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What Do the Moves Suggest About the Values of a Broader Community?

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What Do the Moves Suggest About the Values of a Broader Community?

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The moves suggest the communities value of order and correctness. As it is a scientific/research based community everything is build from fact and hypothesis so those moves are crucial.

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What Do the Moves Suggest About the Relationship Between the Writers and Users of This Genre? How Might This Relationship Impact the Inclusion/Exclusion of Certain Moves?

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What Do the Moves Suggest About the Relationship Between the Writers and Users of This Genre? How Might This Relationship Impact the Inclusion/Exclusion of Certain Moves?

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The moves assume a certain level of knowledge (to a a degree) or interest in the subject. Certain details or forms of assertion do not need to be included as they are already known.

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Who Seems to Have Freedom to Break From Common Moves? Who Does Not?

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Who Seems to Have Freedom to Break From Common Moves? Who Does Not?

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The experts in the field or those who are well known throughout the field are able to deviate from the common moves as they have already established their credibility to speak on the subject. Anyone who is not known in the community, like students or new comers, do need to use these moves in order to sound confident and well versed in the subject.

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What Are Consequences for the Writer of Other Users If Certain Moves Are Included, or Not?

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What Are Consequences for the Writer of Other Users If Certain Moves Are Included, or Not?

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The piece could be more difficult to understand and authority over the topic may not be asserted.

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What is the Significance Behind the Sequence of the Moves?

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What is the Significance Behind the Sequence of the Moves?

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The order of the moves build up credibility to speak on the subject and create a more fact based report.

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Do All Moves Have a Clear Purpose and Help Carry Out the Social Actions of the Genre?

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Do All Moves Have a Clear Purpose and Help Carry Out the Social Actions of the Genre?

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Yes, the moves in this genre have a clear purpose and that is to declare the niche and give the results necessary.

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Video Explaining the Importance of Language

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Video Explaining the Importance of Language

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How Language Shapes the Way We Think | Lera Boroditsky | TED

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How is Language Used to Carry Out the Moves You've Identified?

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How is Language Used to Carry Out the Moves You've Identified?

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The language in the reports I have analyzed is very similar. In each report the sentences are on the longer end and contain plenty of commas for separation while still mainting the continuous thought.

In a majority of the papers, the author does not address themself at all and stick strictly to the research conducted and the results. In the few papers where the author does address themself, they address themself using "I".

A common theme is also the lack of contractions. As mentioned above, the authors tend to not address themselves.

Another common theme is using language to prompt a chronological order to what their research is building off of.

Most of the papers are written in past and present tense, never future.

There is also abundant jargon being used form this community in the reports. Yet the reports are not difficult to read or understand from an outsiders standpoint.

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The authors use language very assertively and personal opinion is left out as the purpose of these reports is to document outcomes of research.

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How Do Different Audiences or Contexts Seem to Affect the Moves?

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How Do Different Audiences or Contexts Seem to Affect the Moves?

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There is seemingly not much variation due to audiences or contexts. The authors are writing what they have found with little need to change for the audience as the audience itself is interested in the niche the piece is filling.

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What Organizational Patterns Are Used Among the Moves?

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What Organizational Patterns Are Used Among the Moves?

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The reports all seem to follow a general formula. They begin with an introduction, the thesis always at the end. The introduction always introduces the reason for research and an overview to the issue at hand. After the introduction there is slightly more leeway for the formatting of the paper. Some pieces take the next few paragraphs to explain the purposes why research is needed and others jump straight into the results of the research. However, there is always a concluding paragraph, which can be considered the discussion portion of the research. The reports form this community are similar to the primary research paper we composed.

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In the last 15 years, trauma research has experienced a small boom in the number of studies that have been conducted (Walker, Newman, Koss, and Bernstein, 1997; Newman, Walker, and Gefland, 1999). Similar to the rest of research psychology, tension exists between traumatologists' differing goals of beneficence: the conflict between a commitment to a greater good (i.e., those who will benefit from the added knowledge gained from trauma studies) and a commitment to study participants' well-being. While there have been recent advances in legal protections of study participants, ethical principles of do no harm to participants' remain vague and un-operationalized (e.g., APA, 2002). With this escalation in trauma research activity, there has been increasing pressures from Institutional Review Boards led trauma researchers to become more self-conscious about their adherence to this principle of no-harm (Newman, Walker, and Gefland, 1999).

Early anecdotal impressions worried the trauma research community about the possible deleterious impact on trauma populations (DuMont and Stermac, 1996; Templeton, 1993), and led investigators to wonder whether trauma populations should be granted a vulnerable population status (Templeton, 1993; Levine, 2004). The result was a small but growing empirical literature that scrutinized trauma studies and studied participant post-study psychological reactions. These studies have sought to answer two questions. First, do participants suffer due to their participation in this research? Second, do trauma populations need extra protections due an inherent vulnerability? In the following paper, I will review relevant empirical studies to explore these important ethical questions, and apply these findings to my current work in Dr. Nnamdi Pole's Post-Traumatic Stress Disorders Laboratory.

In the empirical studies examining possible harm on participants, harm was operationalized. Harm was measured by whether participants regretted their participation, and/or would these participants have participated had they known what their subjective experience would be during the research process (e.g., Walker, Newman, Koss, and Bernstein, 1997). Participants were also often asked if they experienced un-expected distress during the study, and/or whether there were benefits to their participation in the study (e.g., Walker, Newman, Koss, and Bernstein, 1997).

Previous empirical research unequivocally demonstrates that trauma survivors are not harmed (e.g., Walker, Newman, Koss, and Bernstein, 1997; Newman, Walker, and Gefland, 1999; Griffin, Resick, Waldrop, and Mechanic, 2003). Two studies are very indicative of the findings across the studies. First, Walker, Newman, Koss, and Bernstein (1997) randomly sampled female participants after receiving a comprehensive questionnaire measuring distress and previous history of victimization (neglect, sexual, physical, and emotional abuse), found that among 330 participants 76% indicated that they would have still participated in the study if they had known in advance what the experience was going to be like for them and only 5% said they would not. More over, 25 % said they actually felt benefited from the experience versus 13% that said they would not. Those 13% expressed that the protocol had been more upsetting than anticipated. Interestingly, only 1.2% (n=4) reported that they were unexpectedly distressed and would not still complete the survey again had they known what the experience would be like for them. The difference between those who were more upset than anticipated was higher scores of distress and exposure on the original protocol, however no other group seemed to be correlated based on distress or exposure.

In a similar study by Griffin, Resick, Waldrop, and Mechanic (2003) with domestic violence, rape, and physical assault survivors (total n= 430) between 2 weeks and 6 months after the last traumatic event, examining participant reaction to trauma assessment procedures, participants were also very positive about their participation in the study. This is true even for those that participated during the normally acute phase after their traumatic event (within 10 days post-trauma). For the physical assault and rape survivors, only 5% reported that they might not be willing or definitely would not be willing to participate in a similar assessment. In this sample, those participants that were highly symptomatic did not report differently from those that were not symptomatic. In the domestic violence sample, 98% of the participants indicated a willingness to participate in a similar study, regardless of the fact that 42% experienced very strong emotions during the research process. There were no significant differences in responses based on severity of symptomology.

Newman and Kaloupek (2004) conducted a literature review and found that across studies that examined the impact of trauma research on participants, participants reported the following benefits: medical and mental health services, empowerment, learning and insight into their own trauma experience and history, greater acceptance and normalization of trauma-related reactions, breaking the silence in an accepting setting, altruism, kinships with others, feeling worthwhile by participating, receiving favorable attention by researcher, and finally the material compensation for participating. These outcomes across studies demonstrate that trauma research most often does not cause harm, but provided an almost brief, therapeutic intervention.

The American Psychological Association Ethical Code (2002) provides special protections for those populations deems as particularly vulnerable, such as children and pregnant mothers. Should trauma populations be considered vulnerable populations and be granted greater protection in the research process? Is the trauma population a vulnerable population?

Informed consent is especially salient for many concerned researchers (Levine, 2004; Newman, Walker, and Gefland, 1999). There is concern whether traumatized individuals, especially in the acute phase following a traumatic event, are able to give truly informed consent given their high levels of distress (Levine, 2004). For informed consent to be given, participants would need to really be able to foresee the distress that participation in the research process may entail (Collogan, Tuma, Dolan-Sewell, Borja, & Fleischman, 2004). For instances, some worry that individuals might not recognize that their particular distress and symptomology may increase (e.g., intrusive symptoms) due to their participation in a trauma study (Newman, Walker, and Gefland, 1999). There is always a question as to whether traumatized individuals' decisional capacity is compromised by the traumatic events; however, there is no empirical research to substantiate this concern (Collogan, Tuma, Dolan-Sewell, Borja, & Fleischman, 2004). Griffin, Resick, Waldrop, and Mechanic (2003) mention that some researchers are concerned that traumatized individuals may be too fragile for measures that remind them of their trauma histories and these individuals may be unable to decline participation due to their past experiences with victimization. However, given the empirical data collected regarding participant post-study reactions, it does not appear that participants shared those sentiments.

Applicability to our study.

We are studying retired Michigan law enforcement officers and seek to understand the relationship between traumatic events, occupational stressors, psychophysiology, coping, social support, functioning, work place environment, trauma history, and psychopathology in these men that had been exposed to over an extended period of time. Because exposure to a traumatic event is a selection criterion, we are prepared to encounter Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) among our participants. Our research protocol involves an exhaustive booklet of measures examining the above-mentioned variables, a space to describe the critical incident, and the opportunity to discuss the consequence of emotional distress. During an in-person interview, we collect psycho-physiological data as we ask the retirees to re-tell their critical incidence experience in detail, play startling sounds for them, and finally show them a series of video clips that include neutral and police-related, violent scenes.

The findings of no harm to participants in the literature was very reassuring, and contextualized for me the reasons we have the practices we do in our lab when we work with participants. We recruit participants through newspaper ads and word-of-mouth, which limits coercion. We prepare participants before giving them measures and collecting psycho-physiological data that they may feel distress at certain points in the process. We allow participants the opportunity to fill out measures at their home at their own pace. We give participants a list of mental health, clinical resources so they can pursue services to support them around any issues or distress that may arise during the course of the survey. We repeatedly check-in with them throughout the data collection process, and after the protocol. We offer no coercion to participate, and actually offer a relatively low monetary compensation for participation (merely $50). None of their benefits are contingent on their participation. They can choose to drop out at any time, and they will still receive compensation even if they choose to withdraw data or not submit their measures. Dr. Pole always makes himself very available to speak with participants throughout the process, and actually conducts all the clinical interviews himself. The empirical researches reviewed for this paper seem to suggest that these methods are in fact ways of possibly minimizing harm to participants, and increasing gains. A finding that was very applicable to my work was Walker et al.'s (1997) finding that the PTSD symptomatic group rated the portion of the protocol with psycho-physiological measures the more distressing and difficult than the other participants. It demonstrates to me that participants may need extra emotional support following this portion of the data collection.

The larger implications of these research findings are slightly more ambiguous than the findings themselves. While it is now clear that many trauma research protocols do not in fact cause harm, the field is still left without guidance on future research, or the research standards that could (and perhaps should) exist to ensure positive outcomes. Raftery (1997) points out that the trauma field has relatively neglected developing a field specific code of ethics; the International Society of Traumatic Stress Studies, the primary professional organization for trauma researchers and clinicians, has yet to discuss and publish a code of ethics for the trauma field. Future research can help educate the field on what such an ethical code should include to ensure continued positive and beneficial post-study responses in participants.

Future research should help differentiate the factors that promote or detract from participant satisfaction. Future research should compare protocols and methods to help guide the field in determining ways to ensure positive experiences for participants. It would be helpful if all studies incorporated an assessment of participant experience to provide feedback to both that particular researcher but also future research designs. For instance, does debriefing after the study or follow up a few weeks after participation support positive experiences for participants? Does gender match or ethnic of interviewer impacts participant satisfaction? What specifically brings benefits to participants versus merely not harming participants? These are all questions that would be beneficial to further explore.

American Psychological Association. Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct.2002. http://www.apa.org/ethics/code2002.pdf

Armstrong, J. G. (1996). Emotional issues and ethical aspects of trauma research. In E. B. Carlson (Ed.), Trauma research methodology. (pp. 174-187)The Sidran Press.

Collogan, L. K., Tuma, F., Dolan-Sewell, R., Borja, S., & Fleischman, A. R. (2004). Ethical issues pertaining to research in the aftermath of disaster. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 17(5), 363-372.

Draucker, C. B. (1999). The emotional impact of sexual violence research on participants. Archives of Psychiatric Nursing, 13, 161-169.

DuMont, J., & Stermac, L. (1996). Research with women who have been sexually assaulted: Examining informed consent. Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 5, 185-191.

Griffin, M. G., Resick, P. A., Waldrop, A. E., & Mechanic, M. B. (2003). Participation in trauma research: Is there evidence of harm? Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16(3), 221-227.

Levine, C. (2004). The concept of vulnerability in disaster research. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 17(5), 395-402.

Newman, E., & Kaloupek, D. G. (2004). The risks and benefits of participating in trauma-focused research studies. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 17(5), 383-394.

Newman, E., Walker, E. A., & Gefland, A. (1999). Assessing the ethical costs and benefits of trauma-focused research. General Hospital Psychiatry, 21(3), 187-196.

Raftery, J. (1997). Doing better than the media: Ethical issues in trauma research. Australasian Journal of Disaster and Trauma Studies, 1(2).

Templeton, D. M. (1993). Sexual assault: Effects of the research process on all the participants. Canadian Family Physician, 39, 248-258.

Walker, E. A., Newman, E., Koss, M., & Bernstein, D. (1997). Does the study of victimization revictimize the victims? General Hospital Psychiatry, 19(6), 403-410.

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In the last 15 years, trauma research has experienced a small boom in the number of studies that have been conducted (Walker, Newman, Koss, and Bernstein, 1997; Newman, Walker, and Gefland, 1999).

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﻿While the majority of mental disorders listed in the DSM-IV TR occur in individuals of all ages, certain disorders are exclusively diagnosed during early childhood and are, thus, grouped under a category called childhood disorders. One of the most commonly diagnosed childhood disorders is ADHD or attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Since the early 1980's, the number of children diagnosed with this disorder has been rising steadily. Thus, it is important to gain an understanding of ADHD in order to define, classify, explain, and treat it effectively.

The most common symptoms of ADHD include impulsivity, overactivity, and inattentiveness. Impulsivity is defined as an inability to withhold responses and reckless and premature behavior. Hyperactivity is often characterized by excessive restlessness, fidgeting, and motor activity. The last predominant symptom of ADHD, inattentiveness, is defined by abnormal levels of distraction, disorganization, and forgetfulness (Sagvolden, 1999). In order to be diagnosed, the symptoms must cause impairment in two or more settings like a home or a school. Typically, ADHD is diagnosed in children prior to the age of seven and occurs more often in males than in females (Sagvolden, 1999). In 75 out of 100 cases, the disorder progresses into adulthood and leads to future problems like substance abuse and delinquency (Flory et al., 2002).

Classified as a childhood disorder, ADHD, which is called hyperkinetic disorder in the ICD-10, falls under the attention deficit and disruptive behavior disorder category of the DSM IV-TR which is characterized by the externalization of behaviors and an inability to abide by societal standards of behavior (Hansell & Damour, 2005). Depending on which of these three symptoms predominates, the diagnosis of ADHD can further be classified into three subtypes, ADHD, combined type, ADHD, predominately inattentive type, and ADHD, predominately hyperactive-impulsive type. ADHD, combined type is diagnosed when the child has six symptoms of inattention and six symptoms of hyperactivity and/or impulsivity. ADHD predominately inattentive type is diagnosed when the child has at leas six symptoms of inattention but less then six symptoms of hyperactivity-impulsivity while the diagnosis of ADHD, predominately hyperactive-impulsive type is made when the child has at least six symptoms of hyperactivity-impulsivity but less than six symptoms of inattention (APA, 2000). According to the American Psychiatric Association, between 3% and 7% of children over the age of seven meet the criteria for the diagnosis of ADHD. Most children are often diagnosed with ADHD via a multimodal pathway of assessment. Such a comprehensive assessment often involves information about the developmental history of the child from caregivers, observation of the child, assessment of cognitive and learning ability, and retrieval of behavioral reports from sources in settings outside the home, such as a school (Taylor et al., 2004). Common parent and teacher questionnaires used to assess the diagnosis of ADHD include the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) and the Conners' Rating Scales. The SDQ includes five features to evaluate attention and hyperactivity on a scale of 0-10. The Conners' Rating Scales include four scales assessing hyperactivity, cognitive problems / inattention, oppositional behavior, and an ADHD index. In order to warrant a diagnosis of ADHD, the child most receive a score of 6 or above on the SDQ and a score of 70 or above on one of the scales of the Conners' Rating Scales (Sayal, Letch, & El Abd, 2008). Moreover, in order to be diagnosed, the child must exhibit the symptoms of ADHD in multiple settings. Thus, the child should receive the cut-off scores on both questionnaires from multiple sources, like a parent and a teacher. Such questionnaires have high levels of reliability (Faraone, Biederman, & Zimmerman, 2005). However, the validity of the diagnosis is often questioned and ADHD is often said to be over diagnosed. Some contend that with the advent of such drugs as Ritalin in the early 1980's, the diagnosis of ADHD has dramatically risen. Thus, a pharmaceutical pull has lead to often hasty diagnoses of ADHD in behaviors that were once characterized as normal in young children (Vatz &Weinberg, 2001). Moreover, the validity of the diagnosis is often questioned due to the high rates of comorbidity of ADHD with other disorders. Up to 75% of those diagnosed with ADHD also meet the criteria for another DSM-IV TR diagnosis including that of depression or anxiety (Barkley, 2005). Because the criteria for ADHD, such as inattention, overlap with for other disorders like depression, ADHD may often be mistakenly diagnosed.

Once ADHD has been diagnosed, both a treatment plan and an understanding of the cause of the disorder must properly be established. According to the biological perspective, ADHD has a strong genetic component with a heritability component of 75% (Faraone et al., 2005). Adoption studies have also shown that children that develop ADHD are more likely to have biological parents who suffered from ADHD and less likely to have adoptive parents with ADHD (Sprich et al., 2000). Moreover, abnormalities in dopamine neurotransmission have been implicated as the biological cause for the development of ADHD. Gene association studies have identified the gene encoding the dopamine receptor as well as the membrane dopamine transport protein as the cause of reduced dopaminergic activities and the onset of ADHD (Hawi et al., 2002). Structural and functional neuroimaging studies have identified dysregulation of the frontal-subcortical circuits as the cause of the disorder. Specifically, children with ADHD have been shown to have decreased levels of activity in the frontostriatal regions of the brain responsible for sustaining attention (Durston, Totterham, & Thomas, 2003).

While the biological perspective focuses on the role of genes and brain abnormalities as the root cause of ADHD, the family systems perspective emphasizes the role of dysfunctional family relations in the onset of ADHD. Often children with ADHD have families that are unstable financially and emotionally with parents suffering themselves from such psychological conditions as depression or ADHD. Moreover, children with ADHD often have troubled parent-child interactions (Bernier & Siegel, 1994). Furthermore, the severity of family dysfunction determines the degree and severity of ADHD symptoms in the child (Hansell & Damour, 2005). However, familial dysfunction and bad parent-child interactions may not necessarily cause ADHD but instead be the result of the difficulties of caring for a child with ADHD.

Lastly, the psychodynamic perspective places the cause of many of the symptoms of ADHD on factors related to emotional distress. Specifically, many state that symptoms like hyperactivity and disobedience in children with ADHD are a result of a physical over-compensation for anxiety that is in turn a result of a child's experiences in adjusting to the sexual changes associated with puberty (Rafalovich, 2001).

Therefore, the presence of multiple factors leads to the onset of ADHD in children. Specifically, both pre-disposing and precipitating factors combine to cause the disease. The major pre-disposing factors responsible for ADHD include a genetic predisposition. As stated by the diathesis-stress model, such pre-disposing factors then combine with such influences as social and familial stressors like dysfunctional parent-child interactions and lead to the disorder.

Just as there exist multiple explanations for the onset of ADHD, there also exist a varying number of methods for treating children with this disorder. In order to treat the deficits in brain activity in patients with ADHD, biological interventions include drugs that are able to stimulate the central nervous system as a means of treatment. Typically used drugs include methylphenidate (Ritalin) and amphetamine (Adderall), which increase the neurotransmission of dopamine (Faraone et. al., 2005). While these drugs have been highly effective in enhancing attention in children with ADHD, they are also controlled substances with addictive potential. Thus, a non-stimulant drug known as atomoxetine has now begun to be used more commonly because of its effectiveness in treating the symptoms of ADHD (Faraone et. al., 2005). Moreover, psychodynamic interventions include investigation into the root causes of the child's emotional distress in order to alleviate the anxiety-like symptoms that are associated with ADHD (Hansell & Damour, 2005). Furthermore, an integrative treatment method developed by Russell Barkley incorporates both the family systems perspective and cognitive and behavioral components. The treatment focuses on training parents to better deal with and improve their child's ADHD symptoms. The parent training program emphasizes the use of reinforcements and punishments. For instance, when a child conducts an appropriate behavior, a point and reward system is implemented to promote such behavior. However, if the child exhibits behavior that is inappropriate, a time out measure is used to decrease the frequency of such behaviors (Barkley, 1998). While each of these treatments has been shown to be effective in reducing the problematic symptoms of inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity in children with ADHD, a study conducted in 1999 by the National Institute of Mental Health found that a multimodal means of treatment was the most effective at treating the symptoms of ADHD. Such multimodal treatments included both biological and behavioral interventions and were shown to drastically improve academic performance and social skills (Hansell & Damour, 2005).

Attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is a childhood mental disorder that has strong implications in the development of young children, decreasing academic performance and social relations among children with the disorder. Elucidation into the causes of the disorder has revealed both genetic and environmental factors at play. With the growing number of children diagnosed with ADHD, treatment options now encompass not only stimulant and non-stimulant medications, but also cognitive behavioral therapies designed to counter the symptoms of inattention, impulsivity, and hyperactivity. Through a thorough understanding of the definition, classification, and cause of the disorder, clinicians will continue to find effective means of combating this childhood disorder.

American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM-IV. (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.

Barkley, R. A. (2005). Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder: A handbook for diagnosis and treatment (3rd ed.). New York: The Guilford Press.

Bernier, J., & Siegel D. (1994). Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder: A family and ecological systems perspective. Families in Society, 75(3), 142. Retrieved March 8, 2008, from PsycINFO (1994-31065-001).

Durston S., Tottenham N., Thomas K. (2003) Differential patterns of striatal activation in young children with and without ADHD. Biol. Psychiatry, 53, 871-78. Retrieved March 10, 2008, from PsycINFO (2003-03956-007).

Faraone S., Biederman J., Zimmerman B. (2005). Correspondence of parent and teacher reports in medication trials. Eur. J. Child Adolesc. Psychiatry, 14, 20-27. Retrieved March 10, 2008, from PsycINFO (2005-03573-003).

Flory, K., Milich, R., Lynam, D., Leukefeld, C., & Clayton, R. (2003). Relation between childhood disruptive behavior disorders and substance use and dependence symptoms in young adulthood: individuals with symptoms of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and conduct disorder are uniquely at risk. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 17, 151-158. Retrieved March 10, 2008, from PsycINFO (2003-00859-009).

Hansell, J. & Damour, L. (2005). Abnormal Psychology. Hoboken: Wiley.

Hawi, Z., Lowe, N., Kirley, A., Gruenhage, F., Nothen, M., Greenwood, T. et. al. (2003). Linkage disequilibrium mapping at DAT1, DRD5 and DBH narrows the search for ADHD susceptibility alleles at these loci. Molecular Psychiatry, 8(3), 299-308. Retrieved March 8, 2008, from PsycINFO (2003-08850-010).

Rafalovich, A. (2001). Psychodynamic and neurological perspectives on ADHD: exploring strategies for defining a phenomenon. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 31 (4), 397-418. Retrieved March 10, 2008, from PsycINFO (2001-09666-004).

Sagvolden, T. (1999). Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. European Psychologist, 4, 109-114.

Sayal, K., Letch, N., El Abd, S. (2008). Evaluation of screening in children referred for an ADHD assessment. Child and Adolescent Mental Health, 13(1), 41-46. Retrieved March 10, 2008, from PsycINFO (2008-00938-007).

Sprich S., Biederman J., Crawford M., Mundy E., & Faraone S. (2000) Adoptive and biological families of children and adolescents with ADHD. J. Am. Acad. Child Adolesc. Psychiatry, 39, 1432-37. Retrieved March 10, 2008, from PsycINFO (2000-12258-017).

Taylor, E., Dopfner, M., Sergeant, J., Asherson, P., Banaschewski, T., Buitelaar, J., et al. (2004). European clinical guidelines for hyperkinetic disorder - first upgrade. European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, (13), 1317-30.

Vatz, R. E., & Weinberg, L. S. (2001). Problems in diagnosing and treating ADD/ADHD (Attention Deficit Disorder, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder). USA Today Magazine.

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﻿While the majority of mental disorders listed in the DSM-IV TR occur in individuals of all ages, certain disorders are exclusively diagnosed during early childhood and are, thus, grouped under a category called childhood disorders. One of the most commonly diagnosed childhood disorders is ADHD or attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder.

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*possible language issues

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The early onset of puberty in adolescent girls is associated with a myriad of negative effects. These effects can range from depression and poor body image/self-esteem to eating disorders and engaging in risky sexual and drug-related behaviors. It is thought that the timing of pubertal development itself is a significant indicator of an increased risk of these negative effects on adolescent girls. To successfully assess this idea, a critical review of the relevant research literature is necessary.

First of all, one of the major negative effects early developing girls are at a greater risk of experiencing is depression. One of the most influential studies dealing with pubertal timing and depression was completed by Graber, Lewisohn, Seeley, and Brooks-Gunn. Three different cohorts of adolescent students from nine high schools were interviewed and given questionnaires tapping into all psychological variables thought to be associated with depression. A self-report method was then used to assess the timing of each student's pubertal development. This data was compared with each student's height and weight records (Graber et al., 1997). As hypothesized, the results showed that Compared with on-time girls, early-maturing girls had significantly elevated lifetime rates of major depression... (Graber et al., 1997, p. 1772). The results also revealed that adolescents who perceived their pubertal development to be earlier than their peers had an increased rate of serious mental health outcomes during adolescence. Perhaps the most disturbing finding springing from this study is that early-maturing girls were the most likely group to have attempted suicide (Graber et al., 1997).

Another study to shed light on the increased risk of depressive symptoms in early developing adolescent girls was done by Corina Benjet and Laura Hernandez-Guzman. The idea that ...girls experienced anxiety and ambivalence toward puberty, whereas boys looked forward to growing up and spoke of pubertal changes...positively (Benjet & Hernandez-Guzman, 2002, p. 430) was assessed in this study. They sampled 951 (512 females and 439 males) Mexican fifth and sixth-grade students. They used self-report methods asking, once in the beginning of the school year and once in the end, if and when menarche was reached in the females and at what age a voice-change occurred in males. A Spanish language version of The Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression scale (CES-D) was used to assess the students' depressive symptomology (Benjet & Hernandez-Guzman 2002). The data compared the results between the male and female students showing a significantly higher rate of depressive symptoms in females than males. They reported that 31% of the girls in the study could be classified as highly depressed, whereas only 7% of the boys would be. They also showed that ...the postmenarchal girls on both [testing] occasions had higher depression scores than the premenarchal girls (Benjet & Hernandez-Guzman, 2002, p. 435).

Now, after reading about the specific research findings contained in these articles, it is important to discuss why there seems to be an increased risk for depression in early-developing girls as opposed to later-developing girls and boys. Graber et al. (1997, p. 1768) believe that this occurs because The earliest-maturing girls begin puberty when no other children are experiencing these events...they are less well-prepared for the physical, psychological, and social challenges posed by puberty and the entry into adolescence. Benjet and Hernandez-Guzman develop this idea even more by arguing that girls face a significantly higher risk of depression than their male peers because of the actual changes that take place in the body during puberty. The changes that occur in females are largely external inviting ridicule and teasing from peers. These factors enhance the feeling of being alone that so many adolescent girls feel, making depressive symptoms more prevalent (Benjet & Hernandez-Guzman, 2002). Also, they point out that because of the gender roles present in many societies Increasing parental control of the adolescent female at a time when she is searching for greater autonomy might undermine her sense of competence and put her at greater risk for depressive symptomology (Benjet & Guzman, 2002, p. 430).

It is also important to keep in mind that there are many strengths and weaknesses present in the research examined earlier. One of the most striking strong points in the Graber et al. article is the fact that they studied adolescent boys' development in terms of timing as well. They were able to classify the males in their study into early, on-time, and late developers, revealing some interesting findings as a result. Their findings supported the idea that, in contrast to the girls studied, late-maturing boys are more at risk for negative outcomes such as conflict with parents and more trouble in school (Graber et al., 1997). By also examining the timing of boys' development, they discovered a significant relationship between the negative effects related to late-developing boys and early-developing girls. However, the study did have some drawbacks. The role of culture was never addressed. The authors assumed that American adolescents could generalize to a larger all-encompassing adolescent population. It is important to keep in mind, though, that different cultures hold different values sacred. Early development in girls may garner respect and responsibility in marriage and other reproductive arenas. Whereas, in other cultures, boys are more negatively affected by later development because puberty holds more values of manhood and courage to that culture. Also, a self-report method was used. This is problematic because questions dealing with puberty and the developing body can be embarrassing for an adolescent to answer. It would be hard to say that all of the students answered the questions 100% truthfully. In addition, they may not really know when they specifically started developing, and they may not know how their development compares to the development of their peers because it is such an embarrassing topic.

On the other hand, the Benjet and Hernandez-Guzman article did address the notion of culture in their research. Instead of focusing solely on American samples, they used Mexican students in Mexico City for their study. They addressed the idea that U.S. born and immigrant Hispanic teenagers are found to be more depressed and to have lower self-esteem than their Caucasian, African American, and Asian American peers (Benjet & Hernandez-Guzman, 2002). They also controlled for socio-economic status in their study, something that the Graber et al. study was lacking, which made the results more valid. They took into account the added stress that poverty and living in a poor neighborhood can bring about so that it wouldn't influence their results. This was important because their study was only meant to show the effects that early development in girls has on their depressive symptomology. However, the study was not without its weaknesses. The authors divided the girls into categories based on when they said they had begun menarche. If they had started their period before the age of eleven, they were considered early developers. The issue of how early they feel they were developing compared to how early they think normal kids develop might be a more important issue to examine, however, because it is a less objective form of classifying participants into categories than age alone. This study also used self-report methodology, which as discussed earlier, may contain error.

These feelings of being alone and depressed may also contribute to another negative effects associated with early development in adolescent girls- lower self-esteem and body dissatisfaction. One study that examined lower self-esteem and body satisfaction in early developing girls was completed by Gianene Rosenblum and Michael Lewis. They created a longitudinal study including 55 male and 60 females from lower to middle-class neighborhoods. Data included in this study was collected when the participants were thirteen, fifteen, and eighteen years of age. The body mass indexes of each participant were calculated based on the self-report data of each person's height and weight. Each participant was then asked to rate (on a five point Likert scale ranging from very satisfied to very dissatisfied) their satisfaction for each of twenty-three body parts derived from the Lerner Body Image Scale (Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999). Their results found that as the females in the study got older, their dissatisfaction with certain body parts was consistent with the way female pubertal development conflicts with societal standards for feminine beauty...a thin, less-rounded body (Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999, p. 58). The majority of girls were dissatisfied with their hips, thighs, waists, and weight as they got older. The most robust finding, however, was that across the same period in adolescence, the girls in the study's body image worsened, while the boy's body image as a whole improved. The boys expressed increasing satisfaction with their bodies as they got older for almost every variable studied except for height, which more girls than boys were satisfied with (Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999).

Progressing beyond body dissatisfaction, early developing girls are at a higher risk for a more serious body image problem- eating disorders. One such study dealing with this issue was done by Amy Swarr and Maryse Richards. They examined how ...young adolescent girls' pubertal development and perceptions of their pubertal timing [and] their subjective experiences with their parents...relate to the emergence of eating problems during mid-adolescence (Swarr & Richards, 1996, p. 636). The study sampled 240 working and middle-class white girls. The girls rated their pubertal development using drawings depicting five levels of physical development. They were also asked how the timing of their development compared with that of their peers and their answers were coded on a 5-point scale from much earlier to much later. To assess the participants' relationships with their parents, a self-report questionnaire was given, and eating attitudes and problems were assessed using the Weight and Eating Concerns Scale (Swarr & Richards, 1996). Their findings suggested that girls who develop on-time or later compared with their peers have more positive body images than those who develop early. It was also indicated that girls who felt closer to their mothers reported fewer weight and eating concerns. Interestingly, early developing girls had less eating and weight concerns if they spent a lot of quality time with their fathers. Across all variables, however, their main hypothesis held true that girls who perceived their development to be early as compared to their peers had the most eating and weight concerns (Swarr & Richards, 1996).

Now, why is it that early developing girls are thought to have lower body satisfaction and higher rates of eating and weight concerns? Rosenblum and Lewis (1999) feel that it is because of a variety of variables emerging during adolescence that leave them more vulnerable. They argue, The combination of adolescents' changing physical appearance, their increasing cognitive abilities and their capacity for introspection may render them particularly vulnerable to excessive and negative preoccupation with their own and others' perceptions of their bodies (Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999, p. 50). Females begin to internalize the idea that thinness is equated with beauty from the time they are children. As a result, when puberty begins, the body changes and the hips and breasts begin to fill out leaving early developing girls feeling as though they are alone in this process. They then begin to feel bad about their changing bodies because it is at odds with what is generally seen as attractive in the dominant culture. Swarr and Richards (1996, p. 637) point out the importance of peers by saying ...girls who perceived their pubertal development as on time experienced themselves daily as thinner. Early maturing girls may feel less comfortable with their bodies because at a time when peer acceptance is important, their bodies are different from those of the majority of their peers.

When considering the important claims made in the aforementioned studies, it is wise to examine the many strengths and weaknesses present in each. In the Rosenblum and Lewis study they addressed the idea of body satisfaction in other races and ethnicities other than Caucasian. This is important because they point out that in many non-western, and non-Caucasian societies, a larger, healthier image of female beauty is idealized. They point out that, in turn, men, women, and girls in these societies value a larger body size and normal-weight individuals are less likely to consider themselves to be overweight. African American girls in the United States are also typically seen as being less rigid in their perceptions of what is considered thin and beautiful (Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999, p. 51). This study also included boys to more accurately assess their hypothesis that females in general will have a higher level of body dissatisfaction than males. By doing so, they actually found that the males in their study were typically insecure about their height (Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999). Far too often, males are excluded in studies such as this because it is assumed that they won't show any significant insecurities or dissatisfaction as a group.

The Rosenblum and Lewis article did not, like the majority of studies dealing with this subject, include members of any other races or ethnicities other than middle class white people in the United States. By addressing the fact that people of different ethnicities tend to have different perceptions of their bodies and what is ideal, they should have certainly included participants other than of European decent in their study to test this idea further. It could be true that African American adolescent girls who are more exposed to the white dominant culture may feel more dissatisfaction with their bodies than black people from a different region such as the Caribbean or Africa. Only including white participants severely limited the generalizability of the study's results.

The study conducted by Swarr and Richards was quite innovative in the variety of variables that were included. Instead of focusing solely on the mother-daughter relationship in comparison to their risk of developing eating and weight concerns, they studied the girls' relationships with their fathers as well. They brought attention to this concern by arguing, The clinical and theoretical literature on anorexia and bulimia has focused on the role that the mother plays in her daughter's illness. Much of this literature traces the roots of the eating disorder to the relationship between the infant and her...mother (Swarr & Richards, 1996, p. 637). By pointing out that a girl's relationship with her father is just as important as her relationship with her mother, it takes the blame off of the mother and the mother alone.

Equally important to note are the weaknesses in this study. As discussed earlier, there are many problems with implementing the self-report method in all aspects of the data collection for the study. Swarr and Richards examined the pubertal status of the participants by asking them to rate the development of their breasts and pubic hair growth. There are many other aspects of puberty than breast and pubic hair growth, however, so a more objective measure could have been implemented as well. The age of menarche would probably have been more a more accurate measure of pubertal timing. Also, as addressed earlier, using the subjects' own perceptions of the timing of their development as compared to the development of their peers may not be the best way to assess the actual timing of development.

Finally, the combination of depressive symptoms with eating and body concerns in early developing adolescent females may lead them to engage in risky sexual and drug related behaviors possibly as a coping mechanism. A study dealing with this idea was conducted by Dick, Rose, Pulkkinen, and Kaprio. They used the Pubertal Development Scale to assess the growth spurt in height, changes in body hair, and skin changes in both the 664 males and 681 females participating in the study. They specifically asked the girls about their breast development and the age of menarche. They specifically asked the boys about their beard growth and voice change (Dick, Rose, Pulkkinen & Kaprio, 2001). They then used a self-report questionnaire asking about their cigarette, alcohol, and drug use, and that of their friends. All analyses were completed separately for males and females. Both earlier maturing girls and boys were found to report more substance abuse by themselves and their peers. They found that specifically, Girls with an earlier age at menarche are more likely to initiate use of cigarettes and alcohol than girls whose maturation is normative or delayed (Dick et al., 2001, p. 387). The boys' results were consistent with that of the females citing more drug use in earlier maturing boys than those with normative or delayed development. Another study reporting similar results was conducted by Donald Orr and Gary Ingersoll. They found that the highest risk of drug use and sexual behavior was found in early developing males and females. They found the least amount of risk to be associated with later pubertal development (Orr & Ingersoll, 1995). The level of substance abuse activity was also assessed in a study done by Leon, Fulkerson, Perry and Cudeck. They found that the females in the high risk group (those who had developed earlier than their peers) smoked and drank more frequently and more heavily than those who had developed on-time or late.

Continuing on, it is important to analyze why the relationship between increased substance abuse risk and pubertal timing exists in adolescents. The only mentioning of possible reasoning behind this phenomenon was given in the Orr and Ingersoll article. They argued that adolescents who demonstrated higher levels of cognitive complexity participated in a smaller array of risk behaviors because of their advanced capacity to understand consequences (1995). As an adolescent gets older they begin to see what may happen as a result of their actions and they are able to weigh the benefits of the risky behaviors against the drawbacks. Therefore, those who had developed later are older and probably functioning at a higher level of cognitive capacity than their early developing peers.

These studies dealing with substance abuse and other risky behaviors and the pubertal timing of their subjects are wrought with a variety of strengths and weaknesses. A basic strength in the Orr and Ingersoll study was an aspect of their methodology. Different from many psychological studies, the authors used participants from an urban, working class neighborhood. This allowed for more diversity when it came to socio-economic status and race. However, on the other hand, it has been shown that urban areas have higher crime and drug abuse rates than middle-class neighborhoods. This is controversial, but maybe using an urban population sample could have swayed the amount of substance abuse reported by the adolescents. Self-report methods were used once again to determine pubertal timing, and as discussed earlier, problems with accuracy and truthfulness may arise in the data.

In contrast, in the Dick et al. study, a portion of the study was completed using the Tanner stages of development method where the students pointed to pictures describing their level of development. This may be a way to eliminate some of the confusion the participants may have when determining what stage of pubertal development they are in. However, this too may be an embarrassing way for the participants to engage in the study. Also, the authors admit to eliminating the option of development complete in their questionnaire of 11-12 year olds on the expectation that no individual would have completed an index if pubertal development at that age (Dick et al., 2001, p. 389). This is extremely problematic because an assumption like that could eliminate an influential portion of participants. People can begin development in elementary school as early as nine or ten, so by eliminating this option based on assumption they left a large region for error. They also used self-report methods to determine the substance abuse activity of the adolescents. Some of the participants may have felt uneasy admitting they had engaged in illegal activity. Another form of determining substance abuse activity, like checking school or parental records for example, should have been used as a supplement.

Finally, the studies discussed earlier bring about many current controversies within these topics. One of the most intriguing of these controversies is dealing with father absence and stepfather presence in an adolescent girl's household. Comings, Muhleman, Johnson, and MacMurray (2002) proposed that girls exposed to a stressful environment, especially when due to father absence in the first 7 years of life, showed an early onset of puberty and precocious sexuality, and had unstable relationships as adults (p. 1046). This is controversial because it advocates a form of evolutionary theory as a basis for human development. Under this idea, a female is more likely to prepare for adulthood and childbearing earlier when they are in a fatherless household. Related to this idea is the issue of the presence of unrelated males in close contact with an adolescent girl. Bruce Ellis and Judy Garber (2000) address this idea in their article by saying, ...girls reared in homes without their biological fathers present may experience earlier sexual maturation because of increased exposure to unrelated adult males, especially stepfathers and mothers' dating partners (p. 488). They argue that studies have shown that the pheromones from unrelated males can reduce variability in women's menstrual cycles. Another controversy present in this subject is the idea that a girl's relationship with her parents, particularly her mother, may influence the timing of her pubertal development. It has been found that the more family conflict in a household, the earlier pubertal development in the adolescent girl (Ellis, Petit, Dodge, & Bates, 1999). All of these factors are controversial because of the myriad of negative effects associated with early pubertal development in females. If stepfather presence, father absence, and family conflict are in actuality related to early pubertal development, one may feel responsibility to try to offset these effects in their adolescent girls' lives.

In conclusion, after examining the relevant literature on the subject, it can be successfully argued that the early onset of puberty in adolescent girls is associated with a host of negative effects. These effects can range from depression and poor body image/self-esteem to eating disorders and engaging in risky sexual and drug-related behaviors. It is useful to point out that the timing of pubertal development itself is a significant indicator of an increased risk of these negative effects on adolescent girls. However, now that this idea has been supported, it is important to identify some implications for public policy and future research. First of all, there is sufficient evidence to support the facilitation of specific education and counseling services dealing with risk prevention/reduction for at-risk early developing girls and their families (Orr & Ingersoll, 1995). Another way to combat these risks is to alter school environments. Single-gender schools have been shown to reduce conduct problems for early-maturing girls. This may be hard to accomplish, so trying to reduce the amount of school changes during the grade school and middle school years has also been shown to help (Graber et al., 1997). It is also necessary for future research to be conducted dealing with the effects of father absence and step-father presence in the adolescent girl's life. By implementing more education and counseling services for adolescent girls, and by introducing more research in this area, I feel confident saying that, over time, significant improvements can be made in the amount of risk associated with early pubertal development in young girls.

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The early onset of puberty in adolescent girls is associated with a myriad of negative effects. These effects can range from depression and poor body image/self-esteem to eating disorders and engaging in risky sexual and drug-related behaviors. It is thought that the timing of pubertal development…

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How Do the Moves Work Together, Given What is Known About the Typical Audience(s), purpose(s), and context(s) of the Genre's Use?

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How Do the Moves Work Together, Given What is Known About the Typical Audience(s), purpose(s), and context(s) of the Genre's Use?

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The moves all build off of one another in order to guide the reader and get the authors point across. In terms of the audience, the author does not need to use their moves on explaining the subject in much detail as the audience for this genre is going to be those interested in the niche these reports fill.

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How Does Each Move Work to Achieve the Action or Goal of the Genre?

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How Does Each Move Work to Achieve the Action or Goal of the Genre?

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Each move helps to build credibility of the author and establish their niche. The moves also help to guide and inform the reader on what the piece is pertaining to.

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Some rare moves that I have seen while reading these pieces is the insertion of a quote that is not being used as direct evidence.

Another rare move is the author directly addressing themself with 'I'.

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A part of the text that helps the writer carry out a particular function or action.

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Which Moves Seem Common, But Not Necessary?

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Which Moves Seem Common, But Not Necessary?

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Another move that is common but not completely necessary is over explaining what is being analyzed in the report. It is safe to assume that those who are reading the report are familiar enough with the subject that they will not need much explanation as to what the subject is.

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Which Moves Seem Obligatory or Necessary to Achieve the Genre's Action(s)?

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Which Moves Seem Obligatory or Necessary to Achieve the Genre's Action(s)?

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A necessary move is for the author to establish their credibility.

Another move that I have seen when reading through various reports of the use of research and building off of previous research.

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The existence of unwelcome or inescapable male rape is often denied, except perhaps in the prison setting. However, in reality, male rape accounts for a very under-researched and unacknowledged percentage of sex crimes across the world. Although they are products of societal forces, not inherent biological truths, gender ideals that constitute the common definition of the masculine man prevent male rape from becoming openly discussed. Typical male-gendered characteristics that are both embraced by society and self-internalized by victims include: denial of weakness, the importance of emotional and physical control, and the dismissal of any need for help. Although research has extensively explored the psychological effects of female rape victims, male rape victims have been understudied, propagating both societal ignorance towards their existence and detrimental self-blaming effects on the victims' mental health states. The psychological consequences that male rape victims face are exacerbated by their lack of help-seeking behavior caused by the pervasive societal idealization of heterosexual, masculine gender stereotypes.

Much of the data on male-on-male rape has been gathered from specific samples that may not lend themselves to generalization, such as counseling services, emergency rooms, and genito-urinary medicine clinics. A breakthrough study evaluating the first non-clinical sample of male rape victims discovered that, like their female counterparts, they have much poorer psychological functioning than controls, extending decades after the event (Walker et al., 2005). These individuals experience lower feelings of self-worth, and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder-like symptoms such as re-experiencing images of the rape and fervently avoiding reminders of the trauma. Because these symptoms are similar to those previously discovered in women, the findings of this study imply that our masculine-gendered assumptions are inaccurate and should be challenged. Although the men displayed obvious mental health harm following their assaults, many more men sought treatment for secondary physical injuries than for the psychological effects of coping with the rape. Of the 40 men total, only 14 survivors sought treatment for their injuries directly following the assault, and only five disclosed the sexual nature of the incident during treatments. This trend may indicate that, in general, male victims themselves are averse to talking about the incident and their emotional disruptions. It may also indicate that they themselves denied psychological disturbances and instead medicalized their symptoms, regarding physical symptoms as more real than the psychological ones. However, as the study indicated, the men's psychological symptoms may have been a threat to their physical health as well.

Results of particular importance indicated that, of the 40 subjects, 19 of the men had attempted suicide and 22 had thoughts of suicide, a grave proportion of the victims. Of the survivors, suicide attempts were associated with younger age, lower academic achievement, and unemployment, but not seeking psychological help was the only statistical predictor of suicide. The alarming seriousness of the psychological symptoms of rape on men, and the preventative power that seeking psychological help can have on a victim's mental well-being and subsequent avoidance of suicide, has the potential to empower males to seek help. Yet, this is not a simple task. The fact that typical financial impediments such as lower academic achievement and unemployment were associated with suicide attempts speaks to the intersectionality of social factors that may contribute to the detriment of mental health. These factors may have enormous implications on those male rape victims who simply cannot afford therapy services.

Individual avoidance and financial barriers are likely not the only obstacles to overcome in empowering men to seek help. The sociopolitical pressure that maintains the silence of male rape is tightly wrapped around ideas of victimization. For the victim, this pressure cultivates self-blame that may ultimately prevent him from getting the help that he needs. It has been shown through typical female-centered research that people often hold rape victims partially responsible for their fates. The theory most commonly cited in explaining the tendency to blame the victim of rape is Lerner's (1980) idea of just world, whereby people get what they deserve and deserve what they get. Correspondingly, people will blame the victim to ensure that such an event could never happen to good people, such as themselves.

It has been shown through research that males believe in the idea of just world to a greater extent than do females, and attribute more blame to male rape victims than do females (Whatley & Riggio, 1993). It is possible that this attribution phenomenon occurs because female rape experience is statistically more common and the discourse is much more prominent, so females may generally be more able to identify and empathize with rape victims. Male rape victims may therefore face fear of real or imagined scrutiny from their peer groups and social support systems, especially if they are predominately male. This lack of social support given to male rape victims reiterates the necessity for professional psychological care. Walker et al. (2005) showed that male rape victims did not differ from control groups in their views on just world factors [MSOffice1]when the factors were presented outside the context of rape, such as: controllability, justice, luck, and randomness. The consistency in responses between victims and other men without mention of rape may indicate that non-victim males in the Whatley & Riggio study simply showed particular discomfort in addressing rape as a valid issue in general. Yet, this resulting attribution of victim responsibility allows others to adopt a disconnect between themselves and the crime that denies their own vulnerabilities, propagating societal ignorance and silence.

Idealization of the heterosexual norm, and the common societal stereotype that male rape is primarily committed by homosexuals on homosexuals, may also prevent the open discussion of the crime. Research indicates that these stereotypes are untrue and in fact, male rape is an act of aggression that has been shown to occur with both homosexual and heterosexual assailants who assault men of either sexual orientation (Hickson et al., 1994). It is likely that a lay person's reaction to a rape victim may be influenced by whether or not the victim is heterosexual or homosexual. Discrimination, negative attitudes, and violence against homosexuals are still staggering realities. Indeed, male participants of a research study held male rape victims more responsible for being assaulted when they were described as being homosexual than when described as heterosexual. Participants also rated the sexual assault as being less traumatic and more pleasurable when the victim was described as homosexual (Mitchell et al., 1999). This insensitivity of the trauma may be in part due to generalizations of homosexuals as being promiscuous or inferences that the homosexual nature of male rape may be more pleasurable to a homosexual individual. However, the triumph of the societal association of male-on-male rape with homosexuality may have devastating implications on a victim's help-seeking behaviors following the trauma. For example, a victim may be haunted by sexual identity confusion, may fear judgment, or may be worried about being unsympathetically perceived as asking for it. Consequentially, the victim may self-internalize shameful feelings about the incident, lending him to psychological suffering in silence.

Despite ideas about men's emotional fortitude, it is clear that the psychological effects of male rape are not less damaging that those extensively studied in females. However, the idealization of typically male characteristics contributes to the disempowerment of male victims and prevents them from taking advantage of the health care system. Because victims are not encouraged to speak out, it is easy for other men in society to promote victim-blaming, and homosexual ideas about male rape. We must break this vicious cycle of silence. Survivors of male rape are not alone and they must gain the respect that they deserve; men within society must be informed of the seriousness of the issue. It is imperative that we continue to expose the existence of male-on-male rape to educate the public, to encourage survivors to actively seek help, and to formulate more effective support services for such individuals.

Hickson, E.L., Davies, M., Hunt, J., Weatherburn, P., McManus, T., Coxon, A.M.(1994). Gay men as victims of nonconsensual sex. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 23, 281-291.

Lerner, M. J. (1980). The belief in a just world: A fundamental delusion. New York: Plenum.

Mitchell, D., Hirschman, R., Nagayama Hall, G. C. (1999). Attributions of victim responsibility, pleasure, and trauma in male rape. Journal of Sex Research, 36(4), 369-374.

Walker, J., Archer, J., Davies, M. (2005). Effects of male rape on psychological functioning. The British Journal of Clinical Psychology, 44, 445-451

Whatley, M.A., Riggio, R.E. (1993). Gender differences in attributions of blame for male rape victims. The Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 8(4), 502-511.

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The existence of unwelcome or inescapable male rape is often denied, except perhaps in the prison setting. However, in reality, male rape accounts for a very under-researched and unacknowledged percentage of sex crimes across the world.

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Identifying How Moves Help Carry Out the Genres Actions

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Identifying How Moves Help Carry Out the Genres Actions

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The way reports are circulated throughout the community is through publicized journals, either print or online.

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There is not much variation in writing in this field. The genre I am going to look at is reports. As with any scientific field, the most prominent form of writing will be the reports made from the experiments conducted. The reports written are not for entertainment and thus, are not creative with most people finding them boring to read.

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Introduction to Cognitive and Behavioral Neuroscience 

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Introduction to Cognitive and Behavioral Neuroscience 

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Have you ever wondered why people act the way they do? That is exactly what this field is trying to figure out. Cognitive and Behavioral Neurologists focus on the thought process of humans; both conscious and subconscious. People in the field focus on ones perception affecting their action and why people perceive the way they do.