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Brief History of Systemic Racism Video -We Need to Talk about Race

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Brief History of Systemic Racism Video -We Need to Talk about Race

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By Robin DiAngelo Author of White Fragility

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General Commission on Religion and Race of The UMC

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Deconstructing White Privilege with Dr. Robin DiAngelo

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Racism in Criminal Justice System
Documentary by Ava DuVernay (available on Netflix)

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Stay Woke: Black Lives Matter Movement Documentary by Films for Action

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Stay Woke: Black Lives Matter Movement Documentary by Films for Action

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"Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement" is an original documentary film that chronicles the evolution of the Black Lives Matter movement through the first person accounts of local activists, protesters, scholars, journalists and others.

Dubbed the new "civil rights movement", #BlackLivesMatter launched a transformative grassroots movement that moved from social media to the streets across America. As news and images of the senseless deaths of Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Freddie Grey and others spread online, a new generation of civil rights activists came together demanding institutional change. From scheduled marches, to assembled sit-ins and to heated rallies across the country, protesters and communities pushed the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter into a worldwide rallying cry. This is the real story of brave young people who have found their voice to lead a powerful social movement. Now these activists face the daunting challenge of turning protest - into lasting change.

Directed by Peabody and three time Emmy Award-winning filmmaker Laurens Grant, "Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement," chronicles the evolution of the Black Lives Matter movement through the first person accounts of local activists, protesters, scholars, journalists and celebrities including Jesse Williams, Nelly, Deray McKesson, Michaela Angela Davis, Wesley Lowery, Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Johnetta Elzie, Brittany Packnett and others.
Available on: Amazon

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Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement (2016)

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Save "Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement" is an original documentary film that chronicles the evolution of the Black Lives Matter movement through the first person accounts of local activists, protesters, scholars, journalists and others. Dubbed the new "civil rights movement", #BlackLivesMatter launched a transformative grassroots movement that moved from social media to the streets across America.

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Teach Us All: Segregation and Re-segregation in Schools 

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Teach Us All: Segregation and Re-segregation in Schools 

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Documentary on Hulu about the origins and background of the Black Lives Matter Movement in Ferguson where it began from the people who lived it. Also available to stream from HollywoodTheatre.org (as of June 5th)

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Why Are All The Black Kids Sitting Together In The Cafeteria? 

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Why Are All The Black Kids Sitting Together In The Cafeteria? 

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by Beverly Daniel Tatum

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Description

The classic, bestselling book on the psychology of racism -- now fully revised and updated

Walk into any racially mixed high school and you will see Black, White, and Latino youth clustered in their own groups. Is this self-segregation a problem to address or a coping strategy? Beverly Daniel Tatum, a renowned authority on the psychology of racism, argues that straight talk about our racial identities is essential if we are serious about enabling communication across racial and ethnic divides. These topics have only become more urgent as the national conversation about race is increasingly acrimonious. This fully revised edition is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the dynamics of race in America.

Reviews

"We don't talk about race in America, but we must start if we are going to heal this broken country--and Beverly Tatum's book is exactly the conversation opener we should be using."--Jodi Picoult, #1 New York Times bestselling author of Small Great Things
" Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria was a landmark publication when it appeared in 1997. Twenty years later this updated edition is as fresh, poignant and timely as ever."--Earl Lewis, President, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation
"An unusually sensitive work about the racial barriers that still divide us in so many areas of life."--Jonathan Kozol

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Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?: And Other Conversations about Race

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The classic, bestselling book on the psychology of racism -- now fully revised and updated Walk into any racially mixed high school and you will see Black, White, and Latino youth clustered in their own groups. Is this self-segregation a problem to address or a coping strategy?

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by Ijeoma Oluo

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So You Want to Talk about Race a book by Ijeoma Oluo

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In this #1 New York Times bestseller, Ijeoma Oluo offers a revelatory examination of race in America Protests against racial injustice and white supremacy have galvanized millions around the world. The stakes for transformative conversations about race could not be higher. Still, the task ahead seem…

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White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk about Racism a book by Robin Diangelo and Michael Eric Dyson

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The New York Times best-selling book exploring the counterproductive reactions white people have when their assumptions about race are challenged, and how these reactions maintain racial inequality. In this “vital, necessary, and beautiful book” (Michael Eric Dyson), antiracist educator Robin DiAnge…

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by Ibram X. Kendi

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How to Be an Antiracist a book by Ibram X. Kendi

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#1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER - From the National Book Award-winning author of Stamped from the Beginning comes a “groundbreaking” (Time) approach to understanding and uprooting racism and inequality in our society--and in ourselves. “The most courageous book to date on the problem of race in the Wes…

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by Michelle Alexander

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By Bryan Stevenson

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" Just Mercy is every bit as moving as To Kill a Mockingbird, and in some ways more so. . . . [It] demonstrates, as powerfully as any book on criminal justice that I've ever read, the extent to which brutality, unfairness, and racial bias continue to infect criminal law in the United States. But at the same time that [Bryan] Stevenson tells an utterly damning story of deep-seated and widespread injustice, he also recounts instances of human compassion, understanding, mercy, and justice that offer hope. . . . Just Mercy is a remarkable amalgam, at once a searing indictment of American criminal justice and a stirring testament to the salvation that fighting for the vulnerable sometimes yields."--David Cole, The New York Review of Books

"A searing, moving and infuriating memoir . . . Bryan Stevenson may, indeed, be America's Mandela. For decades he has fought judges, prosecutors and police on behalf of those who are impoverished, black or both. . . . Injustice is easy not to notice when it affects people different from ourselves; that helps explain the obliviousness of our own generation to inequity today. We need to wake up. And that is why we need a Mandela in this country."--Nicholas Kristof, The New York Times

"Unfairness in the justice system is a major theme of our age. . . . This book brings new life to the story by placing it in two affecting contexts: [Bryan] Stevenson's life work and the deep strain of racial injustice in American life. . . . You don't have to read too long to start cheering for this man. Against tremendous odds, Stevenson has worked to free scores of people from wrongful or excessive punishment, arguing five times before the Supreme Court. . . . The book extols not his nobility but that of the cause, and reads like a call to action for all that remains to be done. . . . The message of the book, hammered home by dramatic examples of one man's refusal to sit quietly and countenance horror, is that evil can be overcome, a difference can be made. Just Mercy will make you upset and it will make you hopeful. . . . Stevenson has been angry about [the criminal justice system] for years, and we are all the better for it."--Ted Conover, The New York Times Book Review

"Inspiring . . . a work of style, substance and clarity . . . Stevenson is not only a great lawyer, he's also a gifted writer and storyteller."--The Washington Post

"As deeply moving, poignant and powerful a book as has been, and maybe ever can be, written about the death penalty."--The Financial Times

"Brilliant."--The Philadelphia Inquirer

"Not since Atticus Finch has a fearless and committed lawyer made such a difference in the American South. Though larger than life, Atticus exists only in fiction. Bryan Stevenson, however, is very much alive and doing God's work fighting for the poor, the oppressed, the voiceless, the vulnerable, the outcast, and those with no hope. Just Mercy is his inspiring and powerful story."--John Grisham

"Bryan Stevenson is one of my personal heroes, perhaps the most inspiring and influential crusader for justice alive today, and Just Mercy is extraordinary. The stories told within these pages hold the potential to transform what we think we mean when we talk about justice."--Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow

"A distinguished NYU law professor and MacArthur grant recipient offers the compelling story of the legal practice he founded to protect the rights of people on the margins of American society. . . . Emotionally profound, necessary reading."--Kirkus Reviews (starred review, KirkusPrize Finalist)

"A passionate account of the ways our nation thwarts justice and inhumanely punishes the poor and disadvantaged."--Booklist (starred review)

"From the frontlines of social justice comes one of the most urgent voices of our era. Bryan Stevenson is a real-life, modern-day Atticus Finch who, through his work in redeeming innocent people condemned to death, has sought to redeem the country itself. This is a book of great power and courage. It is inspiring and suspenseful--a revelation."--Isabel Wilkerson, author of The Warmth of Other Suns

"Words such as important and compelling may have lost their force through overuse, but reading this book will restore their meaning, along with one's hopes for humanity."--Tracy Kidder, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Mountains Beyond Mountains

"Bryan Stevenson is America's young Nelson Mandela, a brilliant lawyer fighting with courage and conviction to guarantee justice for all. Just Mercy should be read by people of conscience in every civilized country in the world to discover what happens when revenge and retribution replace justice and mercy. It is as gripping to read as any legal thriller, and what hangs in the balance is nothing less than the soul of a great nation."--Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate

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Just Mercy: A Story of Justice and Redemption

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1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER - NOW A MAJOR MOTION PICTURE STARRING MICHAEL B. JORDAN AND JAMIE FOXX - A powerful true story about the potential for mercy to redeem us, and a clarion call to fix our broken system of justice--from one of the most brilliant and influential lawyers of our time.

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From film kits and lesson plans to the building blocks of a customized Learning Plan—texts, student tasks and teaching strategies—our resources will help you bring relevance, rigor and social emotional learning into your classroom—all for FREE.

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By Wayne Au

Interrogating the recent Supreme Court decision ending affirmative action in college admissions, Au dismantles conservative arguments that pit Asian Americans against other people of color.

By Sohyun An

Four Asian American middle school students connect and grow during the pandemic through a virtual book club focused on Asian American history and literature.

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Rethinking Schools is the country's leading grassroots magazine for social and racial justice in education.

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Get the free Teaching for Black Lives Starter Pack when you sign up today for email updates from Rethinking Schools.

About Rethinking Schools

Rethinking Schools began in 1986, when a group of Milwaukee education activists - teachers, teacher educators, and community members - met to talk about how they could bring more critical voices into the conversation about public schools and libraries. These founding Rethinking Schools editors saw a school curriculum that was conservative, dumbed-down, and dominated by corporate-produced textbooks. Inappropriate standardized testing was rampant. Racial bias infected every level of schooling.

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Rethinking Schools is a nonprofit publisher and advocacy organization dedicated to sustaining and strengthening public education through social justice teaching and education activism.

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Teaching Activity. By Bill Bigelow and Norm Diamond. 8 pages. In this "mystery" activity, students receive clues and discuss some of the factors that contributed to the intensification of racism in the 1920s in the United States.

Themes: African American, Labor, Racism & Racial Identity

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Teaching Activity. By Thom Thacker and Michael A. Lord. 4 pages. Rethinking Schools. An art contest is used as the basis from which students can examine primary historical documents (advertisements for runaway slaves) to gain a deeper understanding of the institution of slavery in the North.

Time Periods: Colonization: 1492 - 1764, 18th Century, Revolution & Constitution: 1765 - 1799, 19th Century, Early 19th Century: 1800 - 1849, Civil War Era: 1850 - 1864

Themes: African American, Racism & Racial Identity, Slavery and Resistance

Read More

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Teaching Materials - Zinn Education Project

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Teaching Activity. By Bill Bigelow and Norm Diamond. 8 pages. In this "mystery" activity, students receive clues and discuss some of the factors that contributed to the intensification of racism in the 1920s in the United States. Themes: African American, Labor, Racism & Racial Identity Read More Teaching Activity.

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Black Lives Matter In Schools Curriculum Guide 2020

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Black Lives Matter In Schools Curriculum Guide 2020

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Expert Advice On How To Talk To Children About Racism

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Expert Advice On How To Talk To Children About Racism

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Should we tell the children? How?

Those are among the many questions parents are asking after the deaths of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery and Breonna Taylor. Many white parents wonder whether to talk with their kids at all, while parents of color swallow their grief and fear to have "the talk" once again.

These deaths are part of a more complex story, one some parents have been telling for generations, and others have long felt they've had the luxury to ignore. Experts in child psychology and race-based stress say these conversations are essential for all parents to have, and they underscore that there are developmentally appropriate ways to talk to children of all ages about racism and police brutality.
George Floyd protests: How did we get here?
"Silence will not protect you or them," said Beverly Daniel Tatum, a psychologist and author of "Why Are All The Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? And Other Conversations About Race." " Avoiding the topic is not a solution."

Racism persists, experts say, because many parents avoid difficult conversations.

"One of the most important things to remember is that you may not have all the answers, and that is OK," said Erlanger Turner, a clinical psychologist and assistant professor of psychology at Pepperdine University who studies mental health among racial communities.

USA TODAY spoke with Tatum andTurner about how to talk with children about racial violence:

Why is it important to talk with children about what happened to George Floyd and other incidents of police brutality or racism in the news?

Beverly Daniel Tatum: Even young children may see or hear about highly publicized incidents like the George Floyd case - perhaps overhearing the TV or the radio - and may ask questions. Or if parents are upset by the news, the child may perceive the parent's distress and ask why Mom or Dad is upset. In either case, an age-appropriate explanation is better than silence. Older children with Internet access may see online images on their own. Initiating an age-appropriate conversation can give children a helpful frame for understanding difficult realities. If parents are silent, children will draw their own often faulty conclusions about what is happening and why.

Erlanger Turner: Many adults are hurt and angered by these events, and their children may notice changes in their mood. It is helpful to have a healthy conversation around what happened and also talk about ways to cope when you witness social injustice.

Does COVID-19 warrant avoiding these conversations, given many children are already struggling with fear, anxiety and uncertainty?
'This report is ... a joke':House Democrats blast CDC over racial disparity data amid coronavirus
BDT: No. Not talking about upsetting events only fuels fear, anxiety and uncertainty. Being able to talk about something with a supportive adult can reduce fear, anxiety and uncertainty. Parents may avoid the conversation because they don't know what to say, but it is a mistake to think that their silence is helpful.

ET: I don't think that anxiety and fear about COVID-19 should stop a parent from talking about police brutality. This issue has been increasing in concern over the last few years as the number of black and brown people killed by police continue to rise. I think if you do talk with your child don't leave them in a high state of worry. Make sure to end the conversation by engaging in a pleasant activity after the difficult discussion so they won't stay worried or afraid.

How do parents start these conversations and how does that change depending on the age of their children?

ET: I think the first place to start a conversation around racism and police brutality is with honesty. Take ownership of your feelings and be comfortable sharing those feelings with your child. Then you can begin to allow them to share what they may already know about racial differences. I think that it is always good to allow children to share their opinion and understanding before you offer information.

For younger children conversations about racism should be limited to basic facts about how people are treated differently due to the color of their skin but also acknowledge that not everyone treats people differently based on race. For older teens, parents can consider exposure to news or social media posts as discussion points about this issue.

BDT: Regardless of the age of the child, it is important to balance acknowledging the reality of racism, or unfairness, with messages about the possibility of change, and the community of allies who are working together to make things better.

If a child of color asks if a police officer is going to kill them, what do you say?

BDT: The answer will depend on the age of the child. If it is a young child, a parent can be reassuring. "No, honey, you don't have to worry about that. Police officers don't want to hurt you."

In response to an older child, it can be reassuring to say something like: "I know that it is scary to think that something like that might happen, and I really don't want you to worry about anything like that. I know that most police officers want to help people, and most police officers never fire their guns. But sometimes they do get nervous and make mistakes. So it is important for you to know what to do if a police officer ever stops you..."

Black parents often refer to this as "the talk" they have to have with their adolescent sons to increase the odds they will survive an encounter with a police officer if and when they are stopped.

ET: That is a tough question. Depending on the age of the child, they may have some awareness of youth that have been killed by police. Obviously you don't want to respond in a way that is going to make children be more fearful for their safety. In my opinion, I think that you should let children know that most police officers work to protect them and their community.

If a child says they are afraid or angry, what do you say?

BDT: Acknowledge the child's feelings. The parent may have similar feelings. "I know it's upsetting to hear about and see these things happening. It upsets me too when bad things like this happen. Racism is very unfair. But it makes me feel better to know there are lots of people who want to change things." Being able to offer specific examples of community change agents would be useful. Being able to talk about what family members are doing to speak up against unfairness is especially useful. Actions always speak louder than words.

ET: If a child tells you that they are angry, that is appropriate. Don't force them to hide their emotional expression. However, be sure to help them identify ways to express their anger in a healthy manner which may include journaling or exercising to release the energy from their body.
Bear witness, record, de-escalate: How race may affect what bystanders are called to do in cases like George Floyd's
If a child is afraid for one of their friends, what do you say?

BDT: "I can see that you are worried about your friend. What do you think we could do that might help him or her?" Depending on the situation, this could be an opportunity to talk about what it means to be an ally, and how to stand in solidarity with another person.

ET: If a child is afraid for one of their friends, talk with them about those emotions. Allow the child to express why they may be afraid and help them identify how they can check on their friend's safety to ease their anxiety or fear. Part of what increases anxiety is the fear of the unknown. If you have a plan of action it will reduce some of those fears.

How can parents talk about law enforcement in a way that is honest but also doesn't discourage children from seeking help from law enforcement when appropriate?

BDT: Most police officers become police officers because they want to help people. And there are times when we would really want a police officer to help us - give some examples - if there's been a car accident, or if someone took something that belonged to us, etc. But sometimes a police officer does something bad, like today. When that happens, we might start to think that all police officers are like that. But it's important to remember that that is not true.

ET: I think that it is very important to talk with the children about law enforcement. For example, you can talk with them about how they protect rules in society such as making sure that people don't drive too fast so they won't harm themselves or others. Providing clear examples about the ways that law enforcement helps society will allow the child to better understand. You can also be honest about situations such as police brutality and let children know that some police officers break laws. If you have a trusted officer in your community it may be good to also allow the child to talk with them in person to reduce their fear.

Should these conversations be different depending on the race of the child?

BDT: Children of color are likely to experience racist encounters as they get older. They need to be helped to understand their own worth and feel affirmed in their identity as young people of color despite the negative messages they may get from others. Parents of color want to raise self-confident and empowered children who are not demoralized by other people's racism. This requires lots of conversation about racism and how to resist it in an ongoing way throughout their children's lives.

White children are often racially isolated as a consequence of segregated schools and neighborhoods, and consequently limited in their understanding of people different from themselves. White parents who want to interrupt the cycle of racism must learn to talk to their children about it and model their own anti-racist activity.
George Floyd video adds to trauma:'When is the last time you saw a white person killed online?'
ET: According to research, white parents often don't talk with their children about race or may emphasize "not seeing color." The concept of colorblindness or "not seeing color" is more harmful than helpful and does not honor an individual's identity. ... For white families, research suggests ... conversations should focus on raising anti-racist children and encouraging more friendships with children from others races.

Many of these deaths garner attention because footage of it goes viral. What should we say if our child asks to see it?

BDT: There are many adults who don't want to see such footage. I would not show it to a child at all. Once an image is in your head, it is very difficult to get it out. That said, it is reasonable to describe what happened and talk about why it was wrong. It is also likely that children with Internet access can view the footage without an adult's permission or assistance. Talking about it after the fact will help children process their feelings.

ET: You should not show your children these videos as it may increase the likelihood of them experiencing symptoms of trauma or having nightmares. What we know from research on witnessing disasters is that individuals may be at a higher risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder even through indirect exposure to these events.

What do we say if, in the course of this conversation, a child says something racist?
George Floyd protests: Anger floods U.S. cities
BDT: Inquire about it with curiosity, not judgment. "I'm wondering why you said that ..." After hearing more about what the child is thinking, you can offer correction by providing new information. "You know, a lot of people might think that is true, but I don't because...."
You may also be interested in: Alia E. Dastagir is a recipient of a Rosalynn Carter fellowship for mental health journalism. Follow her on Twitter: @alia_e
ET: I think the first thing to do is to not get defensive. You want to foster open communication with your child. However, I think you should explore why they have that opinion, where did they learn it from, and tell them why what they said was wrong. It might be helpful for you as a parent to think about ways that you may have unconsciously expressed racist attitudes.

How can parents explain the uprisings in a way that doesn't condone violence but also doesn't minimize the sense of injustice fueling them?

BDT: Children understand the concept of unfairness as well as the experience of frustration. Years and years of unfairness - racism - results in intense anger and frustration. The conversation can then be about what we must do to fix the continuing unfairness.

ET: I think it is important for parents to be honest. Share your hurt, anger, or disappointment with your child. You should also talk about different ways to protest social injustice such as calling your local politicians office or even visit their office to talk with them about policy change to reduce injustice.

Resources for parents

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George Floyd. Ahmaud Arbery. Breonna Taylor. What do we tell our children?

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Should we tell the children? How? Those are among the many questions parents are asking after the deaths of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery and Breonna Taylor. Many white parents wonder whether to talk with their kids at all, while parents of color swallow their grief and fear to have "the talk" once again.

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The United States has a racism problem. The idea of tackling such complicated and hurtful topics in our homes and classrooms is daunting, but we can't look away. We MUST face it. Fortunately, we live in a time when technology provides resources, such as the anti-racism videos below, designed to support us as we navigate these difficult and painful conversations.

For Parents and Educators

It's crucial that you feel confident and prepared to lead important discussions about what it means to be not only "not racist," but resolutely anti-racist. Here are some resources to help you get ready.

Be Boldly Anti-Racist

Elementary school educator, Naomi O'Brien, asks: "How did I become boldly anti-racist? By following my mom's example. How can you be bold and set an example for your kids and students?"

How to Talk to Kids About Race

In a new episode of Home School, The Atlantic's animated series about parenting, author Jeremy Tisby offers advice on how to have a conversation with children about race, from experiential learning to watching classic animated films.

How I Teach Kids About Racism (Kindergarten and 1st Grade)

This video is about elementary school teachers sharing the lessons they teach each year to introduce the topic of racism to their kindergarten and first grade students.

How Parents Can Help Kids Understand the Protests and Fight Racism

Dr. Janet Taylor shares advice with parents who may be struggling to talk about racism and the unrest that has erupted after the death of George Floyd.

For Kids and Students

Whether you're curled up with your kids at home or leading a group of students, here are some educational anti-racism videos to help get the conversation started.

Let's Talk About Race

The Tutu Teacher made this video for kindergarten students. In the video, she discusses what racism is and how it's impacted the lives of Black and Brown people. She also reads aloud the story Let's Talk about Race.

Sesame Street: Color of Me Song

Sesame Street explores: "What is the color of 'you?' Is your skin color tan, light brown, milky white, or dark dark brown? Whatever color you are, be proud and sing along."

Sesame Street: Song: I Love My Hair

Sesame Street invites children to "...sing along and make the world aware that YOU love your hair!"

Systemic Racism Explained

Systemic racism affects every area of life in the U.S., from incarceration rates to predatory loans, and trying to solve these problems requires changes in major parts of our system. This video offers a closer look at what systemic racism is, and how we can solve it.

Discrimination Explained for Kids

In this video, Pop'n'Olly discover what discrimination means and provide a few examples. They also talk about discrimination and the law.

Sesame Street Explains Racism and Protesting

Sesame Street and CNN worked together to create the "Coming Together: Standing Up to Racism" town hall for kids and families.

Woke Read Alouds: Wings

In this video, Ki reads the story Wings by author/illustrator Christopher Myers. They take readers on a fun, animated, and thoughtful journey through the book, leaving time for think alouds and responses from kids. They also include reading strategies, resources, and tips for parents throughout. This resource serves as a full academic read aloud.

Kids Talk About Segregation

It's been 62 years since Brown v. Board of Education, but the percentage of racially segregated schools in the United States has been growing steadily over the past 15 years. New York has the most segregated schools in the country. This video talks to Bronx 5th graders about what segregation looks like today.

A Kids Book About Racism

This read aloud is, as the title suggests, a kids' book about racism. Inside, you'll find a clear description of what racism is, how it makes people feel when they experience it, and how to spot it when it happens.

A Kids Book About Belonging

This read aloud tackles what it's like when you feel like you belong to a group or family or team and what it's like when you don't. It addresses what it feels like when you don't fit in, or when others don't want you around. This book teaches kids how to belong to themselves and how that helps them belong anywhere.

SAY SOMETHING Read Aloud

This read aloud of SAY SOMETHING helps explain race to kids as well as the importance of speaking up.

Students Learn A Powerful Lesson About Privilege

Using a recycling bin and some scrap paper, this video showcases a powerful exercise about privilege. Do all students have the same opportunities?

Black Parents Explain How to Deal with the Police

Brave parents and their curious kids confront some of life's biggest and most uncomfortable lessons.

Film Kits for Classrooms

These classroom-friendly films and user guides will help you bring social justice topics to life. Incredibly, Teaching Tolerance offers these film kits for FREE for use in K-12 schools, public libraries, schools of education, houses of worship, and youth-serving nonprofit organizations.

Designed for in-service programs, this training tool for early grades educators profiles classrooms in which peace, equity, and justice are guiding themes. (Available for order.)

This film takes viewers to the very communities where heinous acts of violence took place, offering a painful look back at lives lost to lynching and a critical look forward. (Available for streaming only.)

The film tells the story of a courageous group of students and teachers who, along with other activists, fought a nonviolent battle to win voting rights for African Americans in the South. (Available for order.)

This special teachers' edition of the Oscar-winning documentary film tells the heroic story of the young people in Birmingham, Alabama, who brought segregation to its knees. (Available for order.)

A Time for Justice, an Oscar-winning documentary, captures the spirit of the civil rights movement through historical footage and the voices of activists who sat, sang, and marched. (Available for order.)
What anti-racism videos do you feel are important to education? Share in the comments below. Also, 19 Black Teachers on Instagram to Listen To and Learn From.

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21 Anti-Racism Videos To Share With Kids

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The United States has a racism problem. The idea of tackling such complicated and hurtful topics in our homes and classrooms is daunting, but we can't look away. We MUST face it. Fortunately, we live in a time when technology provides resources, such as the anti-racism videos below, designed to support us as we navigate these difficult and painful conversations.

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How to talk to kids about race short video

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How to talk to kids about race short video

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Talking With Children of Various Ages About Race and Racial Justice

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Talking With Children of Various Ages About Race and Racial Justice

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Talking With Kids About Racism, Police Brutality

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If we want to raise compassionate kids and responsible citizens in a democracy, we need to talk about these issues. Here’s an age by age guide for these talks.

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10 Tips for Teaching and Talking to Kids About Race and Racism

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10 Tips for Teaching and Talking to Kids About Race and Racism

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10 Tips...In Spanish
10 ideas en Espanol

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Parents and other caregivers are seeking resources to help them hold children through the current, terrible wave of racialized violence, which is exacerbated by the tensions and vulnerabilities exposed by the COVID-19 pandemic. As scholars, writers, and parents who use books to connect with our children and spark conversations with them, we've developed this book list to help engage the broad range of emotions and needs of diverse children in our multiracial society. In some cases, we've highlighted worthy, albeit lesser-known titles. Some are older books, some are newer, and a few will publish later this year but are available for pre-order now. This list skews heavily towards #ownvoices books and is arranged alphabetically by title.

Please use these books to help you do the work of making the world a safer, more equitable place for all children.

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20 Picture Books for 2020: Readings to Embrace Race, Provide Solace &...

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As scholars, writers, and parents who use books to connect with our children and spark conversations with them, we've developed this book list to help...

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EXTENSIVE Diverse Books Lists on Race Racial Justice and MUCH MORE

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EXTENSIVE Diverse Books Lists on Race Racial Justice and MUCH MORE

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When looking for a list of children's books about diversity, you may have a specific topic in mind. You may want books about ethnic diversity, or books that address specific social or gender issues, or perhaps you only want books which include diverse characters in everyday situations with no mention of social issues at all. I've curated many multicultural and diverse kids book lists on a number of different topics like this list of picture books with Muslim characters, and for this book list I am focusing on picture books that focus on diversity in general sense. It goes without saying that diverse books are for all kids, not just children of color.

How to use this list of books about diversity:

Although the books on this list are great general books that address diversity on a local and global level, I've noted related links for further reading throughout. Of course, You will want to delve deeper into the subject with your children! Including a healthy dose of multicultural picture books in your kids' reading diets by exploring the highlighted lists will help you do that.

As always, if you find this list useful, please share it with your fellow parents and educators-the kids will thank you. (Note: book covers and titles are affiliate links.)

MORE: Picture books with diverse characters in everyday situations

MORE: Diverse poetry books for kids

In Our Mothers' House by Patricia Polacco. I've mentioned before that you can always count on finding a book to suit your needs if you turn to Polacco's enormous oeuvre. In this story, young black girl narrates her happy familial existence. She has two moms and a multicultural, adopted family. They have loving traditions and a warm, affectionate home life. Unfortunately a neighbor directly confronts the family to tell them she doesn't approve of their family! Use this book to talk to your kids about others are afraid of what they do not understand ( a wise lesson that one of the mothers in the book teaches her child) and challenge your kids to think about how we can overcome prejudice and open people's hearts.

MORE: Books about multiracial families; books that challenge gender stereotypes

MORE: Kids books about being different

Say Hello! by Rachel Isadora is a great book to turn the diversity focus on your own neighborhood. Carmelita walks her dog in the neighborhood, greeting all her neighbors. Each neighbor in turn answers "Hello!" in his or her own language. My kids probably hear 4 or 5 different languages every day just by being outside in NYC so it's nice to have a book that recognizes that reality. After you read this to your kids, talk about if they ever hear different languages spoken in their own nabe.
MORE: Multicultural board books for babies and toddlers

People by Peter Spier is a classic and wonderfully oversized book which contains meticulously detailed illustrations just waiting for your kids to delve into. Spier takes readers around the world, to places they may never see in a lifetime, introducing parents and kids alike to interesting people and cultures vastly different from their own. I actually have mixed thoughts about recommending this book. It was written in 1988 and so you will want to have a conversation with your kids about how they would choose to update some of the representations. I would pair it with a more contemporary book, like One World, One Day, which I think would be a great learning experience.

MORE: Classic diverse picture books

MORE: Children's books about social justice

Let's Talk About Race by Julius Lester, illustrated by Karen Barbour. The title says it all. This book focuses on helping kids tell their own story and including their race as an integral, but only one part of their personal history. Lester begins by describing his own story and including, "Oh, and ... I'm black." His narrative then asks kids to think about how people are the same, as well as how they are different. This is a really useful book for getting kids to talk directly about how being of a certain race influences their personal story.

MORE: Picture books to teach kids about racism

MORE: Read your way around the world: 50 picture books

MORE: Books about kids with special needs

As long time readers know, I try to ensure all my book lists are as diverse as possible, no matter what the subject. You will find the catalog all my book lists here.

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Children's Books About Diversity and Multiculturalism

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When looking for a list of children's books about diversity, you may have a specific topic in mind. You may want books about ethnic diversity, or books that address specific social or gender issues, or perhaps you only want books which include diverse characters in everyday situations with no mention of social issues at all.

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Just what is going on with white people? Police shootings of unarmed African Americans. Acts of domestic terrorism by white supremacists. The renewed embrace of raw, undisguised white-identity politics. Unending racial inequity in schools, housing, criminal justice, and hiring. Some of this feels new, but in truth it's an old story.

Why? Where did the notion of "whiteness" come from? What does it mean? What is whiteness for?

Scene on Radio host and producer John Biewen took a deep dive into these questions, along with an array of leading scholars and regular guest Dr. Chenjerai Kumanyika, in this fourteen-part documentary series, released between February and August 2017. The series editor is Loretta Williams.

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Just what is going on with white people? Police shootings of unarmed African Americans. Acts of domestic terrorism by white supremacists. The renewed embrace of raw, undisguised white-identity politics. Unending racial inequity in schools, housing, criminal justice, and hiring. Some of this feels ne

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In this groundbreaking work, therapist Resmaa Menakem examines the damage caused by racism in America from the perspective of trauma and body-centered psychology.
The body is where our instincts reside and where we fight, flee, or freeze, and it endures the trauma inflicted by the ills that plague society. Menakem argues this destruction will continue until Americans learn to heal the generational anguish of white supremacy, which is deeply embedded in all our bodies. Our collective agony doesn't just affect African Americans. White Americans suffer their own secondary trauma as well. So do blue Americans--our police.

My Grandmother's Hands is a call to action for all of us to recognize that racism is not about the head, but about the body, and introduces an alternative view of what we can do to grow beyond our entrenched racialized divide.

* Paves the way for a new, body-centered understanding of white supremacy--how it is literally in our blood and our nervous system.

* Offers a step-by-step healing process, in addition to incisive social commentary.

"Sensitive and probing, this book from therapist Menakem delves into the complex effects of racism and white privilege....he speaks from the wisdom of his grandmother and his own expertise in somatic therapy." Publishers Weekly

"An exceptionally thought-provoking and important account that looks at race in a radical new way. For all readers." Library Journal

"Kudos to Resmaa Menakem for such a sorely-needed seminal work which couldn't be more practical or more timely, given this bitterly-divided country's current state of race relations." The Harlem Dispatch

Resmaa Menakem, MSW, LICSW, is a therapist with decades of experience currently in private practice in Minneapolis, MN, specializing in trauma, body-centered psychotherapy, and violence prevention. He has appeared on the Oprah Winfrey Show and Dr. Phil as an expert on conflict and violence. Menakem has studied with bestselling authors Dr. David Schnarch ( Passionate Marriage) and Dr. Bessel van der Kolk ( The Body Keeps the Score). He also trained at Peter Levine's Somatic Experiencing Trauma Institute.

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my grandmother's hands: racialized trauma and the pathway to mending our hearts and bodies

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My Grandmother's Hands: Racialized Trauma and the Pathway to Mending Our Hearts and Bodies by Resmaa Menakem

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In this groundbreaking work, therapist Resmaa Menakem examines the damage caused by racism in America from the perspective of trauma and body-centered psychology. The body is where our instincts reside and where we fight, flee, or freeze, and it endures the trauma inflicted by the ills that plague society.

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Why You Need to Stop Saying “All Lives Matter”

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Why You Need to Stop Saying “All Lives Matter”

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By Rachel Elizabeth Cargle

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Black lives did not matter when they were inhumanely transported like livestock from Africa. Black lives did not matter when they were lynched by the hundreds at the hands of the KKK. Black lives did not matter when they were attacked by dogs as they protested for equal rights.

With the weekly news cycle seeming to, without fail, include the death of at least one black boy at the hands of the police, or the body of a black woman being thrown to the ground by local law enforcement, or a black child being manhandled by the services meant to protect them, my heart sinks as I cling to the desire that black lives will matter.

When Nancy Pelosi, as part of MSNBC's town hall last year, was asked by student Shelly Ward if she supported the Black Lives Matter movement, Pelosi's response was an all too familiar " Well, I believe that all lives matter". Her statement was to the very obvious disappointment of the young black woman who asked the question, and to the disappointment of an exhausted black community.

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As someone who is constantly bombarded with the howling of "but all lives matter"-and the heated conversations that inevitably follow-let me explain. Black Lives Matter is not a term of confrontation or an exclusionary demand. As Columbia Law Professor Kimberle Crenshaw explains, saying black lives matter "is simply aspirational;" it's a rallying cry for a shift in statistical numbers that show that people who are black are twice as likely to be killed by a police officer while unarmed, compared to a white individual. According to a 2015 study, African-Americans died at the hands of police at a rate of 7.2 per million, while whites were killed at a rate of 2.9 per million.

Anyone who has kept any type of pulse on civil rights and the black human condition in the United States since the transatlantic slave trade would understand the need to emphasize the protection of black bodies. The people who have had the luxury of ignoring this particular issue is the white community, which has had the privilege of not questioning-on a large scale-whether the systems they live in are detrimental to their livelihoods, based on their skin color.

But as the Black Lives Matter movement emerged, they were all of a sudden jolted into an awareness of the intersection of race and surviving police encounters. Instead of exploring the reasons why a movement like this would even be necessary, many have a knee jerk reaction. "What about me?" "All lives matter," they cry. "Why be divisive and unfair, what about our safety?" The point these people miss is that the majority of experiences here in America already tend to center and highlight whiteness and cater to its safety. The country was built to function that way. Its roots of white supremacy and the marginalized concern for people of color has remained.

Today, looking at the gross brutality and murders of black American citizens like Oscar Grant, Michelle Cusseaux, Samuel Dubose, and Jordan Edwards, we are still aspiring to convince you that black lives matter.

But let's get back to the issue of countering Black Lives Matter with the phrase "All Lives Matter." I've come to describe this as a collective gaslighting from the white community. Gaslighting is a tactic in which a person or entity, in order to gain more power (or in this case, keep their own peace), makes a victim question their reality. Why do those who counter black lives matter act as though black people aren't aware of the glaring disproportionate statistics of police brutality, of health care racism, and of mass incarceration? This is our reality. You deciding to ignore it for your own comfort doesn't make it any less true.

If a patient being rushed to the ER after an accident were to point to their mangled leg and say, "This is what matters right now," and the doctor saw the scrapes and bruises of other areas and countered, "but all of you matters," wouldn't there be a question as to why he doesn't show urgency in aiding that what is most at risk? At a community fundraiser for a decaying local library, you would never see a mob of people from the next city over show up angry and offended yelling, "All libraries matter!"-especially when theirs is already well-funded.

This is because there is a fundamental understanding that when the parts of society with the most pain and lack of protection are cared for, the whole system benefits. For some reason, the community of white America would rather adjust the blinders they've set against racism, instead of confront it, so that the country can move forward toward a true nation of justice for all.

"Stating 'black lives matter' doesn't insinuate that other lives don't."

Let me be clear: our stating that black lives matter doesn't insinuate that other lives don't. Of course all lives matter. That doesn't even need to be said. But the fact that white people get so upset about the term black lives matter is proof that nothing can center the wellbeing and livelihoods of black bodies without white people assuming it is to their demise.

My personal message to those committed to saying "all lives matter" in the midst of the justice-driven work of the Black Lives Matter movement: prove it. Point out the ways our society-particularly the systems set in place to protect citizens like police officers and doctors and elected officials-are showing up to serve and protect black lives. Illuminate the instances in which the livelihood of the black community was prioritized, considering the circumstances that put us into less-privileged spaces to begin with. Direct me to the evidence of justice for the bodies discarded at the hands of those in power, be it by unjustified murder, , poisoned water, or medical discrimination.

These are the things that must be rectified for us to be able to exhale. Until then, I'll be here, my black fist raised with Black Lives Matter on my lips.

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What It Really Means When You Say "All Lives Matter"

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Black lives did not matter when they were inhumanely transported like livestock from Africa. Black lives did not matter when they were lynched by the hundreds at the hands of the KKK. Black lives did not matter when they were attacked by dogs as they protested for equal rights.

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Read aloud on Storyline Online

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By: Mildred Taylor

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ACTION: 75 Things White People Can Do for Racial Justice

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ACTION: 75 Things White People Can Do for Racial Justice

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106 Things White People Can Do for Racial Justice

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Note 1: This article was last updated on February 5, 2022.
Note 2: Our work is to fix what we broke and left broken. The work isn’t done…

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4 Ways Racial Inequity Harms American School Children-NPR

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The police killings of George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky., have sparked a national conversation around racial justice. But the country's racial justice problems aren't limited to policing - American schools have long struggled with racial inequity.

"Our students of color are treated differently in our schools," Kim Ellison, who chairs the Minneapolis Board of Education, told NPR earlier this month. A week after Floyd's death, the board voted to end its contract with the city's police department, which provided the district with school resource officers.

"It's an issue of equity for us," Ellison explained.

Equity has long been a problem in American education. In many ways, the issues playing out between police and communities of color - including implicit bias and overly harsh treatment - are playing out in schools, too.

Here are four things to know about how racial inequity affects the nation's school children.
Black students are more likely to be arrested at school.
In the 2013-2014 school year, black students accounted for 16% of students enrolled in U.S. public schools, but 33% of arrests in those schools. That's according to a 2017 analysis of federal data by the Education Week Research Center. Meanwhile, white students accounted for 50% of enrollment and 34% of arrests, and Hispanic students accounted for 25% enrollment and 25% of arrests.

"If you've got a kid who is black, there's a decent amount of research that shows that good, well-intentioned and not overtly racist people will look at that situation and judge it to be more threatening," said Josh Gupta-Kagan, a law professor at the University of South Carolina.

Gupta-Kagan spoke to NPR's Kat Chow in 2017, two years after a troubling video went viral, showing a school resource officer in South Carolina throwing a black student from her desk to the ground.

The video angered many parents in the district, and led them to question the role SROs should play in schools. Hugh Harmon, then-head of the district's black parents association, told Chow his group has been asking for some time, "Is [the SRO] a school police officer, or is he a resource as the name suggests?"
Black students are more likely to be suspended.
In 2018, NPR's Anya Kamenetz reported that between 2012 to 2016, black high school students were twice as likely to be suspended as white or Hispanic high school students.

Students with disabilities were also twice as likely to be suspended as those without disabilities. According to federal data, special education students are also more likely to be Native American or black.

Kamenetz wrote, "research suggests suspension and expulsion, arrests and referrals to law enforcement, [are] associated with dropping out of school and going to jail. All of these consequences happen more frequently to black students, even in preschool."

Implicit bias isn't just a police problem - it happens in preschool, too.

A 2016 paper from the Yale Child Study Center looked at how implicit bias plays out in preschool classrooms. The study was simple: Preschool teachers were shown videos of four children - a black boy and girl, and a white boy and girl - and were asked to flag any "challenging behavior." The kicker was that the videos didn't actually display any challenging behavior.

According to NPR's Cory Turner, researchers used special eye-scan technology to measure where the teachers were looking. Lead researcher Walter Gilliam wanted to know: When teachers expected bad behavior, who did they watch?

"What we found was exactly what we expected based on the rates at which children are expelled from preschool programs," Gilliam said. "Teachers looked more at the black children than the white children, and they looked specifically more at the African-American boy."
White school districts receive more funding on average than nonwhite districts.
In 2019, a report from the nonprofit EdBuild began with a striking number: $23 billion. That's how much more funding predominantly white school districts receive compared with districts that serve mostly students of color.

As NPR's Clare Lombardo reported, EdBuild found that high-poverty districts serving mostly students of color receive about $1,600 less per student than the national average, while districts that are predominately white and poor receive about $130 less.

What's causing that disparity? A school district's resources often come down to how wealthy an area is and how much residents pay in taxes, explained Rebecca Sibilia, founder and CEO of EdBuild.

"We have built a school funding system that is reliant on geography, and therefore the school funding system has inherited all of the historical ills of where we have forced and incentivized people to live," she says.

Funding inequities will likely get worse during the current pandemic. With state income and sales tax revenues crashing, some governors are already cutting their education budgets. Education leaders are warning the cuts could lead to a devastating financial meltdown for schools.

According to recent reporting from Cory Turner, "schools won't just need help making up for dramatic gaps in state spending. They'll need extra money to pay for the extra things they're being asked to do: feed children and families in hard-hit communities, help millions of students make up for learning time they've lost while home, and make sure schools are safe when children do finally return to class."

In many states, Turner found, these cuts will hit vulnerable, low-income communities the hardest.

The same is true when it comes to the challenges around remote learning. About 1 in 4 Americans don't have access to high speed internet at home, according to a survey from the Pew Research Center. And those unconnected households are more likely to be black or Hispanic, Pew found. With schools relying so heavily on remote learning during the pandemic, students in these households are also more at risk of falling behind.

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4 Ways Racial Inequity Harms American Schoolchildren

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The police killings of George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky., have sparked a national conversation around racial justice. But the country's racial justice problems aren't limited to policing - American schools have long struggled with racial inequity.

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Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack: Classic Article on White Privilege

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Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack: Classic Article on White Privilege

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by Peggy McIntosh

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Agreements for conversations and book talks about race adapted from Courageous Conversations

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Agreements for conversations and book talks about race adapted from Courageous Conversations

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Psychology Today

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Fifty-five years ago, Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat to a White man, and in doing so, provided the spark that set off the Civil Rights movement. Her actions that day were undeniably brave, but are even more impressive in the wake of recent research suggesting Black women are invisible. No, I don't mean invisible in the superhero kind of way; I mean invisible in a sociocultural way. That is, Black women are more likely than other racial/ gender groups to go unnoticed or unheard.

In a 2010 article published in the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Amanda Sesko and Monica Biernat examined the intriguing idea that Black women are socially invisible. In their first study, these researchers wanted to test if Black women were more likely to go unnoticed in a crowd, so they conducted a study to see how well people remembered Black women's faces. They showed White participants a series of photos depicting men and women who were White or Black. Later, participants were shown a new series of photos-some of the photos were new and some were the same photos they had seen before. Participants simply had to indicate if they had seen the face before. What they found is that participants' memory was worst at remembering whether they had seen a Black female face before or whether it was new. The same did not occur for Black male faces, suggesting it was something more than just the fact that the target was of another race than the participant. As the researchers pointed out, these results suggest that Black women are more likely than Black men or White men and women to go unnoticed by others in a group or social situation.

In a second follow up study, they examined whether Black women were also more likely to go unheard when contributing to a group conversation. In this study, participants overheard a conversation between eight people, including two Black women, two Black men, two White women, and two White men. After observing the conversation, participants were given a list of comments made during the conversation and were asked to match each comment to the correct speaker. The results showed that participants made the most errors when identifying the comments made by the Black female speakers. First, participants were more likely to mix up comments made by the two Black female speakers, suggesting that they perceived the two Black women as relatively interchangeable. Second, participants were also more likely to misattribute the Black female speakers' comments to the other speakers in the group. Taken together, these results indicate that compared to Black men, White men and White women, comments made by Black women are more likely to go unheard when made to a largely White audience.

So why is it that Black women are so invisible in social situations? Some argue it is because they don't fit the prototypical image of a stereotype target. In general, when people discuss "women's issues" or when research is conducted on gender bias, the focus is usually on White women. And when people discuss "racial issues" or when research is conducted on racial bias, the focus is usually on Black men. Because of their multiple subordinate-group identity, Black women live in the intersection between these two stereotyped groups, and as a result, often fall between the cracks.

So not only do Black women have to overcome the disadvantage of being a member of two underrepresented groups (a disadvantage sometimes referred to as the "double jeopardy hypothesis"), they also have to deal with another form of discrimination that is not shared by White women or Black men: Invisibility. This means their presence is more likely to go unnoticed and their voice more likely to go unheard. To stand out and voice their opinions, Black women have to work even harder than their fellow Black men or White women counterparts. In light of this, I am even more in awe at the strength and power of women like Oprah Winfrey, Michelle Obama, Condoleezza Rice, Maya Angelou, and of course, Rosa Parks.

Suggested Reading:
Sesko, A. K., & Biernat, M. (2010). Prototypes of race and gender: The invisibility of Black women. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 46, 356-360.

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Fifty-five years ago, Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat to a White man, and in doing so, provided the spark that set off the Civil Rights movement. Her actions that day were undeniably brave, but are even more impressive in the wake of recent research suggesting Black women are invisible.

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Still Invisible? Examining America's Black Male crisis

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Still Invisible? Examining America's Black Male crisis

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For purchase on Amazon on Kindle, Paperback, or Hardcover

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I spent 2 years teaching at a high school on a sea island in South Carolina. Yes, while reading it, the inherent racism was a little bit troubling, hoI spent 2 years teaching at a high school on a sea island in South Carolina. Yes, while reading it, the inherent racism was a little bit troubling, however that was their life at that school and continues to be a reality for many people who are part of that community. Not all parts of history, especially in the south, are rosy. In my experience, the cultural differences of my school were largely ignored by the district office on the mainland, much like Conroy writes about in his book. Things have improved immensely since his time, but in reading this book my first year teaching in South Carolina I learned so much about the history of the sea islands and learned so much about my students and their families. Kayleigh Nicole...more (less)

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I spent 2 years teaching at a high school on a sea island in South Carolina. Yes, while reading it, the inherent racism was a little bit troubling, hoI spent 2 years teaching at a high school on a sea island in South Carolina.

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This made-for-TV movie is a remake of the theatrical feature Conrack, using the original title of the source novel by Pat Conroy. Set in 1969, The Water Is Wide stars Jeff Hephner as Conroy, an idealistic young teacher whose first assignment is at a run-down school located on Yamacraw Island in South Carolina.

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Nominated for 2 Oscars. Another 4 wins & 5 nominations. See more awards "

Cast

Cast overview, first billed only:

Storyline

Aspiring actress Lora Meredith meets Annie Johnson, a homeless black woman at Coney Island and soon they share a tiny apartment. Each woman has an intolerable daughter, though, Annie's little girl Sarah Jane, is by far the worse. Neurotic and obnoxious, Sarah Jane doesn't like being black; since she's light-skinned (her father was practically white), she spends the rest of the film passing as white, much to her mother's heartache and shame. Lora, meanwhile, virtually ignores her own daughter in a single-minded quest for stardom. Written by alfiehitchie

Taglines:

Fannie Hurst's Best Selling Novel of Today's Tormented Generation!

Did You Know?

Trivia

The graduation scene was shot at Town & Country School, one of the schools which Lana Turner's real-life daughter, Cheryl Crane, had attended. See more "

Goofs

The type of desk telephone in Robert Alda's 1947 office was not developed until the mid-1950s. See more "

Quotes

: Your bones...
Lora Meredith : What about my bones?
: They're perfect. My camera could easily have a love affair with you.
See more "

Crazy Credits

Juanita Moore, who plays Annie, is billed with the credit "And Presenting Juanita Moore as Annie Johnson", even though she had already appeared in many films. See more "

Soundtracks

Empty Arms
(uncredited)
Written by Arnold Schwarzwald & Frederick Herbert
Performed by Susan Kohner dubbed by Jo Ann Greer
See more "

User Reviews

Details

Release Date:

18 March 1959 (USA)

Also Known As:

Imitation of Life

Box Office

Budget:

$2,000,000 (estimated)

Company Credits

Technical Specs

Sound Mix:

Mono | Mono (Westrex Recording System)

Color:

Color (Eastmancolor)

See full technical specs "

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Nominated for 2 Oscars. Another 4 wins & 5 nominations. See more awards " Cast overview, first billed only: Aspiring actress Lora Meredith meets Annie Johnson, a homeless black woman at Coney Island and soon they share a tiny apartment. Each woman has an intolerable daughter, though, Annie's little girl Sarah Jane, is by far the worse.

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Warner Bros. has made "Just Mercy" free to rent on digital streaming platforms throughout June.

The film is being offered as a resource to help educate people about the dangers of systemic racism.

Based on a true story, the movie focuses on the life of the civil-rights attorney Bryan Stevenson (Michael B. Jordan) as he fights to overturn the wrongful murder conviction of Walter McMillian (Jamie Foxx).

To learn more about Stevenson and his work with the Equal Justice Initiative, check out EJI.org.

In response to current events, Warner Bros. is offering free streaming rentals of its film "Just Mercy," from the director Destin Daniel Cretton and starring Michael B. Jordan and Jamie Foxx.

"Just Mercy," released in theaters on January 10, tells the true story of Bryan Stevenson (Jordan), a civil-rights attorney who works to defend Walter McMillian (Foxx), who was wrongfully convicted of murder.

You can rent "Just Mercy" for free in June through a variety of digital movie services in the US, including Apple TV, FandangoNow, Google Play, Amazon Prime Video, Redbox, the PlayStation Store, Vudu, Microsoft, and YouTube.

The studio said it hopes the film will be an educational resource for people who want to learn more about the dangers of systemic racism in our society.

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'Just Mercy' is now free to stream through June to help educate people on systemic racism

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Warner Bros. has made "Just Mercy" free to rent on digital streaming platforms throughout June. The film is being offered as a resource to help educate people about the dangers of systemic racism. Based on a true story, the movie focuses on the life of the civil-rights attorney Bryan Stevenson (Michael B.

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Documentary Series about Trayvon Martin and BLM

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'Rest in Power: The Trayvon Martin Story' Official Trailer | Paramount Network

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Documentary on James Baldwin and his perspective on race and racism in America. Available to stream at HollywoodTheatre.org (as of June 5th)

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by Ava DuVernay

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WHEN THEY SEE US Official Trailer (HD) Ava DuVernay Central Park Five Series

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Dismantling White Supremacy Culture in Schools

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Dismantling White Supremacy Culture in Schools

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Education Week - Next Gen Learning in Action

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By Joe Truss, the principal of Visitacion Valley Middle School in San Francisco and a leadership coach
White Supremacy Culture. White Supremacy Culture. White Supremacy Culture. Now that the shock of reading these words has worn off, let's explore what it is and why we need to dedicate more time to exploring its dehumanizing effect in our schools.

At Visitacion Valley Middle School (VVMS), in the San Francisco Unified school district, our brave staff spent a majority of the 2018-19 school year unpacking White Supremacy Culture (WSC). This took the form of discussions, watching short video clips, annotating readings, and doing some deep personal introspection. We needed to go deeper than our previous conversations about diversity, equity, and inclusion. Like most groups of educators, we had spent a few years dancing around topics of racism and struggled to make lasting change. Some conversations fell flat, and others were superficial. At times, it appeared that we weren't clearly aligned philosophically and did not have a focused call to action. Therefore, it was necessary to create shared understandings and subsequent commitments, which was facilitated by exploring a framework of White Supremacy Culture.

What is White Supremacy Culture?

It is the water we are swimming in. The trouble is we don't even see it. The Standing Up for Racial Justice coalition defines White Supremacy Culture as "the idea (ideology) that white people and the ideas, thoughts, beliefs, and actions of white people are superior to those of People of Color." Don't be confused. One does not have to be a white supremacist to hold these beliefs, because we have all been conditioned through exposure to media, parenting, schooling, and our interactions with power structures.

Even I, a black educator who has studied ethnic studies and critical race theory, still perpetuate tenets of White Supremacy Culture. I like to think of myself as a recovering perpetrator of WSC. This has included making decisions about curriculum, school partnership, and hiring, without authentically involving teachers or students in the process. As a leader, it is easy to hoard power , claim objectivity in decisionmaking, or believe that there is only one way to fix education. For a more complete list, see the 15 WSC characteristics from Tema Okun and Kenneth Jones in the 2001 Dismantling Racism Workbook. If I can be vulnerable and honest, white educators can and must do the same.

3 Reasons We Need to Dismantle White Supremacy Culture in Schools

The work to address racism in schools has been called cultural competency, diversity training, and equity. This work has gotten co-opted and watered down, leading to many people talking the talk, without much walk. We can have equity missions plastered on walls and front that we are about closing the opportunity gap, but we don't go deeper than diversity trainings. With respect to race, the foundational issue is White Supremacy Culture, and we must attack the problem head on.

1. WSC dehumanizes people of color. White Supremacy Culture is the silent killer flowing throughout classrooms and school hallways, like carbon monoxide gas. It is invisible and it is toxic. It is time that we detox and make the invisible visible. Dr. Bettina Love writes in her book, We Want to Do More Than Survive, "To even begin to attack our destructive and punitive educational system, pedagogies that promote social justice must ... help educators understand and recognize America and its schools as spaces of Whiteness, White rage, and White Supremacy, all of which function to terrorize students of color." ( Love, 2019) It is imperative that we examine these deeply held beliefs-both conscious and unconscious-to build on top of a new set of habits, behaviors, and systems.

These beliefs lead to actions that are dehumanizing to all races of people; however, they have a more drastic effect on indigenous, black, and people of color (IBPOC). They simultaneously tell us that we are not good enough and keep us to the bottom rungs of racial hierarchy if we do not assimilate. White Supremacy Culture also tricks us into thinking that if we change to fit a white model, we can be more valued but still never be white. This change comes at the cost of detaching ourselves from ourselves, which also is dehumanizing. This is true for our staff as well, contributing to racial fatigue and staff sustainability for IBPOC.

2. WSC shuts down learning. For students of color, characteristics of White Supremacy Culture similar to microaggressions hijack the amygdala. Consequently, "all other cognitive functions such as learning, problem solving, or creative thinking stop," ( Hammond, 2015) activating our fight, flight, or freeze response. This can create power struggles, a learning opportunity gap, and as the scholar Monique Morris writes, students being pushed out of schools. Therefore, unexamined behaviors of White Supremacy Culture are preventing students from being comfortable or supported enough to learn and flourish. For example, pushing students to work independently or write before processing verbally can lead to stress and isolation. Anther example might be superficially speeding through content or discouraging interruptions for questions. Due to stereotype threat, this is especially problematic when students of color are a numerical minority in a classroom or school. It is imperative that we examine our actions to see if they are further harming students of color, disempowering them, and creating a psychologically hostile learning environment.

3. Dismantling WSC unites staff to work toward being anti-racist. We have seen attempts at creating buy-in fail for initiatives like ethnic studies, mastery-based grading, or project-based learning. This is because we are starting with the branches of the tree instead of the roots. This leads to resistance or failure to follow through, maintaining a status quo of disproportionate outcomes for students based on race. However, when we name oppression, racism, and more explicitly White Supremacy Culture, folks have to determine where they stand, what they value, and why they work in education. This prompts staff to reflect and ultimately declare, "I want to be an anti-racist teacher, but I don't exactly know how." This has the power to unite folks at the foundational level, setting the stage for deeper commitments to learning new strategies, practices, and routines. Thus, we are building a collective purpose and a commitment to learning.

Ready to Go Deeper Than Diversity

At VVMS, we were able to get past defensiveness and excuses and get to the heart of the matter. Our courageous educators got personal, thinking about how White Supremacy Culture shows up in their personal lives and between colleagues.This might include wanting to win an argument, not making space for others to talk, and rushing through meetings. Discussing WSC gave us more impetus to make changes, because we now knew what was happening if we refused: microaggressions, dehumanization, widening the opportunity gap, and producing disproportionate outcomes.

As a result, staff were curious to take action to be anti-racist and promote a learning community that did the same. Specifically, this pushed on us to think about and change how we work together: We worked to create norms that encourage people of color and women to contribute, we shifted the relationship between teachers and administration so that teachers had more input in budget and hiring decisions, and finally, we adjusted the pace of our professional-development plans to emphasize quality over quantity. One teacher, Mary Chirichella added, "Some teachers had the courage to approach others to have tough conversations about microaggressions. We are continually navigating the phases of a ' call out to call in culture' with each other."

Further, staff moved to thinking about how our school practices perpetuate WSC and send negative messages to our students. For example, we looked at how our implicit bias when responding to student behavior leads to racially disproportionate discipline incidents and we organically identified restorative practices as a focus for the following year. Lastly, this work connected well with our concurrent work of racial affinity groups, social-justice teaching, and revising our school mission statement.

The work of exploring White Supremacy Culture gave our staff a new framework to define our North Star, being an anti-racist school. Consequently, this allows for us to align our purpose with our pedagogy, curricula, policies, decisionmaking processes, and adult structures. Now our previous work on Culturally Responsive Teaching, use of rubrics, and adding student voice had a theoretical underpinning. This coming year, we are looking at how to build more community in the classroom, how to unify our students across cultural differences, and how to reduce bias in our discipline systems. Now we can get to the work of promoting anti-racism, liberation, and achievement at our school, by looking through the lens of White Supremacy Culture.

Pitfalls and Prerequisites

Racial-equity work is like trying to defuse a bomb and cutting the wrong wire. It can result in white rage, broken relationships, grievances, and further harm to oppressed students. I saw this personally at VVMS, as situations got awkward, uncomfortable, and uncertain. This pushed some folks to identify who they could be safe with, be it for comfort or growth. But this messy middle is precisely when we need to stay curious, be vulnerable, and innovative. Racial-equity leaders must be both intentional and responsive when doing this anti-racist work. Here are two pitfalls to avoid.

The first pitfall is failing to scaffold for white privilege and white fragility. We must name, define, and plan for white fragility, the defensive response by whites when discussing racism. This includes emotions of fear, anger, and guilt, as well as actions of argumentation, silence, and withdrawal. It's important to note that these responses work to maintain current consciousness and white supremacy. ( DiAngelo, 2018).

We should be planning for the righteous rage of IBPOC (Indigenous Black People of Color), but 82 percent of our teaching force is white, so we will also plan for white fragility. Once white fragility is defined and debriefed amongst a team, we can begin to talk about racism, anti-racism, and White Supremacy Culture. Otherwise, white fragility will shut the anti-racist party down; it's an equity consciousness buzz kill, for real.

The second pitfall I will offer is avoiding the tendency to externalize the work of dismantling White Supremacy Culture. Yes, this is built into our systems of power, structures, policies, and rules. Yes, it is exhibited by leaders at all levels, including me. But to start, we must go inward. Specifically, we must look at how it shows up in our own lives, in our personal relationships, in between school staff, and in our histories. Further, we must look at how it has affected us and how we have perpetuated White Supremacy Culture. We are the operators of some piece of the education machine, and therefore, if we change our actions, we can change the larger system.

Dreams of Anti-Racist Schools

In my dream, I imagine that educators can become comfortable talking about race and how it informs the work of educating children. For instance, we might see folks making eye contact, leaning into conversations about racial identity, and asking probing questions. Also, we might hear phrases like, "That comment triggered me, it was a microaggression," "I think we can do better for our Latinx students," or "This is not consistent with our commitment to anti-racism." I imagine we might even see white folks redirecting their white colleagues and carrying their weight of racial conversations.

Ultimately, we are here to help students empower themselves through education. In my dream, I imagine that Culturally Responsive Teaching, restorative practices, and deeper learning are all alive in classrooms across the United States. In addition, we might see curricula that affirms and engages students of color. We might also see students connecting their identities to their learning and applying it back to their communities to manifest social justice.

In order to build this ideal structure, we must start at the base and engineer for equity. This requires dismantling White Supremacy Culture and building a new foundation for an anti-racist and empowering education. Imagine that.
Photos, courtesy of Joe Truss, from the top:

VVMS staff match examples of White Supremacy Culture to the definition of each characteristic.

Visitacion Valley Middle School in San Francisco Unified school district

Prompts for reading a White Supremacy Culture article

Staff watch a clip about white fragility during a staff meeting

Personal Commitment graphic organizer used in professional development

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What Happened When My School Started to Dismantle White Supremacy Culture

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By Joe Truss, the principal of Visitacion Valley Middle School in San Francisco and a leadership coach White Supremacy Culture. White Supremacy Culture. White Supremacy Culture. Now that the shock of reading these words has worn off, let's explore what it is and why we need to dedicate more time to exploring its dehumanizing effect in our schools.

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Courageous Conversations About Race: A Field Guide for ...

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Read 78 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. Deepen your understanding of racial factors in academic performance and discover new strate...

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An example of systemic racism in the agricultural world.

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The shameful story of how 1 million black families have been ripped from their farms

Zora J. Murff

Images above: A sign on a utility pole to deter hunters, near the old Scott-family homestead, Drew, Mississippi; Willena's brother Isaac Daniel Scott Sr. amid soybeans in Mound Bayou. Updated at 2:15 p.m. ET on September 29, 2019.
I. Wiped Out

"You ever chop before?" Willena Scott-White was testing me. I sat with her in the cab of a Chevy Silverado pickup truck, swatting at the squadrons of giant, fluttering mosquitoes that had invaded the interior the last time she opened a window. I was spending the day with her family as they worked their fields just outside Ruleville, in Mississippi's Leflore County. With her weathered brown hands, Scott-White gave me a pork sandwich wrapped in a grease-stained paper towel. I slapped my leg. Mosquitoes can bite through denim, it turns out.
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Cotton sowed with planters must be chopped-thinned and weeded manually with hoes-to produce orderly rows of fluffy bolls. The work is backbreaking, and the people who do it maintain that no other job on Earth is quite as demanding. I had labored long hours over other crops, but had to admit to Scott-White, a 60-something grandmother who'd grown up chopping, that I'd never done it.

"Then you ain't never worked," she replied.

The fields alongside us as we drove were monotonous. With row crops, monotony is good. But as we toured 1,000 acres of land in Leflore and Bolivar Counties, straddling Route 61, Scott-White pointed out the demarcations between plots. A trio of steel silos here. A post there. A patch of scruffy wilderness in the distance. Each landmark was a reminder of the Scott legacy that she had fought to keep-or to regain-and she noted this with pride. Each one was also a reminder of an inheritance that had once been stolen.

Drive Route 61 through the Mississippi Delta and you'll find much of the scenery exactly as it was 50 or 75 years ago. Imposing plantations and ramshackle shotgun houses still populate the countryside from Memphis to Vicksburg. Fields stretch to the horizon. The hands that dig into black Delta dirt belong to people like Willena Scott-White, African Americans who bear faces and names passed down from men and women who were owned here, who were kept here, and who chose to stay here, tending the same fields their forebears tended.

But some things have changed. Back in the day, snow-white bolls of King Cotton reigned. Now much of the land is green with soybeans. The farms and plantations are much larger-industrial operations with bioengineered plants, laser-guided tractors, and crop-dusting drones. Fewer and fewer farms are still owned by actual farmers. Investors in boardrooms throughout the country have bought hundreds of thousands of acres of premium Delta land. If you're one of the millions of people who have a retirement account with the Teachers Insurance and Annuity Association, for instance, you might even own a little bit yourself.

TIAA is one of the largest pension firms in the United States. Together with its subsidiaries and associated funds, it has a portfolio of more than 80,000 acres in Mississippi alone, most of them in the Delta. If the fertile crescent of Arkansas is included, TIAA holds more than 130,000 acres in a strip of counties along the Mississippi River. And TIAA is not the only big corporate landlord in the region. Hancock Agricultural Investment Group manages more than 65,000 acres in what it calls the "Delta states." The real-estate trust Farmland Partners has 30,000 acres in and around the Delta. AgriVest, a subsidiary of the Swiss bank UBS, owned 22,000 acres as of 2011. (AgriVest did not respond to a request for more recent information.)

Unlike their counterparts even two or three generations ago, black people living and working in the Delta today have been almost completely uprooted from the soil-as property owners, if not as laborers. In Washington County, Mississippi, where last February TIAA reportedly bought 50,000 acres for more than $200 million, black people make up 72 percent of the population but own only 11 percent of the farmland, in part or in full. In Tunica County, where TIAA has acquired plantations from some of the oldest farm-owning white families in the state, black people make up 77 percent of the population but own only 6 percent of the farmland. In Holmes County, the third-blackest county in the nation, black people make up about 80 percent of the population but own only 19 percent of the farmland. TIAA owns plantations there, too. In just a few years, a single company has accumulated a portfolio in the Delta almost equal to the remaining holdings of the African Americans who have lived on and shaped this land for centuries.

This is not a story about TIAA-at least not primarily. The company's newfound dominance in the region is merely the topsoil covering a history of loss and legally sanctioned theft in which TIAA played no part. But TIAA's position is instrumental in understanding both how the crimes of Jim Crow have been laundered by time and how the legacy of ill-gotten gains has become a structural part of American life. The land was wrested first from Native Americans, by force. It was then cleared, watered, and made productive for intensive agriculture by the labor of enslaved Africans, who after Emancipation would come to own a portion of it. Later, through a variety of means-sometimes legal, often coercive, in many cases legal and coercive, occasionally violent-farmland owned by black people came into the hands of white people. It was aggregated into larger holdings, then aggregated again, eventually attracting the interest of Wall Street.

Owners of small farms everywhere, black and white alike, have long been buffeted by larger economic forces. But what happened to black landowners in the South, and particularly in the Delta, is distinct, and was propelled not only by economic change but also by white racism and local white power. A war waged by deed of title has dispossessed 98 percent of black agricultural landowners in America. They have lost 12 million acres over the past century. But even that statement falsely consigns the losses to long-ago history. In fact, the losses mostly occurred within living memory, from the 1950s onward. Today, except for a handful of farmers like the Scotts who have been able to keep or get back some land, black people in this most productive corner of the Deep South own almost nothing of the bounty under their feet.

II. "Land Hunger"

Land has always been the main battleground of racial conflict in Mississippi. During Reconstruction, fierce resistance from the planters who had dominated antebellum society effectively killed any promise of land or protection from the Freedmen's Bureau, forcing masses of black laborers back into de facto bondage. But the sheer size of the black population-black people were a majority in Mississippi until the 1930s-meant that thousands were able to secure tenuous footholds as landowners between Emancipation and the Great Depression.

Driven by what W. E. B. Du Bois called "land hunger" among freedmen during Reconstruction, two generations of black workers squirreled away money and went after every available and affordable plot they could, no matter how marginal or hopeless. Some found sympathetic white landowners who would sell to them. Some squatted on unused land or acquired the few homesteads available to black people. Some followed visionary leaders to all-black utopian agrarian experiments, such as Mound Bayou, in Bolivar County.
From March 1901: W. E. B. Du Bois's 'The Freedmen's Bureau'
It was never much, and it was never close to just, but by the early 20th century, black people had something to hold on to. In 1900, according to the historian James C. Cobb, black landowners in Tunica County outnumbered white ones three to one. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, there were 25,000 black farm operators in 1910, an increase of almost 20 percent from 1900. Black farmland in Mississippi totaled 2.2 million acres in 1910-some 14 percent of all black-owned agricultural land in the country, and the most of any state.

The foothold was never secure. From the beginning, even the most enterprising black landowners found themselves fighting a war of attrition, often fraught with legal obstacles that made passing title to future generations difficult. Bohlen Lucas, one of the few black Democratic politicians in the Delta during Reconstruction (most black politicians at the time were Republicans), was born enslaved and managed to buy a 200-acre farm from his former overseer, as the historian John C. Willis has documented in his 2000 book, Forgotten Time. But, like many farmers, who often have to borrow against expected harvests to pay for equipment, supplies, and the rent or mortgage on their land, Lucas depended on credit extended by powerful lenders. In his case, credit depended specifically on white patronage, given in exchange for his help voting out the Reconstruction government-after which his patrons abandoned him. He was left with 20 acres.

In Humphreys County, Lewis Spearman avoided the pitfalls of white patronage by buying less valuable wooded tracts and grazing cattle there as he moved into cotton. (Spearman's biographical details, too, appear in Forgotten Time.) But when cotton crashed in the 1880s, Spearman, over his head in debt, crashed with it.*

Around the turn of the century, in Leflore County, a black farm organizer and proponent of self-sufficiency-referred to as a "notoriously bad Negro" in the local newspapers-led a black populist awakening, marching defiantly and by some accounts bringing boycotts against white merchants. White farmers responded with a posse that may have killed as many as 100 black farmers and sharecroppers along with women and children. The fate of the "bad Negro" in question, named Oliver Cromwell, is uncertain. Some sources say he escaped to Jackson, and into anonymity.

Like so many of his forebears, Ed Scott Sr., Willena Scott-White's grandfather, acquired his land through not much more than force of will. As recorded in the thick binders of family history that Willena had brought along in the truck, and that we flipped through between stretches of work in the fields, his life had attained the gloss of folklore. He was born in 1886 in western Alabama, a generation removed from bondage. Spurred by that same land hunger, Scott took his young family to the Delta, seeking opportunities to farm his own property. He sharecropped and rented, and managed large farms for white planters, who valued his ability to run their sprawling estates. One of these men was Palmer H. Brooks, who owned a 7,000-acre plantation in Mississippi's Leflore and Sunflower Counties. Brooks was uncommonly progressive, encouraging entrepreneurship among the black laborers on his plantation, building schools and churches for them, and providing loans. Scott was ready when Brooks decided to sell plots to black laborers, and he bought his first 100 acres.

Unlike Bohlen Lucas, Scott largely avoided politics. Unlike Lewis Spearman, he paid his debts and kept some close white allies-a necessity, since he usually rejected government assistance. And unlike Oliver Cromwell, he led his community under the rules already in place, appearing content with what he'd earned for his family in an environment of total segregation. He leveraged technical skills and a talent for management to impress sympathetic white people and disarm hostile ones. "Granddaddy always had nice vehicles," Scott-White told me. They were a trapping of pride in a life of toil. As was true in most rural areas at the time, a new truck was not just a flashy sign of prosperity but also a sort of credit score. Wearing starched dress shirts served the same purpose, elevating Scott in certain respects-always within limits-even above some white farmers who drove into town in dirty overalls. The trucks got shinier as his holdings grew. By the time Scott died, in 1957, he had amassed more than 1,000 acres of farmland.

Scott-White guided me right up to the Quiver River, where the legend of her family began. It was a choked, green-brown gurgle of a thing, the kind of lazy waterway that one imagines to be brimming with fat, yawning catfish and snakes. "Mr. Brooks sold all of the land on the east side of this river to black folks," Scott-White told me. She swept her arm to encompass the endless acres. "All of these were once owned by black families."

III. The Great Dispossession

That era of black ownership , in the Delta and throughout the country, was already fading by the time Scott died. As the historian Pete Daniel recounts, half a million black-owned farms across the country failed in the 25 years after 1950. Joe Brooks, the former president of the Emergency Land Fund, a group founded in 1972 to fight the problem of dispossession, has estimated that something on the order of 6 million acres was lost by black farmers from 1950 to 1969. That's an average of 820 acres a day-an area the size of New York's Central Park erased with each sunset. Black-owned cotton farms in the South almost completely disappeared, diminishing from 87,000 to just over 3,000 in the 1960s alone. According to the Census of Agriculture, the racial disparity in farm acreage increased in Mississippi from 1950 to 1964, when black farmers lost almost 800,000 acres of land. An analysis for The Atlantic by a research team that included Dania Francis, at the University of Massachusetts, and Darrick Hamilton, at Ohio State, translates this land loss into a financial loss-including both property and income-of $3.7 billion to $6.6 billion in today's dollars.

Jesmyn Ward: Racism is 'built into the very bones' of Mississippi
This was a silent and devastating catastrophe, one created and maintained by federal policy. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal life raft for agriculture helped start the trend in 1937 with the establishment of the Farm Security Administration, an agency within the Department of Agriculture. Although the FSA ostensibly existed to help the country's small farmers, as happened with much of the rest of the New Deal, white administrators often ignored or targeted poor black people-denying them loans and giving sharecropping work to white people. After Roosevelt's death, in 1945, conservatives in Congress replaced the FSA with the Farmers Home Administration, or FmHA. The FmHA quickly transformed the FSA's programs for small farmers, establishing the sinews of the loan-and-subsidy structure that undergirds American agriculture today. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy's administration created the Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service, or ASCS, a complementary program to the FmHA that also provided loans to farmers. The ASCS was a federal effort-also within the Department of Agriculture-but, crucially, the members of committees doling out money and credit were elected locally, during a time when black people were prohibited from voting.

Through these programs, and through massive crop and surplus purchasing, the USDA became the safety net, price-setter, chief investor, and sole regulator for most of the farm economy in places like the Delta. The department could offer better loan terms to risky farmers than banks and other lenders, and mostly outcompeted private credit. In his book Dispossession, Daniel calls the setup "agrigovernment." Land-grant universities pumped out both farm operators and the USDA agents who connected those operators to federal money. Large plantations ballooned into even larger industrial crop factories as small farms collapsed. The mega-farms held sway over agricultural policy, resulting in more money, at better interest rates, for the plantations themselves. At every level of agrigovernment, the leaders were white.

Major audits and investigations of the USDA have found that illegal pressures levied through its loan programs created massive transfers of wealth from black to white farmers, especially in the period just after the 1950s. In 1965, the United States Commission on Civil Rights uncovered blatant and dramatic racial differences in the level of federal investment in farmers. The commission found that in a sample of counties across the South, the FmHA provided much larger loans for small and medium-size white-owned farms, relative to net worth, than it did for similarly sized black-owned farms-evidence that racial discrimination "has served to accelerate the displacement and impoverishment of the Negro farmer."

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In Sunflower County, a man named Ted Keenan told investigators that in 1956, local banks had denied him loans after a bad crop because of his position with the NAACP, where he openly advocated for voting rights. The FmHA had denied him loans as well. Keenan described how Eugene Fisackerly, the leader of the White Citizens' Council in Sunflower County, together with representatives of Senator James Eastland, a notorious white supremacist who maintained a large plantation there, had intimidated him into renouncing his affiliation with the NAACP and agreeing not to vote. Only then did Eastland's man call the local FmHA agent, prompting him to reconsider Keenan's loan.

A landmark 2001 investigation by the Associated Press into extortion, exploitation, and theft directed against black farmers uncovered more than 100 cases like Keenan's. In the 1950s and '60s, Norman Weathersby, a Holmes County Chevrolet dealer who enjoyed a local monopoly on trucks and heavy farm equipment, required black farmers to put up land as collateral for loans on equipment. A close friend of his, William Strider, was the local FmHA agent. Black farmers in the area claimed that the two ran a racket: Strider would slow-walk them on FmHA loans, which meant they would then default on Weathersby's loans and lose their land to him. Strider and Weathersby were reportedly free to run this racket because black farmers were shut out by local banks.

Analyzing the history of federal programs, the Emergency Land Fund emphasizes a key distinction. While most of the black land loss appears on its face to have been through legal mechanisms-"the tax sale; the partition sale; and the foreclosure"-it mainly stemmed from illegal pressures, including discrimination in federal and state programs, swindles by lawyers and speculators, unlawful denials of private loans, and even outright acts of violence or intimidation. Discriminatory loan servicing and loan denial by white-controlled FmHA and ASCS committees forced black farmers into foreclosure, after which their property could be purchased by wealthy landowners, almost all of whom were white. Discrimination by private lenders had the same result. Many black farmers who escaped foreclosure were defrauded by white tax assessors who set assessments too high, leading to unaffordable tax obligations. The inevitable result: tax sales, where, again, the land was purchased by wealthy white people. Black people's lack of access to legal services complicated inheritances and put family claims to title in jeopardy. Lynchings, police brutality, and other forms of intimidation were sometimes used to dispossess black farmers, and even when land wasn't a motivation for such actions, much of the violence left land without an owner.

In interviews with researchers from the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History in 1985, Henry Woodard Sr., an African American who had bought land in the 1950s in Tunica County, said he had managed to keep up for years through a combination of his own industry, small loans from the FmHA and white banks, and the rental of additional land from other hard-pressed black landowners. Then, in 1966, the activist James Meredith-whose 1962 fight to integrate Ole Miss sparked deadly riots and a wave of white backlash-embarked on the famous March Against Fear. The next planting season, Woodard recalled, his white lenders ignored him. "I sensed that it was because of this march," he said. "And it was a lady told me-I was at the post office and she told me, she said, 'Henry, you Negroes, y'all want to live like white folks. Y'all don't know how white folks live. But y'all are gonna have to be on your own now.' "

Woodard's story would have been familiar to countless farmers in the Delta. In Holmes County, a crucible of the voting-rights movement, a black effort to integrate the local ASCS committees was so successful that it was subject to surveillance and sabotage by the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, an official agency created by Governor J. P. Coleman in 1956 to resist integration. Black landowners involved in running for the committees or organizing for votes faced fierce retaliation. In 1965, The New Republic reported that in Issaquena County, just north of Vicksburg, the "insurance of Negroes active in the ASCS elections had been canceled, loans were denied to Negroes on all crops but cotton, and ballots were not mailed to Negro wives who were co-owners of land." Even in the decades after the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, formal and informal complaints against the USDA poured out of the Delta.

These cases of dispossession can only be called theft. While the civil-rights era is remembered as a time of victories against disenfranchisement and segregation, many realities never changed. The engine of white wealth built on kleptocracy-which powered both Jim Crow and its slave-state precursor-continued to run. The black population in Mississippi declined by almost one-fifth from 1950 to 1970, as the white population increased by the exact same percentage. Farmers slipped away one by one into the night, appearing later as laborers in Chicago and Detroit. By the time black people truly gained the ballot in Mississippi, they were a clear minority, held in thrall to a white conservative supermajority.
Nikole Hannah-Jones: Freedom Summer, 1964: Did it really change Mississippi?
Mass dispossession did not require a central organizing force or a grand conspiracy. Thousands of individual decisions by white people, enabled or motivated by greed, racism, existing laws, and market forces, all pushed in a single direction. But some white people undeniably would have organized it this way if they could have. The civil-rights leader Bayard Rustin reported in 1956 that documents taken from the office of Robert Patterson, one of the founding fathers of the White Citizens' Councils, proposed a "master plan" to force hundreds of thousands of black people from Mississippi in order to reduce their potential voting power. Patterson envisioned, in Rustin's words, "the decline of the small independent farmer" and ample doses of "economic pressure."

An upheaval of this scale and speed-the destruction of black farming, an occupation that had defined the African American experience-might in any other context be described as a revolution, or seen as a historical fulcrum. But it came and went with little remark.

IV. The Catfish Boom

World War IItransformed America in many ways. It certainly transformed a generation of southern black men. That generation included Medgar Evers, a future civil-rights martyr, assassinated while leading the Mississippi NAACP; he served in a segregated transportation company in Europe during the war. It included Willena's father, Ed Scott Jr., who also served in a segregated transportation company. These men were less patient, more defiant, and in many ways more reckless than their fathers and grandfathers had been. They chafed under a system that forced them to relearn how to bow and scrape, as if the war had never happened. In the younger Scott's case, wartime service sharpened his inherited land hunger, pushing him to seek more land and greater financial independence, both for himself and for his community. One of his siblings told his biographer, Julian Rankin, that the family's deepest conviction was that "a million years from now ... this land will still be Scotts' land."

Upon his return to the Delta, Scott continued down his father's hard path, avoiding any interface with the FmHA and the public portions of the agrigovernment system, which by that time had spread its tendrils throughout Sunflower and Leflore Counties. He leaned on the friendships he and his father had made with local business owners and farmers, and secured credit for growing his holdings from friendly white bankers. Influenced by the civil-rights movement and its emphasis on community solidarity and activism, Scott borrowed from Oliver Cromwell's self-sufficiency playbook too. He used his status to provide opportunities for other black farmers and laborers. "Daddy said that everyone who worked for us would always be able to eat," Willena Scott-White told me. He made sure of more than that. Scott sent relatives' and tenants' children to school, paid for books, helped people open bank accounts and buy their own land. When civil-rights activists made their way down for Mississippi's Freedom Summer, in 1964, he packed up meals and brought them to rallies.

When Scott-White thinks of her father, who died in 2015, she seems to become a young girl again. With allowances for nostalgia, she recalls a certain kind of country poorness-but-not-poverty, whereby children ran barefoot and worked from the moment they could walk, but ate well, lived in houses with solid floors and tight roofs, and went to high school and college if they showed skill. "We lived in something like a utopia," Scott-White told me. But things changed at the tail end of the 1970s. Plummeting commodity prices forced highly leveraged farmers to seek loans wherever they could find them. Combined with the accelerating inflation of that decade, the beginnings of the farm-credit crisis made farming at scale without federal assistance impossible. Yet federal help-even then, two decades after the Civil Rights Act-was not available for most black farmers. According to a 2005 article in The Nation, "In 1984 and 1985, at the height of the farm crisis, the USDA lent a total of $1.3 billion to nearly 16,000 farmers to help them maintain their land. Only 209 of those farmers were black."

As Rankin tells it in his biography, Catfish Dream, Scott made his first visit to an FmHA office in 1978. With the assistance of Vance Nimrod, a white man who worked with the black-owned Delta Foundation, a nonprofit promoting economic advancement for black Mississippians, Scott secured an operating loan for a season of soybeans and rice from the FmHA agent Delbert Edwards. The first time was easy-although, crucially, Nimrod accompanied him to the Leflore County office, in Greenwood. When Scott returned the next year without Nimrod, driving a shiny new truck the way his father used to, Edwards asked where Nimrod was. According to Rankin, Scott told the agent that Nimrod had only come to help secure that first loan; he wasn't a business partner. When Edwards saw Scott's vehicle, he seemed perplexed. "Who told you to buy a new truck?" he asked. Edwards ended up denying the requested loan amount.

At the same time, Edwards and the FmHA were moving to help local white farmers weather the storm, often by advising them to get into raising catfish. Commercial catfish farming was a relatively new industry, and it had found a home in the Delta as prices for row crops crashed and new legislation gave the USDA power and incentive to build up domestic fish farming. FmHA agents pushed white farmers to convert wide fields on the floodplain into giant catfish ponds, many of which would become contract-growing hubs for Delta Pride Catfish, a cooperative that quickly evolved into a local monopoly. The federal government poured millions of dollars into the catfish boom by way of FmHA loans, many of which were seized on by the largest white landowners, and kept those white landowners solvent. Mississippi became the catfish capital of the world in the 1970s. But the FmHA did not reach out to Scott, nor is there evidence that it supported the ambitions of any black farmers who might have wanted to get into catfish.

Scott decided to get into catfish anyway, digging eight ponds in fields where rice had grown the season before. He found his own catfish stocks and learned the ins and outs of the industry pretty much on his own. Scott finished digging his ponds in 1981, at which point, according to Rankin, Edwards of the FmHA visited the property and told him point-blank: "Don't think I'm giving you any damn money for that dirt you're moving." The Mississippi FmHA would eventually compel Edwards to provide loans for Scott's catfish operation for 1981 and 1982. But as court records show, the amount approved was far less than what white catfish farmers usually got-white farmers sometimes received double or triple the amount per acre that Scott did-and enough to stock only four of the eight ponds. (Edwards could not be reached for comment on any of the episodes recounted here.)

Scott's Fresh Catfish opened in 1983. As a marker outside the old processing shed now indicates, it was the first catfish plant in the country owned by an African American. But discrimination doomed the enterprise before it really began. Without enough capital, Scott was never able to raise fish at the volume he needed. He claimed in court and later to Rankin that he had also been denied a chance to purchase stock in Delta Pride-a requirement to become a contract grower-because he was black. Without access to a cooperative, he had to do the processing and packaging himself, adding to the cost of his product. In 2006, Delta Pride and Country Select Catfish were combined into a new business entity, Consolidated Catfish Producers. When reached for comment, a spokesperson for Consolidated Catfish said that no employee at the new company could "definitively answer" questions about Scott or alleged discrimination against him.

Scott was in his 60s by the time his plant got off the ground. The effort took a toll. He slowly went blind. Arthritis claimed his joints. His heart began to fail. The plant limped quietly through the '80s and then shut down. Lenders began the process of foreclosing on some of Scott's cropland as early as 1983. In 1995, the FmHA approved a request from Scott to lease most of his remaining acres. The USDA itself had claimed most of his land by the late 1980s.

The downfall of the Scott catfish enterprise was proof of the strength and endurance of what the federal government would later state could be seen as a federally funded "conspiracy to force minority and disadvantaged farmers off their land through discriminatory loan practices." The Scotts were not small-timers. They had the kind of work ethic and country savvy that are usually respected around the Delta. When the powers that be finally prevailed over Ed Scott Jr., they had completed something decisive, something that even today feels as if it cannot be undone.

V. Farmers in Suits

But land is never really lost, not in America. Twelve million acres of farmland in a country that has become a global breadbasket carries immense value, and the dispossessed land in the Delta is some of the most productive in America. The soil on the alluvial plain is rich. The region is warm and wet. Much of the land is perfect for industrialized agriculture.

Some white landowners, like Norman Weathersby, themselves the beneficiaries of government-funded dispossession, left land to their children. Some sold off to their peers, and others saw their land gobbled up by even larger white-owned farms. Nowadays, as fewer and fewer of the children of aging white landowners want to continue farming, more land has wound up in the hands of trusts and investors. Over the past 20 years, the real power brokers in the Delta are less likely to be good ol' boys and more likely to be suited venture capitalists, hedge-fund managers, and agribusiness consultants who run farms with the cold precision of giant circuit boards.

One new addition to the mix is pension funds. Previously, farmland had never been a choice asset class for large-scale investing. In 1981, what was then called the General Accounting Office (now the Government Accountability Office) released a report exploring a proposal by a firm seeking pension-investment opportunities in farmland. The report essentially laughed off the prospect. The authors found that only about one dollar of every $4,429 in retirement funds was invested in farmland.

But commodity prices increased, and land values rose. In 2008, a weakened dollar forced major funds to broaden their search for hedges against inflation. "The market in agricultural land in the U.S. is currently experiencing a boom," an industry analyst, Tom Vulcan, wrote that year. He took note of the recent entry of TIAA-CREF, which had "spent some $340 million on farmland across seven states." TIAA, as the company is now called, would soon become the biggest pension-fund player in the agricultural real-estate game across the globe. In 2010, TIAA bought a controlling interest in Westchester Group, a major agricultural-asset manager. In 2014, it bought Nuveen, another large asset-management firm. In 2015, with Nuveen directing its overall investment strategy and Westchester and other smaller subsidiaries operating as purchasers and managers, TIAA raised $3 billion for a new global farmland-investment partnership. By the close of 2016, Nuveen's management portfolio included nearly 2 million acres of farmland, worth close to $6 billion.

Investment in farmland has proved troublesome for TIAA in Mississippi and elsewhere. TIAA is a pension company originally set up for teachers and professors and people in the nonprofit world. It has cultivated a reputation for social responsibility: promoting environmental sustainability and respecting land rights, labor rights, and resource rights. TIAA has endorsed the United Nations-affiliated Principles for Responsible Investment, which include special provisions for investment in farmland, including specific guidelines with regard to sustainability, leasing practices, and establishing the provenance of tracts of land.

The company has faced pushback for its move into agriculture. In 2015, the international nonprofit Grain, which advocates for local control of farmland by small farmers, released the results of an investigation accusing TIAA's farmland-investment arm of skirting laws limiting foreign land acquisition in its purchase of more than half a million acres in Brazil. The report found that TIAA had violated multiple UN guidelines in creating a joint venture with a Brazilian firm to invest in farmland without transparency. The Grain report alleges that when Brazil tightened laws designed to restrict foreign investment, TIAA purchased 49 percent of a Brazilian company that then acted as its proxy. According to The New York Times, TIAA and its subsidiaries also appear to have acquired land titles from Euclides de Carli, a businessman often described in Brazil as a big-time grileiro-a member of a class of landlords and land grabbers who use a mix of legitimate means, fraud, and violence to force small farmers off their land. In response to criticism of TIAA's Brazil portfolio, Jose Minaya, then the head of private-markets asset management at TIAA, told WNYC's The Takeaway: "We believe and know that we are in compliance with the law, and we are transparent about what we do in Brazil. From a title perspective, our standards are very focused around not displacing individuals or indigenous people, respecting land rights as well as human rights ... In every property that we have acquired, we don't just do due diligence on that property. We do due diligence on the sellers, whether it's an individual or whether it's an entity."

TIAA's land dealings have faced scrutiny in the United States as well. In 2012, the National Family Farm Coalition found that the entry into agriculture of deep-pocketed institutional investors-TIAA being an example-had made it pretty much impossible for smaller farmers to compete. Institutional investment has removed millions of acres from farmers' hands, more or less permanently. "Pension funds not only have the power to outbid smaller, local farmers, they also have the long-term goal of retaining farmland for generations," the report noted.

Asked about TIAA's record, a spokesperson for Nuveen maintained that the company has built its Delta portfolio following ethical-investment guidelines: "We have a long history of investing responsibly in farmland, in keeping with our corporate values and the UN-backed Principles for Responsible Investment (PRI). As a long-term owner, we bring capital, professional expertise, and sustainable farming practices to each farm we own, and we are always looking to partner with expansion-minded tenants who will embrace that approach and act as good stewards of the land." The company did not comment on the history of any individual tract in its Delta portfolio.

But even assuming that every acre under management by big corporate interests in the Delta has been acquired by way of ethical-investment principles, the nature of the mid-century dispossession and its multiple layers of legitimation raise the question of whether responsible investment in farmland there is even possible. As a people and a class, black farmers were plainly targets, but the deed histories of tax sales and foreclosures don't reveal whether individual debtors were moved off the land because of discrimination and its legal tools.

In addition, land records are spotty in rural areas, especially records from the 1950s and '60s, and in some cases it's unclear exactly which records the investors used to meet internal requirements. According to Tristan Quinn-Thibodeau, a campaigner and organizer at ActionAid, an anti-poverty and food-justice nonprofit, "It's been a struggle to get this information." The organization has tried to follow the trails of deeds and has asked TIAA-which manages ActionAid's own pension plan-for an analysis of the provenance of its Delta portfolio. Such an analysis has not been provided.

What we do know is that, whatever the specific lineage of each acre, Wall Street investors have found a lucrative new asset class whose origins lie in part in mass dispossession. We know that the vast majority of black farmland in the country is no longer in black hands, and that black farmers have suffered far more hardships than white farmers have. The historian Debra A. Reid points out that "between 1920 and 1997, the number of African Americans who farmed decreased by 98 percent, while white Americans who farmed declined by 66 percent." Referring to the cases studied in their 2001 investigation, Dolores Barclay and Todd Lewan of the Associated Press observed that virtually all of the property lost by black farmers "is owned by whites or corporations." The foundation of these portfolios was a system of plantations whose owners created the agrigovernment system and absorbed thousands of small black-owned farms into ever larger white-owned farms. America has its own grileiros, and they stand on land that was once someone else's.

VI. A Deeper Excavation

As we drove through the patchwork remnants of the Scotts' land, Willena Scott-White took me to the site of Scott's Fresh Catfish. Gleaming steel silos had turned into rusting hulks. The ponds were thick with weeds and debris. The exterior walls of the plant itself had collapsed. Rusted beams lay atop ruined machinery. Fire ants and kudzu had begun nature's reclamation.

Late in Ed Scott Jr.'s life, as he slipped into Alzheimer's, Willena and his lawyer, Phil Fraas, fought to keep his original hopes alive. In the Pigford v. Glickman lawsuit of 1997, thousands of black farmers and their families won settlements against the USDA for discrimination that had occurred between 1981 and the end of 1996; the outlays ultimately reached a total of $2 billion. The Scotts were one of those families, and after a long battle to prove their case-with the assistance of Scott-White's meticulous notes and family history-in 2012 the family was awarded more than $6 million in economic damages, plus almost $400,000 in other damages and debt forgiveness. The court also helped the Scotts reclaim land possessed by the department. In a 1999 ruling, Judge Paul L. Friedman of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia acknowledged that forcing the federal government to compensate black farmers would "not undo all that has been done" in centuries of government-sponsored racism. But for the Scotts, it was a start.

"The telling factor, looking at it from the long view, is that at the time of World War I there were 1 million black farmers, and in 1992 there were 18,000," Fraas told me. The settlements stemming from Pigford cover only specific recent claims of discrimination, and none stretching back to the period of the civil-rights era, when the great bulk of black-owned farms disappeared. Most people have not pushed for any kind of deeper excavation.

Any such excavation would quickly make plain the consequences of what occurred. During my drive with Scott-White, we traveled through parts of Leflore, Sunflower, and Washington Counties, three of the counties singled out by Opportunity Insights, a Harvard University research group, as among the worst in the country in terms of a child's prospects for upward mobility. Ten counties in the Delta are among the poorest 50 in America. According to new data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on all 74,000 U.S. census tracts, four tracts in the Delta are among the lowest 100 when it comes to average life expectancy. More than 30 tracts in the Delta have an average life expectancy below 70. (The national average is 79.) In some Delta counties, the infant mortality rate is more than double the nationwide rate. As if to add gratuitous insult to injury, a new analysis from ProPublica finds that, as a result of the Internal Revenue Service's intense scrutiny of low-income taxpayers, the Delta is audited by the IRS more heavily than any other place in the country. In sum, the areas of deepest poverty and under the darkest shadow of death are the ones where dispossession was the most far-reaching.

The consequences of dispossession had long been predicted. Fannie Lou Hamer, a Sunflower County activist whose 1964 speech to a Democratic National Convention committee galvanized support for the Voting Rights Act, spoke often of the need for land reform as a precondition for true freedom. Hamer's utopian Freedom Farm experiment stressed cooperative landownership, and she said the concentration of land in the hands of a few landowners was "at the base of our struggle for survival." In her analysis, mass dispossession should be seen as mass extraction. Even as the U.S. government invested billions in white farmers, it continued to extract wealth from black farmers in the Delta. Each black farmer who left the region, from Reconstruction onward, represented a tiny withdrawal from one side of a cosmic balance sheet and a deposit on the other side. This dynamic would only continue, in other ways and other places, as the Great Migration brought black families to northern cities.

This cosmic balance sheet underpins the national conversation-ever more robust-about reparations for black Americans. In that conversation, given momentum in part by the publication of Ta-Nehisi Coates's "The Case for Reparations" in this magazine in 2014, I hear echoes of Mississippi. I hear echoes of Hamer, the Scotts, Henry Woodard Sr., and others who petitioned the federal government to hold itself accountable for a history of extraction that has extended well beyond enslavement. But that conversation too easily becomes technical. How do we quantify discrimination? How do we define who was discriminated against? How do we repay those people according to what has been defined and quantified? The idea of reparations sometimes seems like a problem of economic rightsizing-something for the quants and wonks to work out.

Economics is, of course, a major consideration. According to the researchers Francis and Hamilton, "The dispossession of black agricultural land resulted in the loss of hundreds of billions of dollars of black wealth. We must emphasize this estimate is conservative ... Depending on multiplier effects, rates of returns, and other factors, it could reach into the trillions." The large wealth gap between white and black families today exists in part because of this historic loss.

But money does not define every dimension of land theft. Were it not for dispossession, Mississippi today might well be a majority-black state, with a radically different political destiny. Imagine the difference in our national politics if the center of gravity of black electoral strength had remained in the South after the Voting Rights Act was passed.

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Politics aside, how can reparations truly address the lives ruined, the family histories lost, the connection to the land severed? In America, land has always had a significance that exceeds its economic value. For a people who were once chattel themselves, real property has carried an almost mystical import. There's a reason the fabled promise that spread among freedmen after the Civil War was not a check, a job, or a refundable tax credit, but 40 acres of farmland to call home. The history of the Delta suggests that any conversation about reparations might need to be more qualitative and intangible than it is. And it must consider the land.

Land hunger is ineffable, an indescribable yearning, and yet it is something that Americans, perhaps uniquely, feel and understand. That yearning tugged at me hardest as Willena Scott-White rounded out her tour of the fields, the afternoon slipping away. Out among the Scotts' fields is a clearing with a lone, tall tree. In the clearing is a small cemetery. A handful of crooked, weathered tombstones stand sentinel. This is where Ed Scott Jr. is buried, and where some of Willena's older siblings now rest. Willena posed for a picture beside her parents' grave. She told me that this is where her own bones will rest after her work on Earth is done.
This article appears in the September 2019 print edition with the headline "This Land Was Our Land." * This article has been updated to reflect that the historian John C. Willis documented the biographies of Bohlen Lucas and Lewis Spearman in his book Forgotten Time.
"This is our land," she said.

Vann R. Newkirk II is a staff writer at The Atlantic, where he covers politics and policy, and the host of the podcast Floodlines.

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The shameful story of how 1 million black families have been ripped from their farms Images above: A sign on a utility pole to deter hunters, near the old Scott-family homestead, Drew, Mississippi; Willena's brother Isaac Daniel Scott Sr. amid soybeans in Mound Bayou. Updated at 2:15 p.m.

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From excellent resource tolerance.org

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Recognizing white privilege begins with truly understanding the term itself.

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A Look at Implicit Bias and Microaggressions

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A primer on the impact of implicit biases in schools and how they can be expressed by students and faculty.

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Examples of MicroAggressions in the Classroom

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Examples of MicroAggressions in the Classroom

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This list has examples of racial microaggressions, as well as other varieties.

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8 Tactics to Reduce Your Implicit Biases

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8 Tactics to Reduce Your Implicit Biases

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Eight tactics to identify and reduce your implicit biases

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Unconscious prejudices and negative attitudes toward certain groups of people can compromise good health care when those prejudices involve patients or make the clinical workplace more difficult. Research shows that these unspoken biases can be changed, but individuals must recognize that they have them in the first place.

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A clear description of what racism is, how it makes people feel when they experience it, and how to spot it when it happens.

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Explaining White Privilege to a Broke White Person

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Explaining White Privilege to a Broke White Person

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Racism. It is a word that elicits strong emotion, and often even stronger opinions. Taking the step to engage in anti-racism work may seem intimidating, or maybe you already feel confident in your knowledge of racial justice and in your allyship. Regardless of where you sit on that spectrum, this training is one that can have benefit for everyone.

Whether you are a social service or mental health professional pursuing a unique and impactful continuing education experience, a student, or anyone regardless of profession who is seeking to learn and grow in anti-racist allyship, this virtual training experience will challenge you, and expose you to knowledge and skills to gain better understanding of racial justice and allyship. This is a virtual training, with 3 modules (approximately 2 hours of content in each module). The training is asynchronous, designed for participants to be able to take breaks as they need to, and to work at their own pace.

The videos within this training include Open Captions in English. For other accessibility needs or accommodations, contact driep.help@borderlandrainbow.org

Learn about historical events, ideologies, and social structures, and how they inform modern day beliefs, bias, and perception.

Analyze concepts of racial identity, bias, privilege, and prejudice

Reflect on their own identity, bias, privilege, and prejudice

Identify strategies to engage in difficult conversations

Reflect on ways to integrate anti-racism work into their daily lives

Facilitated by Ashley Heidebrecht, LMSW

Ashley has worked in the field of social services for over a decade. Ashley worked at a Kansas non-profit for 8 years, providing individual and group community-based services to children, adults, and families diagnosed with a severe emotional disturbance, and creating and facilitating multiple workshops and parenting classes, and the last 6 years at that agency served as a supervisor of 80 staff with a client base of over 200 children and families. Since leaving that agency in 2015, Ashley has provided case management and trauma support for families recovering from homelessness, and has become active in community organizing and advocacy, particularly surrounding migrant child detention, LGBTQ rights, racial equity, and reproductive rights, and has completed her Master of Social Work degree.

Most recently, Ashley has served LGBTQ youth and adults in group and individual settings, engaged in casework with the Deaf community, and focused on immigrant rights and fighting against family separation and child detention. Ashley now serves as the Education and Content Manager for the Diversity and Resiliency Institute of El Paso, creating and facilitating training and continuing education rooted in social justice.

Ashley focuses heavily on advocacy and education, providing educational opportunities to improve community awareness and allyship, and engaging in regional and national initiatives to fight discrimination. Ashley is also working to mobilize social workers across the Nation to become more engaged in social justice initiatives.

Learn: Anti-Racism Training Module 1 Reflect: Anti-Racism Training Module 2 Evolve: Anti-Racism Training Module 3
What does it mean to be anti-racist?
Module 1 of Anti-Racism Training will explore that question, and will unpack the relationship between historical events, institutional frameworks, the ideology of white supremacy, and how those things come together to construct the social norms, stereotypes, and bias which inform our perception and behavior.

Identity, personal bias, white privilege, colorism, and prejudice. ​These are concepts that are not easy to talk about, and often bring up strong feelings, including anger, guilt, and denial. In Module 2 of Anti-Racism Training, we are going to unpack them, reflect on how they impact you, and give you the tools to start making changes.

Becoming an Anti-Racist Ally is a big step, and it is not a one-time decision. Being an ally means making decisions every day about whether you will stand up, or stay silent.
In Module 3 of Anti-Racism Training​ we will discuss how to be an ally, tone policing, emotional labor, how to have difficult conversations, and how your decisions to become an anti-racist ally can impact your outlook on the world and your relationships.

**Special notice, we will be conducting a pre- and post-test for this training. The data collected from these surveys will be utilized to assess the impact of the training, identify demographics, inform research concerning training methodology, and may be utilized in future trainings and publications. Your name and contact information will not be shared.**

The Diversity and Resiliency Institute of El Paso is a project of the Borderland Rainbow Center. The Borderland Rainbow Center under sponsor number 7798 has been approved by the Texas State Board of Social Worker Examiners to offer continuing education contact hours to social workers.

Approval-NASWKY#061720 This activity will provide 6 CEU hours of continuing education units (CEU). NASW-KY is an approved provider for social work credits through the KY Board of Social Work.

If you hold a license in another State or discipline, it is not guaranteed that our content will meet your requirements. We recommend that you check with your licensing body for any requirements and allowances.

To request a refund contact driep.help@gmail.com Refund requests must be sent within 72 hours of purchase. Any refund approved will be initiated within 48 hours of acknowledgement of your request. If you have already completed the training and request a refund, or if you request a refund after 72 hours from you purchase, we are not obligated to fulfill that request.

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Racism. It is a word that elicits strong emotion, and often even stronger opinions. Taking the step to engage in anti-racism work may seem intimidating, or maybe you already feel confident in your knowledge of racial justice and in your allyship. Regardless of where you sit on that spectrum, this training is one that can have benefit for everyone.

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Lift Ev’ry Voice: documentary about the Civil Rights Movement in Portland

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Lift Ev'ry Voice explores Portland's African American history with a focus on the turbulent 1960s, '70s and early '80s. At the time, issues surrounding urban renewal, school desegregation and brittle police relations were exploding both nationally and locally.

By the mid-20th century, Portland was still considered the most segregated and prejudiced city on the West Coast.

World War II would fuel racial tensions in the city. During that time, thousands of African Americans migrated north to work in the shipyards. In Portland most were funneled into a hastily constructed public housing project called Vanport. After the war, many continued to live there because of a severe housing shortage.

A spring day in 1948 would change everything. The Columbia River flooded and washed away the town, leaving hundreds of both black and white families homeless. African Americans had little choice where they could move because of discriminatory real estate and banking practices. Most were forced to relocate to an inner northeast district called Albina. As blacks moved into the area, whites moved out into newly created suburbs - off limits to people of color.

The 1950s became a time of hard-fought civil rights victories led by organizations like the NAACP and the Urban League of Portland. The early pioneers helped break the color barrier in housing and jobs, but racist policies and powerful negative stereotypes would prevail in the city.

By the late 1950s, Portland's disinvestment in the Albina district, lack of capital for mortgages and home improvements, and high unemployment among young African American men had created what was being called Portland's Negro ghetto. The "ghetto" would soon be targeted for federally funded urban renewal projects.

In 1957 Portland voted to build the Memorial Coliseum and the East Bank freeway in Albina. The construction uprooted the southern and oldest end of the district first - destroying hundreds of homes and businesses owned by both blacks and whites.

In the late 1960s the Emanuel expansion project would displace hundreds more in Albina's central core. Displaced African-American families were continually shifted further north and east.

In Portland and across the country, a new generation of young black activists was emerging with more militant strategies for changing the status quo. They began demanding equal rights as first class citizens, more jobs and better housing, and an end to police harassment and brutality.

By the late 1970s the Portland chapter of the Black United Front had emerged and gained tremendous power. Its members advocated for equal and effective educational opportunities for all children in their own neighborhoods, and demanded an end to the forced bussing of black children to white schools.

Continual pressure from the black community would ultimately end mandatory bussing in the city. At the same time, activists would focus attention on institutional racism in the Portland Police Bureau and demand accountability of the bureau and its officers.

Portland Civil Rights: Lift Ev'ry Voice is told largely through the words of men and women who lived through and led the struggles for human rights in Portland, and with archival film and images illustrating these remarkable times. Following the premiere broadcast, Think Out Loud 's Dave Miller hosts a live televised conversation among community activists and city leaders on civil rights challenges facing Oregonians today. You can follow along and comment on Twitter using the hashtag #ORCivilRights.

RESOURCES
Publications and Articles

Raymond Burell III, Yesterday, Today & Forever: Celebrating 65 Years as A Spiritual Landmark: the Vancouver Avenue First Baptist Church, Portland, Oregon, 2009.

Avel Gordly with Patricia A. Schechter, Remembering the Power of Words, The Life of an Oregon Activist, Legislator, and Community Leader, Oregon State University Press, 2011.

Isabel Wilkerson, The Warmth Of Other Suns, The Epic Story of America's Great Migration, Vintage Books, 2011.

Office of the Superintendent, Portland Public Schools, Chronology and History Desegregation/Integration, Portland Public Schools, 1960-1982.

Portland City Club Bulletin, Report on Problems of Racial Justice in Portland, June 14, 1968. Vol. 49, No.2

Darrell Millner, The Urban League of Portland, On the Road to Equality, A 50-Year Retrospective, 1945-1995, 1995.

Karen J. Gibson, "Bleeding Albina: A History of Community Disinvestment, 1940-2000," Transforming Anthropology Vol. 15, (1), 2007.

Stuart McElderry, "Building a West Coast Ghetto: African-American Housing in Portland, 1910-1960," The Pacific Northwest Quarterly, Vol. 92, No. 3, 2001.

Jules Boycoff and Martha Gies, ¨We´re Going to Defend Ourselves: The Portland Chapter of the Black Panther Party and the Local Media Response," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 111, No. 3, 2010.

Leanne C. Serbulo and Karen J. Gibson, "Black and Blue, Police-Community Relations in Portland's Albina District, 1964-1985," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 114, No. 1, 2013.

Ethan Johnson and Felicia Williams, "Desegregation and Multiculturalism in the Portland Public Schools," Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 111, No. 1, 2010.

Videos

Future:Portland Black community leaders talk about Portland's changing neighborhoods. A film produced by Ifanyi Bell and presented by Oregon Humanities.
Websites
Funding Provided By:
Arlene Schnitzer and Jordan Schnitzer
Robert D. and Marcia H. Randall Charitable Trust
Oregon Cultural Trust
Clark Foundation

Additional Support By:
Decherd Charitable Trust

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Lift Ev'ry Voice explores Portland's African American history with a focus on the turbulent 1960s, '70s and early '80s. At the time, issues surrounding urban renewal, school desegregation and brittle police relations were exploding both nationally and locally. By the mid-20th century, Portland was still considered the most segregated and prejudiced city on the West Coast.

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Sobering visual of the magnitude of the Atlantic Slave Trade.

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Historically accurate short story of what Black Americans experienced trying to register to vote.

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Will Harris sat on the bench in the waiting room for another hour. His pride was not the only thing that hurt. He wanted them to call him in and get him registered so he could get out of there. Twice, he started to go into the inner office and tell them, but he thought better of it. He had counted n…

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Spark engaging discussions with students and colleagues about this video. Focus discussion questions to include interpreting parents' reaction as well.

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Controversial Cheerios Commercial New Brunswick

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Anderson Cooper details a 7th grader whose answers to similar scenarios differ depending on the race of the characters.

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TED - What I Learned About Freedom After Escaping North Korea

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TED - What I Learned About Freedom After Escaping North Korea

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Yeonmi Park argues Human Rights must be the #1 priority of everyone on this planet. Its eye opening to experience her concept of total oppression by the State.

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What I learned about freedom after escaping North Korea | Yeonmi Park | TED

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Endless content for Poetry Unit with extensive slam poems covering racial and social justice.

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poetry "slam poetry" slam "spoken word" neil hilborn "freestyle poetry" "poetry slam" "poetry videos" "spoken poetry" "rudy francisco" "sabrina benaim"

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Help us expand what we do (closed captioning, multilingual subtitles, nationwide tour & more!): http://bit.ly/buttonpatreon Subscribe to Button! New video daily: http://bit.ly/buttonpoetry Button Poetry is a Minnesota-based organization dedicated to developing a coherent and effective system of production, distribution, promotion and fundraising for performance poetry.

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Bringing art, social-justice issues and leaders, as well as voices of color to your classroom monthly for free.

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We the Future showcases ten young leaders representing ten diverse movements, each already building us a better world. They are drafting and passing legislation. They are working on climate justice, criminal justice reform, voting rights, immigration rights, disability justice, gun reform, queer rights, and literacy. Their work is nonpartisan, and it carries the energy of countless communities from every background. In a time of uncertainty, these icons show us a path forward, and they show us that the Future is already here. In partnership with the artists Shepard Fairey, Rommy Torrico, Munk One, and Kate DeCiccio, this project will place art and supporting teaching tools representing these young leaders and their movements into more than 20,000 schools across the country, to inspire and engage the next generation. Learn more here.

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We the Future showcases ten young leaders representing ten diverse movements, each already building us a better world. They are drafting and passing legislation. They are working on climate justice, criminal justice reform, voting rights, immigration rights, disability justice, gun reform, queer rights, and literacy.

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We need to look out for our colleagues as well as our students.

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The likelihood that your Black colleague lost a family member to COVID-19 is painfully high. The chances that your Black colleague was triggered by the viral video of Amy Cooper because a white woman used her race and privilege and weaponized it against him is incredibly likely. The possibility that your Black colleague is afraid to go for a run, or terrified when her husband leaves the house, or just simply enraged by the incessant lies this country keeps telling us about equal liberties is so high you'll need a ladder to get it down.

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Dear White People, Your Black Colleagues Aren't Okay

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The likelihood that your Black colleague lost a family member to COVID-19 is painfully high. The chances that your Black colleague was triggered by the viral video of Amy Cooper because a white woman used her race and privilege and weaponized it against him is incredibly likely.

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The Smithsonian’s portal “to help individuals, families, and communities talk about racism, racial identity and the way these forces shape every aspect of society, from the economy and politics to the broader American culture.”

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National Museum of African American History and Culture

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Research shows that many people feel they do not have the information needed to discuss race in a way that is candid, safe and respectful of other viewpoints and experiences.

"The portal offers a wealth of resources to inform and guide discussions-videos, role-playing exercises, targeted questions and more, said Crew." "We hope that people will use this site to become more comfortable about engaging in honest dialogue and self-reflection."

Talking About Race builds upon decades of work by the museum's educators. It is the result of extensive research, studies, consultations, and educational resources from these fields: history, education, psychology and human development. It includes published research from leading experts, activists, historians, and thought leaders on race, equity, and inclusion, including Brené Brown, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, Robin DiAngelo, Julie Olsen Edwards, Jerry Kang, Ibram X Kendi, Enid Lee, Audre Lorde, Beverly Daniel Tatum, Bishop Desmond Tutu, and Tim Wise.

Phase one of the portal features eight foundational subjects including:

Being Anti-Racist: a conscious decision to make frequent, consistent, equitable choices daily.

Bias: the inclination or prejudice toward or against something or someone.

Community Building: connecting and engaging with others doing anti-racism work and exploring issues of race.

Historical Foundations of Race: how race, white privilege, and anti-blackness are woven into the very fabric of American society.

Race and Racial Identity: how societies use race to establish and justify systems of power, privilege, disenfranchisement, and oppression.

Self-Care: caring for one's mental, emotional, and physical health to sustain the work of dismantling racism.

Social Identities and Systems of Oppression: systems built around the ideology that some groups are superior to others.

Whiteness: an ideology that reinforces power at the expense of others.

Explore Talking About Race at nmaahc.si.edu/talkingaboutrace. The portal is free and does not require a registration or sign-up to use. Talking About Race is generously supported by The Atlantic Philanthropies.
Download Images for Media Use Social Media Toolkit
About the National Museum of African American History and Culture
Since opening September 24, 2016, the National Museum of African American History and Culture has welcomed more than 7 million visitors. Occupying a prominent location next to the Washington Monument on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., the nearly 400,000 square-foot museum is the nation's largest and most comprehensive cultural destination devoted exclusively to exploring, documenting and showcasing the African American story and its impact on American and world history. For more information about the museum, visit, follow @NMAAHC on Twitter, Facebook and Instagram or call Smithsonian information at (202) 633-1000.

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National Museum of African American History and Culture Releases "Talking About Race" Web Portal

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The Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture today launched Talking About Race, a new online portal designed to help individuals, families, and communities talk about racism, racial identity and the way these forces shape every aspect of society, from the economy and politics to the broader American culture.

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Teaching Black Lives Matter

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This sequel to Let's Talk! Discussing Black Lives Matter in the Classroom reviews the education related policy demands within the Movement for Black Lives' platform: Invest-Divest and Community Control.

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International protests in response to the recent killings of Ahmaud Arbery, Sean Reed, Breonna Taylor, George Floyd and Tony McDade show the vast reach and profound importance of the Black Lives Matter movement. These resources can help you talk with students about the historical context and mission behind Black Lives Matter and work toward making your school a more affirming, safer space for Black students.

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"TIME: The Kalief Browder Story" is a documentary series about a 16 year-old student from the Bronx who spent three years on Rikers Island without ever being convicted of a crime. Subscribe for more: spke.co/1pmVCvW Follow Spike Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/spike Twitter: @Spike (https://twitter.com/Spike) Instagram: @SpikeTV (https://instagram.com/SpikeTV)

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Episodes about Black Lives Matter, Race, racism and racial justice

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Democracy Now! covers Black Lives Matter

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Democracy Now! coverage of the #BlackLivesMatter movement from Ferguson to today

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Extensive Data Shows Systemic Racism Means Race Not Class Plays Greater Role in Future Sucess 

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Extensive Data Shows Systemic Racism Means Race Not Class Plays Greater Role in Future Sucess 

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Black boys raised in America, even in the wealthiest families and living in some of the most well-to-do neighborhoods, still earn less in adulthood than white boys with similar backgrounds, according to a sweeping new study that traced the lives of millions of children.

White boys who grow up rich are likely to remain that way. Black boys raised at the top, however, are more likely to become poor than to stay wealthy in their own adult households.

Even when children grow up next to each other with parents who earn similar incomes, black boys fare worse than white boys in 99 percent of America. And the gaps only worsen in the kind of neighborhoods that promise low poverty and good schools.

According to the study, led by researchers at Stanford, Harvard and the Census Bureau, income inequality between blacks and whites is driven entirely by what is happening among these boys and the men they become. Though black girls and women face deep inequality on many measures, black and white girls from families with comparable earnings attain similar individual incomes as adults.

Large income gaps persist between men - but not women.

"You would have thought at some point you escape the poverty trap," said Nathaniel Hendren, a Harvard economist and an author of the study.

Black boys - even rich black boys - can seemingly never assume that.

The study, based on anonymous earnings and demographic data for virtually all Americans now in their late 30s, debunks a number of other widely held hypotheses about income inequality. Gaps persisted even when black and white boys grew up in families with the same income, similar family structures, similar education levels and even similar levels of accumulated wealth.

The disparities that remain also can't be explained by differences in cognitive ability, an argument made by people who cite racial gaps in test scores that appear for both black boys and girls. If such inherent differences existed by race, "you've got to explain to me why these putative ability differences aren't handicapping women," said David Grusky, a Stanford sociologist who has reviewed the research.

A more likely possibility, the authors suggest, is that test scores don't accurately measure the abilities of black children in the first place.

If this inequality can't be explained by individual or household traits, much of what matters probably lies outside the home - in surrounding neighborhoods, in the economy and in a society that views black boys differently from white boys, and even from black girls.

"One of the most popular liberal post-racial ideas is the idea that the fundamental problem is class and not race, and clearly this study explodes that idea," said Ibram Kendi, a professor and director of the Antiracist Research and Policy Center at American University. "But for whatever reason, we're unwilling to stare racism in the face."

The authors, including the Stanford economist Raj Chetty and two census researchers, Maggie R. Jones and Sonya R. Porter, tried to identify neighborhoods where poor black boys do well, and as well as whites.

"The problem," Mr. Chetty said, "is that there are essentially no such neighborhoods in America."

The few neighborhoods that met this standard were in areas that showed less discrimination in surveys and tests of racial bias. They mostly had low poverty rates. And, intriguingly, these pockets - including parts of the Maryland suburbs of Washington, and corners of Queens and the Bronx - were the places where many lower-income black children had fathers at home. Poor black boys did well in such places, whether their own fathers were present or not.

"That is a pathbreaking finding," said William Julius Wilson, a Harvard sociologist whose books have chronicled the economic struggles of black men. "They're not talking about the direct effects of a boy's own parents' marital status. They're talking about the presence of fathers in a given census tract."

Other fathers in the community can provide boys with role models and mentors, researchers say, and their presence may indicate other neighborhood factors that benefit families, like lower incarceration rates and better job opportunities.

The research makes clear that there is something unique about the obstacles black males face. The gap between Hispanics and whites is narrower, and their incomes will converge within a couple of generations if mobility stays the same. Asian-Americans earn more than whites raised at the same income level, or about the same when first-generation immigrants are excluded. Only Native Americans have an income gap comparable to African-Americans. But the disparities are widest for black boys.

"This crystallizes and puts data behind this thing that we always knew was there because we either felt it ourselves or we've seen it over time," said Will Jawando, 35, who worked in the Obama White House on My Brother's Keeper, a mentoring initiative for black boys. Even without this data, the people who worked on that project, he said, believed that individual and structural racism targeted black men in ways that required policies devised specifically for them.

Mr. Jawando, the son of a Nigerian father and a white mother, grew up poor in Silver Spring, Md. The Washington suburb contains some of the rare neighborhoods where black and white boys appear to do equally well. Mr. Jawando, who identifies as black, is now a married lawyer with three daughters. He is among the black boys who climbed from the bottom to the top.

T.J. Kirkpatrick for The New York Times

He was one of the 20 million children born between 1978 and 1983 whose lives are reflected in the study. Using census data that included tax files, the researchers were able to link the adult fortunes of those children to their parents' incomes. Names and addresses were hidden from the researchers.

Previous research suggests some reasons there may be a large income gap between black and white men, but not between women, even though women of color face both sexism and racism.

Other studies show that boys, across races, are more sensitive than girls to disadvantages like growing up in poverty or facing discrimination. While black women also face negative effects of racism, black men often experience racial discrimination differently. As early as preschool, they are more likely to be disciplined in school. They are pulled over or detained and searched by police officers more often.

"It's not just being black but being male that has been hyper-stereotyped in this negative way, in which we've made black men scary, intimidating, with a propensity toward violence," said Noelle Hurd, a psychology professor at the University of Virginia.

She said this racist stereotype particularly hurts black men economically, now that service-sector jobs, requiring interaction with customers, have replaced the manufacturing jobs that previously employed men with less education.

The new data shows that 21 percent of black men raised at the very bottom were incarcerated, according to a snapshot of a single day during the 2010 census. Black men raised in the top 1 percent - by millionaires - were as likely to be incarcerated as white men raised in households earning about $36,000.

At the same time, boys benefit more than girls from adult attention and resources, as do low-income and nonwhite children, a variety of studies have found. Mentors who aren't children's parents, but who share those children's gender and race, serve a particularly important role for black children, Ms. Hurd has found. That helps explain why the presence of black fathers in a neighborhood, even if not in a child's home, appears to make a difference.

Some of the widest black-white income gaps in this study appear in wealthy communities. This fits with previous research that has shown that the effects of racial discrimination cross class lines. Although all children benefit from growing up in places with higher incomes and more resources, black children do not benefit nearly as much as white children do. Moving black boys to opportunity is no guarantee they can tap into it.

"Simply because you're in an area that is more affluent, it's still hard for black boys to present themselves as independent from the stereotype of black criminality," said Khiara Bridges, a professor of law and anthropology at Boston University who has written a coming paper on discrimination against affluent black people.

This dynamic still weighs on Mr. Jawando. He has a good income, multiple degrees and political aspirations - he is running for county council in Montgomery County, where he grew up. But in his own community, he is careful to dress like a professional.

"I think if I'm putting on a sweatsuit, if I go somewhere, will I be seen as just kind of a hood black guy?" he said. "Or will people recognize me at all?" Those small daily decisions - to wear a blazer or not - follow him despite his success. "I don't think you escape those things," he said.

Other Findings From the Research

This study makes it possible to look in greater detail at interrelated disparities that researchers have long studied around income, marriage rates and incarceration. Here are some of the other findings.

One reason income gaps between whites and blacks appear so large at the household level is that black men and women are less likely to be married. That means their households are more likely to have a single income - not two. For this reason and others, many point to differences in family structure as a primary driver of racial income inequality. If black children don't have married parents, the argument goes, they're more likely to grow up with fewer resources and less adult attention at home.

This study found, however, that broad income disparities still exist between black and white men even when they're raised in homes with the same incomes and the same family structure.

As this chart shows, a black man raised by two parents together in the 90th percentile - making around $140,000 a year - earns about the same in adulthood as a white man raised by a single mother making $60,000 alone.

Asian-Americans earn more in adulthood than whites who were raised in families with similar incomes. But that advantage largely disappears when the researchers look only at children whose parents were born in the United States. Non-immigrant Asian-Americans fare about as well in the economy as whites. (The study did not divide immigrant mothers into smaller groups by origin.)

The worst places for poor white children are almost all better than the best places for poor black children.

In previous work, some of these same researchers looked at how the prospects for poor children vary depending on where they grow up. The middle map above shows those earlier results: Poor children appeared to have less opportunity in the Southeast and more in the Northern Great Plains. With the new data, it's now possible to look at the effects of geography separately for blacks and whites.

Poor white children struggle in parts of the Southeast and Appalachia. But they still fare better there than poor black children do in most of America. In effect, the worst places for whites produce outcomes that are about as good as the best places for blacks. These new maps also suggest that part of the reason the Southeast looks bad for all children, in the middle map, is that the region is home to many black children who fare particularly poorly there.

African-Americans made up about 35 percent of all children raised in the bottom 1 percent of the income distribution. They made up less than 1 percent of the children at the very top. This picture captures both a source of racial inequality and a consequence of it. White children are more likely to start life with economic advantages. But we now know that even when they start with the same advantages as black children, white boys still fare better, only reinforcing the disparities seen here.

The Real Starting Positions

The ladder charts so far have shown equal numbers of black and white boys raised by rich or poor families - what would happen, in other words, if we started with 10,000 boys, and half were black and half white.

In reality, whites and blacks are not represented equally across the income spectrum. More than two-thirds of black boys are raised by poor or lower-middle-class families, while more than half of white boys are raised by rich or upper-middle-class families. The chart below depicts boys from every income quintile - not just the top or bottom ones - proportioned according to their real starting places in life.
[Update: We have published answers to reader questions here and an additional set of charts, with a tool that lets you create visual comparisons of various groups.]

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Extensive Data Shows Punishing Reach of Racism for Black Boys

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Black boys raised in America, even in the wealthiest families and living in some of the most well-to-do neighborhoods, still earn less in adulthood than white boys with similar backgrounds, according to a sweeping new study that traced the lives of millions of children. White boys who grow up rich are likely to remain that way.

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First, a story:

Late one night, a man searches for something in a parking lot. On his hands and knees, he crawls around a bright circle of light created by a streetlamp overhead.

A woman passes, stops, takes in the scene.

"What are you looking for? Can I help?"

"My car keys. Any chance you've seen them?"

"You dropped them right around here?"

"Oh, no. I dropped them way over there," he says, gesturing vaguely to some faraway spot on the other side of the lot.

"Then why are you looking here?"

The man pauses to consider the question.

"Because this is where the light is."

New research from the Yale Child Study Center suggests that many preschool teachers look for disruptive behavior in much the same way: in just one place, waiting for it to appear.

The problem with this strategy (besides it being inefficient), is that, because of implicit bias, teachers are spending too much time watching black boys and expecting the worst.
The study
Lead researcher Walter Gilliam knew that to get an accurate measure of implicit bias among preschool teachers, he couldn't be fully transparent with his subjects about what, exactly, he was trying to study.

Implicit biases are just that - subtle, often subconscious stereotypes that guide our expectations and interactions with people.

"We all have them," Gilliam says. "Implicit biases are a natural process by which we take information, and we judge people on the basis of generalizations regarding that information. We all do it."

Even the most well-meaning teacher can harbor deep-seated biases, whether she knows it or not. So Gilliam and his team devised a remarkable - and remarkably deceptive - experiment.

At a big, annual conference for pre-K teachers, Gilliam and his team recruited 135 educators to watch a few short videos. Here's what they told them:

We are interested in learning about how teachers detect challenging
behavior in the classroom. Sometimes this involves seeing behavior before it becomes problematic. The video segments you are about to view are of preschoolers engaging in various activities. Some clips may or may not contain challenging behaviors. Your job is to press the enter key on the external keypad every time you see a behavior that could become a potential challenge.

Each video included four children: a black boy and girl and a white boy and girl.

Here's the deception: There was no challenging behavior.

While the teachers watched, eye-scan technology measured the trajectory of their gaze. Gilliam wanted to know: When teachers expected bad behavior, who did they watch?

"What we found was exactly what we expected based on the rates at which children are expelled from preschool programs," Gilliam says. "Teachers looked more at the black children than the white children, and they looked specifically more at the African-American boy."

Indeed, according to recent data from the U.S. Department of Education, black children are 3.6 times more likely to be suspended from preschool than white children. Put another way, black children account for roughly 19 percent of all preschoolers, but nearly half of preschoolers who get suspended.

One reason that number is so high, Gilliam suggests, is that teachers spend more time focused on their black students, expecting bad behavior. "If you look for something in one place, that's the only place you can typically find it."

The Yale team also asked subjects to identify the child they felt required the most attention. Forty-two percent identified the black boy, 34 percent identified the white boy, while 13 percent and 10 percent identified the white and black girls respectively.
The vignette
The Yale study had two parts. And, as compelling as the eye-scan results were, Gilliam's most surprising takeaway came later.

He gave teachers a one-paragraph vignette to read, describing a child disrupting a class; there's hitting, scratching, even toy-throwing. The child in the vignette was randomly assigned what researchers considered a stereotypical name (DeShawn, Latoya, Jake, Emily), and subjects were asked to rate the severity of the behavior on a scale of one to five.

White teachers consistently held black students to a lower standard, rating their behavior as less severe than the same behavior of white students.

Gilliam says this tracks with previous research around how people may shift standards and expectations of others based on stereotypes and implicit bias. In other words, if white teachers believe that black boys are more likely to behave badly, they may be less surprised by that behavior and rate it less severely.

Black teachers, on the other hand, did the opposite, holding black students to a higher standard and rating their behavior as consistently more severe than that of white students.

Here's another key finding: Some teachers were also given information about the disruptive child's home life, to see if it made them more empathetic:

[CHILD] lives with his/her mother, his/her 8- and 6-year-old sisters,
and his/her 10-month-old baby brother. His/her home life is turbulent, between having a father who has never been a constant figure in his/her life, and a mother who struggles with depression but doesn't have the resources available to seek help. During the rare times when his/her parents are together, loud and sometimes violent disputes occur between them. In order to make ends meet, [CHILD's] mother has taken on three different jobs, and is in a constant state of exhaustion. [CHILD] and his/her siblings are left in the care of available relatives and neighbors while their mother is at work.

Guess what happened.

Teachers who received this background did react more empathetically, lowering their rating of a behavior's severity - but only if the teacher and student were of the same race.

As for white teachers rating black students or black teachers rating white students?

"If the race of the teacher and the child were different and [the teacher] received this background information, severity rates skyrocketed," Gilliam says. "And the teachers ended up feeling that the behavioral problems were hopeless and that very little could be done to actually improve the situation."

This result is consistent with previous research on empathy, Gilliam says. "When people feel some kind of shared connection to folks, when they hear more about their misfortunes, they feel more empathic to them. But if they feel that they are different from each other ... it may actually cause them to perceive that person in a more negative light."

It's impossible to separate these findings from today's broader, cultural context - of disproportionately high suspension rates for black boys and young men throughout the school years, of America's school-to-prison pipeline, and, most immediately, of the drumbeat of stories about black men being killed by police.

If implicit bias can play a role on our preschool reading rugs and in our classrooms' cozy corners, it no doubt haunts every corner of our society.

Biases are natural, as Gilliam says, but they must also be reckoned with.

The good news, if there is such a thing from work such as this, is that Gilliam and his team were ethically obligated to follow up with every one of the 135 teachers who participated in the study, to come clean about the deception.

Gilliam even gave them an out, letting them withdraw their data - for many of them, the lasting proof of their bias.

Only one did.

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Bias Isn't Just A Police Problem, It's A Preschool Problem

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A new study by researchers at Yale found that pre-K teachers, white and black alike, spend more time watching black boys, expecting trouble.

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4 Myths about Black Lives Matter Debunked

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4 Myths about Black Lives Matter Debunked

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4 Black Lives Matter Myths Debunked | Decoded | MTV News

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What the world needs to know about Black Lives Matter BLM

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What the world needs to know about Black Lives Matter BLM

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What The World Needs To Know About Black Lives Matter

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Sesame Street Town Hall on Race, Racism and Protests for Racial Justice 

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Sesame Street Town Hall on Race, Racism and Protests for Racial Justice 

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Watch the entire CNN/Sesame Street racism town hall | CNN

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CNN's Van Jones and Erica Hill partner with "Sesame Street" for Coming Together: Standing Up to Racism, a town hall for kids and families. Watch the town hall in its entirety below:

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15 Classroom Resources for Discussing Race, Racism, Policing and the Protests

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15 Classroom Resources for Discussing Race, Racism, Policing and the Protests

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As nationwide protests against police brutality continue, teachers in their virtual classrooms are once again searching for ways to help their students process the killings of black people in police custody in the United States.

Speaking with Education Week on Monday, teachers said that they and their colleagues have a responsibility to address these protests, which erupted when George Floyd, an unarmed black man, died after a Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck for almost nine minutes.

"Teachers cannot be silent during this time," said Patrick Harris, a 6th and 7th grade English and social studies teacher at the Detroit Achievement Academy. "Teachers have to take a stand. Students are absorbing this, [and] they're going to ask themselves later on in life or even now, 'What was my teacher doing during this time?'"

Talking with students about these events, as they experience them, is top priority right now, said Abdul Wright, who teaches 8th grade language arts in North Minneapolis. "I have to find a way to make meaning of this in a way that creates a better society for them," he said.

Some teachers whose classes have already ended for the school year are reaching back out to students, particularly their black students, giving them space to talk about their emotions and ask questions.

Other teachers in schools still in session are seeking materials and resources to teach about this moment, such aslesson plans that engage students in conversations about racism, policing, and protest.

On Monday, Chicago Public Schools released "Say Their Names," a collection of lessons and materials designed "to help foster productive conversations about race and civil disobedience."

The toolkit links to other organizations' resources on supporting black students' mental and emotional health, discussing the Black Lives Matter movement, and talking about anti-black racism with non-black students. And it encourages teachers to educate themselves on racism in the U.S. before broaching these topics with students.

In California, theLos Angeles Unified School District posted a collection of resources for teachers, for talking about race with children and addressing trauma. The superintendent of education in the state, Tony Thurmond, said the California Department of Education will also be releasing online materials and trainings.

For teachers looking for more classroom resources-for themselves and their students-Education Week has compiled the following list:

Resources about George Floyd's death and the current protests:

The Anti-Defamation League has created a short lesson on Floyd's death and police killings of black people, which includes a reading, discussion questions, and action steps for students aged 11 and up.

Resources for talking about race, racism, and Black Lives Matter:

In addition to addressing race and racism in lesson plans, experts and advocates have urged teachers to build a diverse classroom library with protagonists who look like their students.

The group Embrace Race compiled a list of 31 children's books that address race, racism, and activism. And the nonprofit Teaching for Change put together a list of social justice books for teens.

Joe Truss, the principal of Visitacion Middle School in San Francisco Unified and a consultant on racial equity in schools, has curated a list of books for teachers who want to engage in anti-racist work.

Starting these classroom conversations can be uncomfortable and challenging. But for black teachers, talking about police brutality and anti-black racism can be particularly emotionally draining. The Practice Freedom Project, founded by Atlanta educator Tamara Pearson, is hosting virtual meditations and reflections for black educators.

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15 Classroom Resources for Discussing Racism, Policing, and Protest

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As nationwide protests against police brutality continue, teachers in their virtual classrooms are once again searching for ways to help their students process the killings of black people in police custody in the United States.

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Creating the Space to Talk About Race

Most of us believe that every child, no matter what they look like or where they come from, deserves a safe and welcoming school where they can thrive. But certain politicians try to divide us by sending police to monitor and punish Black and brown students in schools that have been denied funding to even cover the basics, while ensuring well-resourced schools with mostly white students have enrichment activities, teacher training, and parent engagement. By joining together across race and place, we can rewrite the rules to ensure every student -whether Black, Brown or white- has up-to-date learning materials that give a full picture of our nation's history, the support of educators who are prepared to foster dialogue on racial justice and its impact on students and communities, and a well-resourced school environment.

NEA DEMANDS: JUSTICE FOR BLACK LIVES
As an organization representing public school educators across the country, the National Education Association recognizes the need to end institutionally racist systems and policies that have governed our society for too long and kept Black people from full participation in American life. For many Black students and families, our public schools are the heart of our communities. But far too many have been overlooked, neglected and forgotten by those in power who choose to bail out greedy corporations and line the pockets of privatizers. We must hold decision makers accountable to the people by reinvesting in policies and systems to achieve healthy and strong schools and communities. To our Black students, colleagues, parents and families: You matter, your trauma matters, your voice matters, your protest matters, your dreams matter. We mourn with you, we stand with you and we organize with you to dismantle all acts of discrimination and racism.
Therefore, we demand justice and equity for Black lives in all places and in all forms - in our judicial, education, housing, health and economic systems.
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CREATING THE SPACE TO TALK ABOUT RACE IN YOUR SCHOOL

Racism is complex and contentious. Many of us are afraid to even broach the subject. It often feels easier and safer to avoid the topic altogether.

But silence and inaction reinforce the status quo. And avoidance speaks volumes - it communicates to students of color that racism doesn't matter enough to warrant attention and, by omission, invalidates their experiences, perspectives, identities and lives. White students, on the other hand, often see racism being accepted and normalized, without acknowledgement or accountability.

To advance real solutions, we need to address real problems. As teachers, we have "teachable moments," or opportunities to constructively and productively address race. But these opportunities need to be thoughtfully created, seized, planned and managed.

The following tips can help you make race conversations normal, constructive and successful.

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NEA activists launch series of video "primers" for anti-racist white educators

Luke Michener and Terry Jess are both white, male educators who teach at Bellevue High School in Washington state. They feel they have little to add to conversations about race with students and colleagues of color that those students and colleagues don't already know themselves, based upon their own experiences in the classroom, and, more broadly, living in the United States.

On the other hand, Terry and Luke feel they do have a lot to offer other white educators who are committed to racial equity in education, but may not know where to begin.

Inspired by their own experiences working with students trying to reconcile their own identities with the realities of the world around them, as well as conversations they had at the 2017 NEA Conference on Racial and Social Justice, Terry and Luke created a series of YouTube videos they hoped could provide other white educators with ideas, insights and tools to better engage in racial equity work in their own schools and communities.

Terry now has more than 80 short videos on his YouTube channel, anchored around a 10-part series co-hosted by the pair titled "Primer for anti-racist white educators." Read the full blog post about their video project.

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Terry & Luke's Video Primers for Anti-Racist, White Educators:

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Educators, Parents, Students Mobilize in Support of District Equity Policy in WA State

Gjanje Smith says the first time her son was called the N-word was when he was a middle school student in the Bellevue School District, just east of Seattle.

After moving to Bellevue in 2010 from just outside Boston - with its long history of racial conflict in schools, including protests and riots following court-ordered desegregation and busing in the mid-1970s - Smith says she was shocked.

"I think people have this false sense of security in the Pacific Northwest because it's supposed to be this more progressive area," says Smith. "But there are still a lot of ongoing racial issues and micro-aggression."

Smith's son is now 20. By the time he graduated from high school, he had never had an African American teacher in any of his classes. She also has two daughters, ages 8 and 4. "My hope for my daughters," she says, "is that at some point they see themselves represented in the teaching staff, in the curriculum, and in the reading assignments."

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That vision has motivated Smith to become active in a community-wide effort to pass an equity policy in the Bellevue School District. She notes that racial equity is one of the top three priorities highlighted by district leadership, but the district currently has no equity policy.

"The district talks a great game about equity and serving all students," says Terry Jess, who teaches social studies at Bellevue High School and is the parent of an eighth grader and a high school junior in Bellevue schools. "But the district is not accountable for addressing the gaps that exist."

While Bellevue is less than 3 percent African American, it is one of the most diverse school districts in Washington: 42 percent of students are Asian American, 37 percent are white, and 12 percent are Latino.

Shomari Jones, director of equity and strategic engagement for the Bellevue School District, believes the district is heading in the right direction. Jones was recognized by "Education Week" earlier this year as one of nine exceptional K-12 leaders in the country for his leadership on closing opportunity gaps in the district. Last year, Jones organized a series of "community cafes" to solicit feedback from the community about equity issues. The district engaged with more than 2,500 people.

"Early on, there emerged a small but strong voice against the passing of an equity policy," said Jess. He characterized the opposition as coming primarily from affluent white parents and from Asian American parents who were concerned an equity policy would be tied to demographic quotas or limits on gifted student programs. (The Asian American & Pacific Islander Alliances has publicly supported an equity policy in the district).

During the forums, Smith says, some opponents directed comments at her and other African American parents. "There were comments like: ' Those people don't value education,' and 'We are asking the district to let people into the gifted program who won't be required to score as high on the testing as our kids have to...' "

Smith explains that nothing in the proposed equity policy would put quotas on gifted programs. Rather, she says, an equity policy would help ensure access to programs is equitable throughout the district. Smith believes that when student access to a gifted student program hinges solely on teacher recommendations, students of color too often get overlooked. "Even when SATs and GPAs of black and brown students match that of their Caucasian counterparts, their abilities are often underestimated."

Jones says some opposition to the proposed district-wide equity policy stemmed from a perceived sense of loss. "Some folks rationally believe that if we are providing greater support to a group of individuals who we have not put emphasis on before, there's a chance we may take way from other programs. That is not the case."

Following the forums, the district organized an Equity Advisory Group, which held a series of meetings to do what Jones called a "much deeper dive." This included reviewing current policies, researching equity practices in other districts and organizations, and recommending new policies and/or revisions to existing policies.

"We absolutely need an equity policy in the Bellevue school District," says educator Maria Ocampo, who was one of the participants in the advisory group. "Whether it's due to income, education, languages or other issues," she adds, "not every student's family gets information on and about all of the benefits and resources that are available to our student population. Only a percentage of our district population is well-informed, knows their rights, and speaks out - leaving other families without a voice."

The advisory group presented its report and recommendations at the March 5, 2019, school board meeting. The group found more than 50 policies that contributed to a lack of equity in the district and identified nine that need priority attention, including curriculum development, bilingual instruction and "classroom management, corrective actions or interventions."

Most who spoke during the public comment period or submitted written testimony to the board - including Jess, Smith, and students and parents from the district - testified in favor of an equity policy. Members of Students Organized Against Racism (SOAR) provided public comment at numerous board meetings and submitted written testimony in support of a policy. Jess says a catalyst for the student mobilization was the racial equity teams being created at various schools in the district.

Jess acknowledges some great equity work is being done in the district, but only in pockets. "One school might be doing good work around social/emotional learning. One principal may be doing great restorative justice work. But if it's not put in place in all schools, we are still going to see systemic gaps but be able to pat ourselves on the back and highlight the work being done in one place."

Jones says the district will often pilot something at one or two schools, before it gets rolled out to other schools. He cited "graduation success coaches" as one example. They support students who are credit deficient but still willing to work hard to graduate on time. The district started with only two, and then bumped that up to more schools.

The week after the March 5 board meeting, Jess posted an open letter to school board members, calling on them to move to pass a "complete and courageous" racial equity policy by the end of the year. "There is far too much inconsistency from building to building and ALL our students deserve to see active racial equity work in their school," he wrote.

Ocampo agrees. "The district needs to make sure we reach every student, and we need to make sure that each and every student has equitable opportunities and is treated equitably."

Three school board members replied directly to Jess in response to his open letter, indicating they support passing an equity policy by the end of the school year. The board did a first reading of a draft policy at its meeting May 7, with an eye to possibly voting on the policy before school is out for the summer.

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Young Activist Explains Institutional Racism in Under 2 Minutes

Marley Dias already knew that racism and other built-in barriers were "keeping kids like me from reaching our full potential." Tackling racism, she says, begins with a conversation. In a national video on institutional racism, Dias looks to educators across the country and asks:

"Do you care enough to look closer, to talk to each other. To your students, to your communities?... To change the dialogue?"

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Two Children, Two Zip codes, Two Outcomes. Time for Change.

A student's chances for success should not depend on living in the right zip code, winning a charter lottery, or affording private school. Every child deserves access to a system of publicly funded, equitable and democratically controlled public schools. When we short-change some students, we short-change our nation as a whole.

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SEVEN HARMFUL RACIAL DISCOURSE PRACTICES TO AVOID

Harmful racial discourse practices are found throughout our society. They are used by the media, by public officials and their staffs, by lawyers and judges, by advocates of various political backgrounds, by cultural and entertainment figures, and by others with power and influence over public perception and behavior.

When these harmful racial discourse practices prevail, either individually or acting collectively within a single narrative, they stifle the general public's understanding of systemic racism. They also reinforce the common misconception that racism is simply a problem of rare, isolated, individual attitudes and actions, and most damagingly, that as a significant barrier to the success of people of color, racism is a thing of the past.

In the "Seven Harmful Racial Discource Practices to Avoid" section of our "Racial Justice is Education Justice" report, we provide definitions for seven harmful practices and describe the specific negative effects they have on racial discourse and dialogue. In addition, we provide everyday recommendations that offer insight and tools to help overcome these harmful racial discourse practices.

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Take Action

Building Power in Our Communities

Ready to get active and be the superhero our students deserve in the fight for racial, social and economic justice in public education? Then join the NEA EdJustice League!

Join us!

Resources

Resource Guide

NEA's "Racial Justice in Education" resource guide includes tools & resources for creating the space in your classroom to talk about race, racial equity assessments, strategic planning and more.

Download PDF

The 1619 Project

Links and resources about the comprehensive 1619 Project, which informs and challenges us to reframe U.S. history and better understand the hold of institutional racism on our communities.

View Now

Anti-Racist Vid Primer

A 10-part YouTube series of video "primers" for anti-racist white educators, created by two NEA activists.

See the Videos

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Racial Justice is Education Justice - NEA EdJustice

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Creating the Space to Talk About Race Most of us believe that every child, no matter what they look like or where they come from, deserves a safe and welcoming school where they can thrive.

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NEA Racial Justice in Education Resource Guide 

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NEA Racial Justice in Education Resource Guide 

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General NEA Education-Social Justice Resources for Educators and Colleagues

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General NEA Education-Social Justice Resources for Educators and Colleagues

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Great public schools for every student

The National Education Association (NEA), the nation's largest professional employee organization, is committed to advancing the cause of public education. NEA's 3 million members work at every level of education-from pre-school to university graduate programs. NEA has affiliate organizations in every state and in more than 14,000 communities across the United States.

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We use cookies to offer you a better browsing experience, provide ads, analyze site traffic, and personalize content. If you continue to use this site, you consent to our use of cookies. Accept & Close We're here to help you succeed in your career, advocate for public school students, and stay up to date on the latest education news.

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NEA Racial Justice for Black Lives Resources 

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NEA Racial Justice for Black Lives Resources 

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Recent events in our nation have once again put a spotlight on a long legacy of racism, violence and white supremacy in our communities. As COVID-19 continues to ravage communities of color, the recent murders of George Floyd, Ahmaud Aubrey, and Breonna Taylor have highlighted an inherently broken system and illustrated how deep injustice runs through our health, income, housing, education and policing systems.

In her statement on the murder of George Floyd, NEA President Lily Eskelsen García said, "We must examine how white supremacy culture impacts our biases, our practices, and the policies in our own schools and communities. It is our responsibility as educators to create the space for students to explore, by first evaluating our own biases, privilege and collusion".

NEA is committed to working with educators towards eradicating racist systems that keep students from attaining the best public education possible. The following resources can help promote deeper understanding around the issues of racism and violence with colleagues, students and families.

NEA Racial Justice in Education Resource Guide
NEA Center for Social Justice

Why racial equity & justice?

Talking race

Tools for assessment, strategic planning and action

Black Lives Matter at School Week
NEA Center for Social Justice

Resources to help facilitate conversations about race any time of year, including classroom appropriate lesson plans, guides on how to have tough conversations with peers and students, and more.

Read Across America Book Recommendations
Read Across America

Selected by educators, NEA's Read Across America includes books that students can see themselves reflected in, as well as books that allow readers to see a world or a character that might be different than them.

Video "Primers" for Anti-racist White Educators
NEA Center for Social Justice

Inspired by their own experiences working with students, teachers Luke Michener and Terry Jess offer advice to other white educators who are committed to racial equity in education but may not know where to begin.

Marley Dias Video
NEA YouTube Channel

For Marley Dias, the call to activism began with books. Frustrated by not seeing other Black girls as the main characters in the books in her school library, she decided to take action and make a change by launching the wildly successful social media project, #1000blackgirlbooks.

NEA: Visually Speaking Series: The Playlist
NEA YouTube Channel

Visually Speaking is a photo/video social justice project that invites educators and students to talk about the issues that affect them most.

Microcredentials for Educators - Online Courses
NEA.CertificationBank.com

NEA's certification bank includes courses to help educators adopt restorative justice practices, cultivate socially just environments, challenge inequity, examine intersections of race, gender, and sexual orientation, and create classroom culture that cultivates relationships among all learners.

Resources for Talking about Race, Racism and Racialized Violence with Kids
Center for Racial Justice in Education

Teaching About Race, Racism and Police Violence
Southern Poverty Law Center/Teaching Tolerance

Black Lives Matter
Southern Poverty Law Center/Teaching Tolerance

Systemic Racism Explained (Video)

Talking About Racism and Violence with Students: Resources for Educators
Colorin' Colorado

These resources can help promote deeper understanding around the issues of racism and violence. They also can contribute to discussion of these topics with colleagues and students during this difficult time, even at a distance.

Say Her Name Campaign
African American Policy Forum

A movement that calls attention to police violence against Black women, girls and femmes and demands their stories be integrated into the calls for justice, policy changes and police violence.

Reflecting on George Floyd's Death and Police Violence Towards Black Americans
Facing History and Ourselves

TED Talk Playlist
Talks to help you understand racism in America.

Talking About Race
National Museum of African American History and Culture

Talking about race, although hard, is necessary. These are tools and guidance to empower your journey and inspire conversation.

Race Works Toolkits
Stanford Center for Comparitive Studies in Race & Ethnicity

A series of short films and activities featuring the latest Stanford scholarship about how people do race and how to undo racism

10 Documentaries to Watch about Race Instead of Asking a Person of Color to Explain Things for You
DocPlay.com

10 important documentaries about race, racial prejudices and privilege within our society.

White Supremacy & Anti-Blackness: A Covert & Overt Beast
WeAreBeloved.org

Displays a pyramid that describes all of the ways that white supremacy moves, and especially takes stock of the covert ways.

Scaffolded Anti-racism Resources
A working document for scaffolding anti-racism resources. The goal is to facilitate growth for white folks to become allies, and eventually accomplices for anti-racist work.

Resources for Accountability and Actions for Black Lives
A live document compiled by Carlisa Johnson on 5/27/20. Updated daily as more resources and information becomes available.

Anti-Racism Resources
This document is intended to serve as a resource to white people and parents to deepen anti-racism work.

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RACIAL JUSTICE RESOURCES : JUSTICE FOR BLACK LIVES - NEA EdJustice

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NEA is committed to working with educators towards eradicating racist systems that keep students from attaining the best public education possible. The following resources can help promote deeper understanding around the issues of racism and violence with colleagues, students and families.

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by Ibram X. Kendi and Jason Reynolds

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Stamped: Racism, Antiracism, and You: A Remix of the National Book Award-Winning Stamped from the Beginning a book by Jason Reynolds and Ibram X. Kendi

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This crucial, empowering, #1 New York Times bestselling exploration of racism--and antiracism--in America makes critical ideas accessible for teen readers, adapted from Ibram X. Kendi’s National Book Award-winning Stamped from the Beginning. This is NOT a history book. This is a book about the here…

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by Dr. Ibram X. Kendi

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"An engrossing and relentless intellectual history of prejudice in America.... The greatest service Kendi [provides] is the ruthless prosecution of American ideas about race for their tensions, contradiction and unintended consequences."--
"A deep (and often disturbing) chronicling of how anti-black thinking has entrenched itself in the fabric of American society."--
"A staggering intellectual history of racism in America that is both rigorous and ...readable."--New Republic

"An intricate look at the history of race in the U.S., arguing that many well-meaning American progressives inadvertently operate on belief systems tinged with a racist heritage."--
"Ambitious, well-researched and worth the time of anyone who wants to understand racism."
--
"Kendi upends many commonly held beliefs about how racism works, exploring the ideas and thinkers behind our most intractable social and cultural problem."--
"An altogether remarkable thesis on history, but, in ways that are both moving and immediately painful, it also reverberates with the post-election autopsy we're all conducting right now... Stamped from the Beginning is a riveting (and often rivetingly written) work, well deserving of the National Book Award."--
"The National Book Awards show the way toward the America we want, not the one we're getting."--New York Magazine

"Kendi has done something that's damn near impossible: write a book about racism that breaks new ground, while being written in a way that's accessible to the nonacademic. If you've ever been interested in how racist ideas spread throughout the United States, this is the book to read."--The Root

"Kendi is able to decisively quell the arguments that racism is a bygone byproduct of ignorance...Kendi's writing style is plainspoken, detail-oriented, and straightforward...In the midst of leaving Jefferson and his fellows open to judgment, Kendi leaves plenty of room for self-questioning, and for drawing connections between the racist apologetics of the past and those of the present. The process makes for a compelling, thoroughly enlightening, unsettling, and necessary read."--
"Ambitious...Kendi bases his exhaustive study in one central thought: Racist ideas...have historically sprung from racist policies, and self-preservation of the ruling class. The policy leads to the ideology, not vice versa."--
"This book should be on every young leader's bookshelf. It's not pretty, but the truth often isn't."--
"Self-proclaimed as a definitive history of racist ideas in the US, this exhaustive, encyclopedic opus lives up to that claim. Kendi's mighty tome is breathtaking in its scope.... Both worthwhile and extraordinary.... Essential."--
"An accomplished history of racist thought and practice in the United States from the Puritans to the present... In this tour de force, Kendi explores the history of racist ideas-and their connection with racist practices-across American history.... Racism is the enduring scar on the American consciousness. In this ambitious, magisterial book, Kendi reveals just how deep that scar cuts and why it endures, its barely subcutaneous pain still able to flare."--
"I honestly wish every American would read this book, especially people who haven't been exposed to the history of blatant, transparent racism in our public policy."
--Chicago Review of Books, Best Books of 2016
"Perhaps the most significant book of 2016, this National Book Award winner is a lucid, highly readable look at the origins of racist ideas in the United States."
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"Essential reading."
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"This heavily researched yet easily readable volume explores the roots and the effects of racism in America. The narrative smoothly weaves throughout history, culminating in the declaration that as much as we'd like it to be, America today is nowhere near the 'postracial' country that the media declared following the election of Barack Obama in 2008. The hope here is that by studying and remembering the lessons of history, we may be able to move forward to an equitable society."--
"Kendi's provocative egalitarian argument combines prodigious reading and research with keen insights into the manipulative power of racist ideologies that suppress the recognition of diversity. This is a must for serious readers of American history, politics, or social thought."--
"A work as prodigious as the subtitle implies.... Had Kendi only provided history, Stamped from the Beginning would be a meaningful contribution to the literature, but it is so much more. It a call for all Americans to look inward."--
"In his relentless odyssey through the making of America's particular brand of prejudice...Kendi challenges our assumptions about racism by exposing the development of racist ideas-and their connection to racist actions and policies throughout our history."--Stephenie Livingston, University of Florida
"Both a penetrating treatise and a wonderfully accessible work of intellectual history, Stamped from the Beginning reveals the heritage of ideas behind the modern dialectic of race-denial and race-obsession. By historicizing our entrenched logic of racial difference, Kendi shows why "I don't see color" and other professions of post-racialism remain inexorable alibis for white supremacy. Stamped from the Beginning has done the cause of anti-racism a great service."
--
"Ibram Kendi is an important new voice in African American intellectual and social history. This book, an intellectual history of racist ideas, promises to break important new ground for scholarly and general audiences interested in the construction of racism in America."--Peniel E. Joseph, author of Stokely: A Life and Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour
"Richly sourced and engaging, Ibram X. Kendi's Stamped from the Beginning is a highly accessible yet provocative study that seeks to complicate our understanding of racist ideas and the forces that produce them."--Yohuru Williams, Professor of History and Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences, Fairfield University
" Stamped from the Beginning delivers a timely and bold corrective to the history of racist and anti-racist ideas that explodes our understanding of the root of anti-black violence as we know it today. Kendi's deft analysis of key thinkers from Cotton Mather to Angela Davis illustrates how racial thought, specifically debates about racial difference, take shape across space and time and influence racial policies and the persistence of racial discrimination. This book is a must read for those interested in working to unearth the foundational ideas and practices that hinder true racial progress."--
"In his ambitious, illuminating, and engaging book, Ibram X. Kendi seamlessly assembles sources from Cotton Mather to Angela Davis; the Great Awakening to Black Lives Matter; the Birth of a Nation to Hip Hop culture, to show how not only race but racist ideas are at the center of American thought."
--
"Blending deep research and analysis with a powerfully intimate and personal voice, Kendi...renders this work of intellectual history as compelling as the juiciest biography."--Los Angeles Times
"We often describe a wonderful book as 'mind-blowing' or 'life-changing' but I've found this rarely to actually be the case. I found both descriptions accurate for Ibram X. Kendi's Stamped from the Beginning... I will never look at racial discrimination again after reading this marvellous, ambitious, and clear-sighted book."
--George Saunders, Financial Times, Best Books of 2017

" Stamped from the Beginning is a history of how racist ideas are built, and how they are built to last. Understanding this history is essential if we want to have any hope of progress. This book will forever change the way we think about race."--

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Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America

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The National Book Award winning history of how racist ideas were created, spread, and deeply rooted in American society. Some Americans insist that we're living in a post-racial society. But racist thought is not just alive and well in America--it is more sophisticated and more insidious than ever.

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Addressing equity and inclusion with kids.

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This episode can be summarized with one sentence: Please stop using Black and Brown emojis if you are not Black or Brown.

Skin color is something that should be celebrated, not laughed at, but I have seen people using emojis that don't match their skin tone time and time again.

I think a lot of the time people...

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As parents, we all want to teach our kids to be inclusive, but how? Join Jasmine Bradshaw each week as she gives you the tools and practical strategies that you need to talk to your children about race, religion, and culture.

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Addressing equity and inclusion with kids.

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This episode can be summarized with one sentence: Please stop using Black and Brown emojis if you are not Black or Brown.

Skin color is something that should be celebrated, not laughed at, but I have seen people using emojis that don't match their skin tone time and time again.

I think a lot of the time people...

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As parents, we all want to teach our kids to be inclusive, but how? Join Jasmine Bradshaw each week as she gives you the tools and practical strategies that you need to talk to your children about race, religion, and culture.