# data[].attributes.body
"Black nationalism, he insisted, was not some diversion from the class struggle but a revolutionary force to be reckoned with. Unfortunately, James was about three decades too early, or the Left was three decades too late." (33)

# data[].attributes.body
"The myth of nonviolent social change is a crucial pillar of American exceptionalism. We celebrate the nonviolent transfer of power anytime we elect a new president. Dead black radicals are incorporated into this myth. Many critics of disruptive protest often invoke a conservative image of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to discipline activists and validate myths of nonviolent social change."

# data[].attributes.body
"Now, there has been a spectacular rise in scholarship that probes at the connection between slavery and capitalism recently, but its focus on the 19th century leaves Robinson’s provocation here still largely unaddressed. Both in terms of the history of capitalism and, crucially, in terms of the ways in which race and race thinking are embedded in that history. But most importantly, Robinson’s demand that we locate this history in the early Modern black Atlantic is one that is fundamentally not about Europe. Failing to engage this early history means that we also fail to fully situate Africans as people who enter into captivity with a wealth of history, knowledge, experience, and worldview firmly in place."

# data[].attributes.body
But more than being simply a matter of “inclusion,” we have to ask how a gendered analysis of enslavement and colonialism—and the economic, political, and social orders that followed in their wake—rearranges the picture and alters the conclusions drawn. What does the long trajectory of black labor and class formation—and, by extension, radicalism—look like when we center gender?
https://www.aaihs.org/the-lasting-legacy-of-black-marxism/

The people I study are women, enslaved by the English in the 17th and early 18th century.  The framework that Cedric Robinson put into place more than thirty years ago drives my efforts to carefully consider the impact of enslavement on their lives and on the lives of those around them. In the absence of archival evidence that clearly illuminates their interior lives, Robinson’s work compels me to articulate the ways in which enslaved women’s erasure from the archives is itself crucial to the development of racial capitalism—from that vantage point it is impossible to forget them or to minimize their centrality to the histories with which I am concerned.
https://www.aaihs.org/thinking-with-black-marxism/

# data[].attributes.body
"Most scholarship on the concept of agency concentrates on its psychological origins and impact and its implications for the individual. I propose collective agency as a way to expand theories of agency to include a collective dimension. A community does not have a consciousness in the same way an individual does, but when a group of people comes together and believes in their mutual success, this creates a separate type of consciousness that drives collective agency." (Page 8, Introduction)

# data[].attributes.body
"How people understand and conceptualize their own agency affects their beliefs about whether they can influence the course of events in their own lives. Based on the information available to them and their interpretation of that information, their sense of agency allows them to make decisions either to resist or adhere to social boundaries." (page 7)

# data[].attributes.body
And what of Black left thought today? We are still clearly in the looking back mode—a “fifty years after” framings of major events—without theoretical guidance for the future. A Black Lives Matter movement exists but its actions remain sporadic and more responsive than proactive.

# data[].attributes.headline
Monica White (Freedom Farmers, Ch. 2, p. 5)

# data[].attributes.subject
Monica White (Freedom Farmers, Ch. 2, p. 5)

# data[].attributes.body
"By pooling resources, the community was designed to become self-sufficient and therefore able to resist political, social, and economic disenfranchisement and the pressure to relocate North. The organization sought to realize Hamer's vision of economic participation as the path to political participation, based on her organic intellectual understanding of the means of oppression of the people of Sunflower County. By providing housing, health care, employment, education, and access to healthy food that the white power structure of Mississippi denied them, Freedom Farm provided a sphere for the development of a free mind, an opportunity to create new identities, and a new form of collective political consciousness. It used the strategies of commons as praxis, prefigurative politics, and economic autonomy to achieve collective agency and community resilience."

# data[].attributes.body
Community resilience, a subcategory within the burgeoning field of resilience science, refers to the various structural aspects and components of human adaptation to extreme adversity, using (p.8) “community” as the unit of analysis.

# data[].attributes.headline
Joy James: The Architects of Abolitionism

# data[].attributes.subject
Joy James: The Architects of Abolitionism

# data[].attributes.body
"If domination cannot be petitioned but only contested, as Frederick Douglass suggests, then the risk and sacrifices of the revolutionary era reflect not only aspirations but also practical mechanical blueprints for an egalitarian democratic future" (12:44)

# data[].attributes.body
“I’m grateful for all the work that we’ve produced, all our scholars have produced, all our activists have produced. But my particular argument is that the work itself has been part of the deradicalization of prison abolitionism. So if you think about The New Jim Crow, which I’m sure you’ve read or seen in some ways, think about the absence, and what is absent is black agency. There’s only victimization, and so the heartbeat of radicalization came from a black struggle when people had incredible agency.” (James, 8:34 - 9:04)

# data[].attributes.body
"That everything and and anything and anybody at any time can claim to be an abolitionist...and that's the logical conclusion of de-radicalizing the prison struggle by severing it from a grassroots working-class, black base or people of color base, that sought autonomy from the state and by shifting the leadership to elites, to government, to non-profits, to academics, so that the very definition of the term of abolitionism is not decided by the people who are incarcerated or more vulnerable to the incarceration matrix. It is decided by the people who are a part of the machinery. Both its critics and those who celebrate it."