial commodity that young people need in order to find and deepen their interests and identity, and to learn how to live with others is TIME. Time to think, time to wonder, time to question, time to create, time to hang out with their friends, time [...]

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Creating Engaging and Powerful 21st Century Learning Environments - David Thornburg

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Creating Engaging and Powerful 21st Century Learning Environments - David Thornburg

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Futurist Dr. David Thornburg, in a transcript on the 'Evolving Classroom', says that "Traditional classrooms, the kinds that I certainly grew up in, really don't reach every child... because of... the actual physical structure of the room". In his book 'From the Campfire to the Holodeck: Creating Engaging and Powerful 21st Century Learning Environments', he recognises three archetypal learning spaces: the campfire, cave, and watering hole.

Each of these dynamic spaces in the classroom setup has a unique function, which corresponds to the student being both a learner and a disciple. Thornburg believes setting up these 'Cavendish' spaces may also offer us primal insight, which can help to restore a healthy balance in the classroom. David Thornburg's educational philosophy is largely based upon the idea that students learn best when they construct their own knowledge.

Gather some kindling ready to add your DIY Campfire to the curriculum.

In classroom design, David Thornburg's learning spaces are needed for ensuring psychological safety and pluralism, which are conditions necessary for helping individuals to construct their own niches. It's in those niches children will enter their 'flow state' of learning. In these 'Cavendish' and flexible learning spaces, children can collaborate, retreat, or learn. They can be particularly useful for Autistic children who tend to thrive once they've found their calling.

As educators, we can provide students with caves, campfires and watering holes for the dandelions, tulips and orchids in the class to find respite.

David Thornburg's learning spaces: The campfire, cave and watering hole

Step into the 21st century with contemporary classroom design inspired by Dr. David Thornburg. Get cosy around the campfire for some stories, retreat into the cave to ruminate, and take a sip from the watering hole for ideas! Here, find ways to transform dated classrooms into effective learning spaces, which aim to inspire and engage children's learning!

The campfire reminds us of why we need to have coaches and mentors in our lives. Everyone can likely think of a Gandalf-like wizard in their lives, the one who is enormously wise, resourceful, and who helps us 'dwarves' during our journey along our 'Lonely Mountains'.

Can you imagine the campfire? Faces filled with a pinky glow, and a feeling of peace and connectivity. It's a space where our ancestors shared stories, sung songs, and where their relationships blossomed. Research published in the Proceedings of National Academy of Sciences says that for our ancestors, ending the day around the campfire is what has helped shape cultures and our ability to understand each other.

In classroom design, the campfire space is a place where people come together to learn from an elder (educator). Just like in days of yore, where elders passed down insight through storytelling. In school's today, students can also be empowered elders who like to share their knowledge with their peers. And, storytelling can come from digitised content which the child can access through devices. David Thornburg recognises the need for us to create contemporary classroom designs to reflect our modern world. He says that students want to engage, communicate, create and collaborate in ways that reflect today's digitalised world.

Download digital Ebooks like this 'Green for Naveen' Twinkl Original.

Twinkl Go! is Twinkl's digital platform, hosting a variety of interactive content such as videos, games, audiobooks and more. Twinkl Go! enables digital content to be streamed to your device, rather than downloaded like our usual resources. Catch our video at the bottom of the page to learn more.

You can include digital content in the campfire area of your classroom. For example, children can choose from a selection of Twinkl Originals eBooks, which cover a range of subject areas. They can improve their reading skills using digital content while also learning about things like recycling, numeracy, mixing colours, life cycles, and more!

Invite parents into your campfire with the Remind app, which allows you to text parents without revealing your personal phone number. You can send updates of your day, and class announcements using this app. It's a nice way to update them, and give them something to discuss around the campfire when they get home from school.

The cave is a private space. A place to retreat, reflect and think (a necessary space for Autistic students and for your tulips and orchids). A space where what has been learned can start to become internal belief. The cave space in your classroom setup becomes a warm and comforting space, but also an essential one, too!

Interestingly the cave is the most challenging space for students to be in. It requires them to be alone and reflect. This can be tough for some students.

To create the cave concept in your classroom, you can try moving desks and chairs into the corners of the classroom to provide a quieter space for students' reflection. These cave zones in your classroom will act as isolated study spots.

We can use technology to inspire students into cave thinking. Student blogs are one way to do this, as they demonstrate how their personal thoughts, opinions, and understandings are valued and matter. Discover our How to Write a Blog Tips for Kids for some superb resource ideas for children to use while ruminating in the cave.

DownloadTwinkl's How to Write a Blog Resource Pack.

Crafting in the cave is another idea. The cave can be used for classroom arts and crafts sessions, for children to use when they need a sensory break . Of course, you don't need to just use cave-themed materials, but as we've on the topic of David Thornburg, you might like to download and print these cave-themed craft ideas:

The flow of your classroom should be effortless. So, if you have the cave zones at the back of the classroom, children can easily move from these into a comfortable watering hole in the middle, where they are able to work together and become part of the social group once again.

The watering hole

Community building happens in the watering hole. It's a space where people come together towards a shared goal. When we imagine a watering hole, we might think of safari animals all hanging out having a gulp of water while sharing information about their travels and discoveries.

In classroom design, the watering hole is a shared and informal space, where peers can be both the educator and the learner. In the watering hole of your classroom layout, the role of the educator often changes from lecturer to exploration guide, with students also taking the lead in instruction, too.

Once upon a moon, the watering hole was the walk home from school for our students. Where jolly children would march home chatting about the day's occurrences. On the flipside, in this modern world, students now gather around social-media platforms when they get home, and send messages in group chats.

Step into the 'Holodeck' with this Space Exploration Multiplication Game.

One key idea of David Thornburg is the 'Holodeck' classroom. Taking its name from Science fiction, the Holodeck, is essentially where an empty room can turn into just about anything you want it to with computer software. One super simple way to incorporate Holodeck collaborative learning into your lessons is to include online technology games.

Twinkl has a number of online interactive games that can be an easy tech addition in your classroom. Twinkl's Space Exploration: Multiplication Game is a popular choice, you can use a projector to play it to the class, or let students play on their own. Turning your bare classroom walls into a space exploration for students. The benefit of the Holodeck is that students tend to remember what they've learned in that environment because it is more memorable than a traditional classroom setting. You can also use Kahoot, which allows you to create multiple choice quizzes that can become the ultimate classroom competition for your students.

Who are the dandelions, tulips and orchids?

Just like flowers, children are all unique. Some of them are more sensitive than others, who may need more time to think. While others fall over, get back up, and keep going. A 2018 study published in Nature Journal titled 'Dandelions, Tulips and orchids', talks about just that. The study explored the sensitivity levels of 906 adults, and categorised them into either dandelions (least sensitive), tulips ( medium sensitive) and orchids (highly sensitive) groups. 40% of the group came in the medium-sensitive category, an astonishing 31% of orchids, and the rest as least sensitive. This research shows how people are individually affected by their external environment in different ways. It provides a good argument for why the campfire, cave, and watering hole classroom design is an important consideration for your classroom setup. Because it invites neuropluarism, which is about embracing the needs of each individual student, along with their unique qualities. It's essentially next-level neurodiversity.

The three archetypal learning spaces mentioned by David Thornburg, the campfire, cave, and watering hole, are physical and virtual spaces that schools can use to promote student learning. They allow for personalised and differentiated classroom instruction to take place in a more organic and effortless way than traditional monoculture classroom environments.

They help children to enter their flow state of learning, a beneficial space for students to focus on positive niche construction. The flow state is the greatest motivation a child can have. Because they want to do something for themselves, for the sake of doing it well, because they are stimulated by it. It can also bring them a sense of joy and satisfaction, and they can also be necessary coping strategies for them, too.

The resources we've shared here, are just a drop in the Twinkl ocean, if you'd like more simply Sign Up for a FREE Twinkl Account today!

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David Thornburg's Learning Spaces | Modern Classroom Design

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David Thornburg's learning spaces are becoming evermore popular in helping educators to create innovative classroom designs that help individual students to flourish. He recognises three archetypal learning spaces: the campfire, cave, and watering hole. We discuss how you can incorporate these into your modern classroom design!

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Applying Self-Determination Theory to Education: Regulations Types, Psychological Needs, and Autonomy Supporting Behaviors

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Applying Self-Determination Theory to Education: Regulations Types, Psychological Needs, and Autonomy Supporting Behaviors

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Progress Report Apr 2024 - Barriers to Education (2)

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Addressing Barriers to Education Webinar 3: Burnout

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Info on Autistic Burnout (for Young People)

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Autistic burnout is an incredibly difficult experience where your brain is in overdrive and you always feel stressed

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Autistic burnout is like a phone that has run out of battery. Even if you need to make a phone call, you are no longer able to. You have no energy left and can become quite stuck.​Burnout happens when: * Your tasks/ expectations in the day exceed the resources you have to deal with them (i.e.

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It is quite normal for people to compare themselves to others, especially when they are growing up. Humans are social animals, so we seek connection with other people.

Autistic brains work differently to non-autistic brains and we have different ways of communicating and expressing ourselves. Non-autistic people can find it a bit surprising if someone acts in ways that they're not used to. Sometimes, they might laugh at us, or point out these differences. Autistic young people are unfortunately more likely to be bullied because of this.

We may be taught that, in order to 'fit in' we must hide who we are and pretend to be like the people around us. To do that, a lot of autistic people can become very good at observing and imitating those around us. This is called 'masking'. The more unsafe we feel, the more we are likely to mask. If our attempts keep failing, we may withdraw from social situations altogether.

Sometimes autistic people aren't aware and mimic others subconsciously. We may also hide our feelings and pretend we're fine when we aren't. Most autistic people who mask aren't aware that not everyone does this - they think everyone is pretending as part of the social rules. Many of us will have been doing it from a very young age, so it can become almost automatic - but it is not natural for us.

Masking involves us closely observing others; translating their words, tone, mannerisms and body language into something we understand; considering how we want to respond and then finally translating that into something we think they are most likely to respond well to. We might not realise it, but this takes a huge amount of energy and concentration. If we're having a more stressful day, or something has gone wrong, we can find it much harder to mask and might find ourselves reacting to situations in ways that feel more natural to us. If we've been working really hard to 'fit in' and then the mask slips, we are often very hard on ourselves. "Why can't I just be normal?" We can start to feel quite down on ourselves and this can be hard to recover from.

Masking can keep us safe, certainly in the short term. But many people who mask will eventually reach a point where the effort causes burnout and masking is no longer possible.

Masking also stops genuine connection with others because others only get to know the mask and not the real person underneath.

Some people may choose to mask in certain situations, where connection isn't important but safety is. And some may not realise that masking is what's preventing them from creating genuine connections, and not understand that masking is preventing them from forming deeper friendships.

Many autistic people go through a process of " unmasking" once they have received their diagnosis. They recognise that masking a lot is actually quite harmful, and being around people who accept them as they are, without the need to mask, is the best way forward.

Writing led by Matthew Harrison, autistic adult and staff neurodiversity representative at The University of Manchester

What masking feels like for me

I definitely feel a lot better and I can be myself at home. I really can't be myself when I am not at home, I just can't it's hard.

Teachers don't know how I feel, no, no I don't think so.

Masking is when you hide how you feel, when you try to hide yourself.

I don't think masking is a good thing, but when I have tried to tell teachers how I feel one has just laughed and said you need to line up over there. When I looked sad a lot of people said hi to me to try to make me happy, I pretend to be happy and say hi back, but all the attention makes it bad.

If people speak to me when I am out I can't say what I want to say, I wish I could.

People would be surprised if they knew what I wanted to say, but also I would get scared if they knew.

If my friends knew how I felt, I worry they wouldn't be my friend because I'm trying to hide my feelings, this happened once.

If I could say what I wanted I would say to people who don't believe me and think I am OK, it would be, I am not well, I may not be physically ill but I am mentally ill.

The worst I have ever felt was going into school and being forced onto the stage in front of strangers for Harvest Festival, I was really scared, they gave me lines and I was forced to read it in front of them, I was really scared but I tried my best, I felt really embarrassed I don't know how badly I stuttered. Afterwards I had to serve food to other classes and then to strangers and give them soup, it was so loud, I had to eat soup but I hate soup. I tried to act happy so I wouldn't get attention, because teachers and friends would ask me a lot of questions which would make everything a lot worse, I don't like being asked questions.

Things are now getting better, but not completely, I can you know, I can share my feelings with some people and my parents.

What's changed, definitely not going back to school anymore, it was just really loud there. I would tell parents, if your child is really bad and can't manage at school move to home education because I find it a lot easier to talk to my parents than teachers. Being at home is giving me a chance to have some practice and I am managing to be myself and talk to people outside of the house.

I hope this helps other children in school who are struggling.

Written by C, age 9

Facade

This drawing is called Façade and it represents masking. Me and many other autistic people feel like we need to camouflage to fit in with our surroundings, just like the leaf insect, but it's important for us to know that we're incredible just the way we are. We are the colour and difference that the world needs.

By Hannah, autistic young person

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WHile masking can help autistic people feel safe, it will eventually lead to the point where the effort can cause burnout and masking isno longer possible.

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Masking can look like:

"They are fine at school"

"I masked when I was in school as I was desperate to fit in. This took so much energy that by the time I got home I had nothing left, I would barricade my room shut and play games to escape from the world and to try and recharge energy to survive the next day. Sometimes, my mum said something as small as 'how are you?' and I would shout and scream. I felt horrible about this, but I realise now it is because I was so stressed I wasn't even able to process questions anymore." - Autistic adult

"This drawing is called Façade and it represents masking. Me and many other autistic people feel like we need to camouflage to fit in with our surroundings, just like the leaf insect, but it's important for us to know that we're incredible just the way we are. We are the colour and difference that the world needs." - By Hannah, Autistic Young Person.

Information for young people on the topic of masking can be found on our Autism Understood website > here <

"I masked when I was in school as I was desperate to fit in. This took so much energy that by the time I got home I had nothing left, I would barricade my room shut and play games to escape from the world and to try and recharge energy to survive the next day. Sometimes, my mum said something as small as 'how are you?' and I would shout and scream. I felt horrible about this, but I realise now it is because I was so stressed I wasn't even able to process questions anymore." - Autistic adult

"This drawing is called Façade and it represents masking. Me and many other autistic people feel like we need to camouflage to fit in with our surroundings, just like the leaf insect, but it's important for us to know that we're incredible just the way we are. We are the colour and difference that the world needs." - By Hannah, Autistic Young Person.

Information for young people on the topic of masking can be found on our Autism Understood website > <

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Masking is when someone tries their best to fit in and go unnoticed by others. It can become an automatic, natural way of being, meaning autistic people can sometimes mask without actually knowing it. Masking can be a stressful experience.

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Many autistic young people struggle with sleep, but also find that typical "sleep hygiene strategies" often aren't helpful.

So we have worked with our community to write a guide to autism and sleep! Thank you The Sleep Charity for reviewing this and Jo for designing the booklet.

Many autistic young people struggle with sleep, but also find that typical "sleep hygiene strategies" often aren't helpful.

So we have worked with our community to write a guide to autism and sleep! Thank you for reviewing this and Jo for designing the booklet.

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Many autistic young people struggle with sleep, but also find that typical "sleep hygiene strategies" often aren't helpful.So we have worked with our community to write a guide to autism and sleep! Thank you The Sleep Charity for reviewing this and Jo for designing the booklet.The guide is free to use, access and share and can be downloaded here.

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Beacon House is passionate about developing freely available resources so that knowledge about the repair of trauma and adversity is in the hands of those who need it. Please feel free to use our resources in your home or work setting.

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