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Mode of Enactment is looking at the way fans engage with text. Fans are emotional, particapatory, subjective, and authoritative (Jenkins, 1992).

Fans know what they like and dislike, and they will defend what they like. With this example of mode of enactment, fans react to the death of a favorite character with a lot of emotion.

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This Grey's fan decorates her graduation cap with a quote from the series.

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Greys Anatomy graduation cap                                                                                                                                                                                 More

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Media Ethnographers study how audiences assume the active role of constructing the meaning of media texts. The meaning of texts evolves out of the activity of audiences' social participation with media texts (Beech, 2007, p. 55).

Media Ethnographers also study how audiences use their responses to media texts to build social relationships (p. 57).

"Students can conduct their own small scale media ethnography studies by analyzing audiences' responses in terms of their engagement, interpretations, applications of beliefs and attitudes, or identity constructions as fans" (p. 64).

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Fan cultural capital lies in the appreciation and knowledge of texts, performers, and events. Yet, the fan's objects of fandom, by definition, are excluded from official cultural capital and its convertibility among education, career opportunities, or economic capital (Fiske, 1992, p. 42). Fan cultural knowledge differs from official cultural knowledge in that it is used to enhance the fan's power over, and participation in, the original text (p. 43).

Both popular and official cultural capital is signaled materially by collections of objects such as artworks, books, and memorabilia.

This example of capital accumulation is of a fan's collection of Grey's Anatomy from different parts of the world.

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Popular Culture is produced by the people out of the products of the cultural industries (Fiske, 1992, 37). Fans produce and circulate among themselves texts. Fan texts are not produced for profit, they do not need to be mass marketed unlike official culture (p. 39).

When fans write fan fiction, they are engaging in that world, and create without boundaries. Fans of Grey's Anatomy have over 16 thousand different fans writing about the show on Fanfiction.com. Fans can also create more than texts. In this example of productivity, a fan creates a Tumblr blog all about Greys Anatomy.

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So this is my beautiful blog dedicated to the one, the only, Greys Anatomy! Its not themed around any characters in particular but I just wanted to share my love for this amazing show! Feel free to...

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Fans discriminate fiercely, and the boundaries for what falls within their fandom and what does not are sharply drawn (Fiske, 1992, p. 34).

For example, "real" fans of Grey's Anatomy know everything that has happened in the show and there is an emotional connection between the fans and the characters. But, with fandom comes exclusivity. Only the real fans will know, and therefore only the real Grey's Anatomy fans will understand all of the 19 jokes that Buzzfeed has created. Even the title of the Buzzfeed post creates discrimination by using the word "only". "Only" real fans of Grey's Anatomy will understand all the jokes, and if you do not understand a joke, then are you even a real fan?

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19 Jokes Only "Grey's Anatomy" Fans Will Get

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Because sometimes you've gotta laugh instead of cry. Warning: spoilers.

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Given the participatory and multimodal nature of media, such as video games, students are engaging in meaning-making activities that challenge the traditional schema for learning that is related only to schoolwork. Attention, therefore, has been centered on the need for curricula to respond to technological and cultural changes with advocates calling for integrating video games or the gaming experience into the classroom (Abrams et al., 2012, pp. 91-92).

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39% of American adults took part in some sort of political activity in the context of a social networking site such as Facebook or Twitter in the 12 months preceding our survey. This includes anyone who did one or more of the following eight activities listed in the table below (Pew Research Center, 2013).

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Pew Research Center: Internet, Science & Tech

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Online and offline political engagement

This study examines online and offline political engagement and pays special attention to the role of social networking sites in people's political activities. There are several major findings:

Class differences, especially those related to educational attainment, are prominent in political engagement of all kinds, whether that activity takes place offline, online, or within the specific context of social networking sites (SNS), though the trend is somewhat more moderate in SNS.

There has been major growth in political activity on SNS between 2008 and this survey in 2012. The number of social networking site users has grown from 33% of the online population in 2008 to 69% of the online population in 2012. And there have been major jumps in the proportion of SNS users who post political news, who friend or follow candidates, and who joined an SNS group organized around political or social issues. In addition, notable shares of SNS users say their activity on the sites has prompted them to learn more about social or political issues and to take action around those issues.

For most politically active SNS users, social networking sites are not a separate realm of political activity. They are frequently active in other aspects of civic life.

Even as online platforms have grown more prominent in political affairs, Americans' day-to-day political conversations mostly occur offline.

The four ways we measured civic engagement

First, 48% of adults directly take part in a civic group or activity.

In this survey, the Pew Research Center's Internet & American Life Project measured several broad categories of civic activity that Americans might engage in. The first finding is that half (48%) of American adults directly took part in a civic group or activity in the 12 months preceding our August 2012 survey. This includes anyone who did one or more of the following six activities:

35% of American adults have recently worked with fellow citizens to solve a problem in their community

22% have attended a political meeting on local, town, or school affairs

13% have been an active member of a group that tries to influence the public or government

10% have attended a political rally or speech

7% have worked or volunteered for a political party or candidate

6% have attended an organized protest

Second, 39% of adults recently contacted a government official or spoke out in a public forum via offline methods. Third, 34% did those things via online methods.

In the second category of public engagement, we found that 39% of American adults have recently contacted a government official or spoken out in a public forum about an issue that is important to them via offline means. In the third category, we found that 34% have done so via online methods. This includes anyone who did one or more of the following activities that might take place in either online or offline spaces:

22% of American adults have recently signed a paper petition; 17% have signed a petition online.

21% of American adults have recently contacted a government official about an issue that is important to them in person, by phone, or by letter; 18% have done so online, by email, or by text message.

7% of American adults have recently called into a live radio or TV show to express an opinion about a political or social issue; 18% have commented on an online news story or blog post about this type of issue.

3% of American adults have sent a letter to the editor to a newspaper or magazine by regular mail; 4% have done so online, by email, or by text message.

Fourth, 39% of adults do political or civic activities on social networking sites.

In the fourth category, 39% of American adults took part in some sort of political activity in the context of a social networking site such as Facebook or Twitter in the 12 months preceding our survey. This includes anyone who did one or more of the following eight activities listed in the table below:

In total, nearly three-quarters (72%) of all American adults did at least one of the activities that we measured in those four broad categories of civic and political engagement.

Activities

Traditional political activities are most common among the well-educated and financially well-off, regardless of whether they take place online or offline. On social networking sites, income-related differences are more modest - but civic engagement in these spaces is still most prevalent among those with higher educational levels.

Those who live in higher income households and those with higher levels of education (specifically, those who have attended or graduated from college) are consistently more likely than those with lower income or education levels to take part in many of the online and offline civic behaviors we measured in this study. This gap is especially pronounced for the following specific activities:

Working with fellow citizens to solve a problem in one's community

Attending a political meeting on local, town, or school affairs

Being an active member of a group that tries to influence public policy or government

Attending a political rally or speech

Working or volunteering for a political party or candidate

Contacting a government official about an issue that is important to you (both online and offline)

Signing a petition (both digitally and on paper)

Commenting on a news story or blog post online

On the other hand, when it comes to the 60% of American adults who use social networking sites such as Facebook or Twitter, political participation is more balanced between lower and higher income Americans. Among social networking site users, political participation is identical for those who live in the lowest earning households (annual household income of less than $10,000) and highest earning households (annual household income of $150,000 or more).

Higher income Americans are more likely to use social networking sites in the first place, so income-related differences are evident when the base measurement applies to all adults - not just SNS users. But even on an "all adults" basis, the gap in political participation between the lowest and highest income groups is generally smaller on social networking sites than it is for other types of political engagement.

At the same time, even as differences in social networking engagement are less pronounced with respect to income, the college-educated are significantly more likely than those with a high school education to take part in nearly every SNS-related behavior we measured in our survey. And in contrast to income (where SNS users in the lowest and highest categories were equally likely to use these sites for political reasons) these educational differences persist even when we account for different levels of adoption between those with lower and higher education levels.

In other words, even as the impact of income on political participation is more modest in the context of social networking sites, socio-economic distinctions related to education still play a prominent role in these spaces.

More broadly, those at the lower end of the socio-economic spectrum are generally less involved with the day-to-day outreach, chatter, and discussion around political issues - regardless of whether those discussions take place in physical or digital spaces. Compared with the well-educated and financially well-off, they are much less likely to receive political communications through a variety of channels, or to have conversations about political or social issues with others in either online or offline venues. Ultimately, political issues, political activity, and political discussion are less present in the lives of these Americans than they are for those at the upper end of the socio-economic scale.

Younger adults are just as likely as older adults to be engaged in many political activities, and are much more likely to be politically active on social networking sites.

Most types of political engagement are equally commonplace among Americans of different generations. There are only modest age-related differences when it comes to getting involved in political groups or in-person activities, speaking out publicly in online spaces, or speaking out publicly in offline spaces.

Social networking sites (SNS) stand in contrast to these other venues. Political engagement on social networking sites is especially commonplace among the youngest Americans, as two-thirds (67%) of all 18-24 year olds (and nearly three quarters of those young adults who use social networking sites) engaged in some sort of social network-related political activity in the 12 months preceding our survey. Older adults tend to be fairly politically active on social networking sites to the extent that they use them, but are relatively unlikely to use these sites in the first place. So, although nearly six in ten SNS-using seniors are politically active on these sites, that works out to just 13% of all Americans in the 65+ age group.

Indeed, the youngest American adults are more likely to engage in political behaviors on social networking sites than in any other venue. And the typical (median) 18-29 year old took part in three of the eight SNS-oriented political behaviors measured in this survey. The general youth of the "political SNS user" group also helps to explain the balance between high- and low-income users when it comes to political activity in these spaces, since many of these younger adults are only beginning their careers and have not fully maximized their earning potential.
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There has been major growth in political activity on social networking sites since 2008, and discussions on social networking sites can lead to further engagement with political issues.

The structure of political activity on social networking sites has grown in importance in recent years. The number of social networking site users has grown from 33% of the online population in 2008 to 69% of the online population in 2012. And as the overall SNS user population has grown, more of these users are engaging in one way or another with political or social issues on these sites, compared with 2008 when we asked a similar set of questions about this subject. Here are some of the key areas of growth:

In 2008, 11% of social networking site users said that they used these sites to post political news for others to read - at the time that worked out to just 3% of all adults. In 2012, 28% of SNS users (representing 17% of all adults) said they posted links to political stories or articles and 33% (representing 19% of all adults) said they posted other types of political content on these sites.

In 2008, 12% of social networking site users (representing 3% of all adults) said they had friended a political candidate on these sites. In 2012, 20% of users (representing 12% of all adults) said they have friended or followed a candidate or similar political figure.

In 2008, 13% of users (representing 3% of all adults) said they had started or joined a group on a social networking site organized around political or social issues. By 2012, the proportion of social networking site users who do this had risen to 21% (12% of all adults).

We also asked directly about the impact of social networking site discussions on users' political behaviors and found that:

43% of social networking site users say they have decided to learn more about a political or social issue because of something they read about on a social networking site.

18% of social networking site users say they have decided to take action involving a political or social issue because of something they read on those sites.

In each instance, users were evenly split between those who found out about the issue in question from someone they know personally, and those who found out about it from someone they don't know personally, such as an organization or public figure. Younger SNS users are especially likely to engage in deeper investigations of issues based on discussions within those sites, as are those with a college degree.

The world of politics on social networking sites is - for most users - not a separate domain of political activity. "Political social networking site users" are frequently (but not universally) active in other aspects of civic life.

Many discussions about the impact of the internet on political and civic life assume that the people who take part in political activities on social networking sites are separate and distinct from those who take part in political activities outside social networking sites. In fact, the typical politically active American is active in a range of venues - online, offline, and in social networking spaces - and those who get involved politically on social networking sites tend to take part in a wide range of behaviors that occur outside the boundaries of sites like Facebook or Twitter.

As noted above, 39% of Americans performed some sort of political activity on a social networking site in the 12 months preceding our survey. We refer to them throughout this report as "political social networking site (SNS) users," and these users tend to be active in many other areas of political or civic life:

63% of political SNS users have recently gotten involved in a political activity or group, such as attending a political meeting or working with fellow citizens to solve a problem in their community. The national average is 48%.

60% have expressed their opinion about a political or social issue via online channels - for example, by sending an email to a government official, or signing an online petition. The national average is 34%.

53% have expressed their opinion about a political or social issue via offline channels, for example, by sending a letter to a government official, or signing a paper petition. The national average is 39%.

20% have made a political contribution of some kind. This is statistically similar to the 16% rate within the population as a whole.

Adding these four categories together, some 83% of political SNS users also get involved in political or social issues in one way or another outside the bounds of social networking sites themselves.

Of course, this also means that 17% of political SNS users - representing 8% of the total adult population - engage in political activity on social networking sites but in no other online or offline venues. Demographically, this "politically active on social networking sites but not elsewhere" group tends to be younger, less affluent, and less well-educated than the larger group that participates politically on social networking spaces and also other venues. They also have less overall exposure to political communications and outreach, and are less likely to take part in interpersonal political "chatter." In other words, even as they interact with political issues on social networking sites, they tend to get involved with those issues with only modest intensity.

Even as online platforms have grown more prominent in recent years, Americans' day-to-day political conversations - and political contributions -are still more likely to take place offline.

Despite the increased prominence of online platforms when it comes to Americans' political activity, much of the day-to-day conversation around these issues takes place in traditional (offline) channels. On an "every day" level, Americans are three times as likely to discuss politics or public affairs with others through offline channels (in person, by phone call, or by letter) as they are through online channels. Even the most tech-savvy users - such as young adults, college graduates, or those with high incomes-discuss politics with greater frequency offline than online.

Similarly, the bulk of political campaign contributions happen offline, even as online donations have grown more prominent in recent years. Some 23% of political donors made only online contributions in 2012, yet the substantial majority of political donors (60%) make contributions only via offline methods (that is, in person, over the telephone, or via regular mail).

Mobilization and Outreach: Email and social network users are frequently contacted and asked to take part in civic activities within those online spaces.

Although online tools play a secondary role in Americans' day-to-day political discussions with others, they have more prominence when it comes to outreach by groups or organizations looking to encourage political action (such as donating money, contacting a public official, or working for a candidate or cause). Email is particularly notable in this regard: 21% of email users regularly get asked on email to take some action around a political or social issue - that works out to 18% of all Americans who regularly receive mobilization messages via email. Social network users also tend to receive relatively frequent calls to action within the context of these sites, as 13% of SNS users (representing 8% of all adults) regularly receive outreach messages on these sites.

Taking all of these communications modes together, some 65% of Americans are contacted at least occasionally by groups or individuals asking them to take some sort of civic or political action, with 33% saying they are contacted for this reason on a regular basis (once a week or more frequently). As with many of the civic behaviors discussed here, these contacts are reported more frequently by those with relatively high income and education levels, and those who receive frequent political communications tend to be highly active in various online and offline venues.

There are also some partisan differences among the different types of outreach. Conservatives and Republicans are more likely than liberals and Democrats to receive political "calls to action" in the mail, while liberals and Democrats are more likely than conservatives and Republicans to receive these messages on social networking sites.

Those who have been affected by the recent economic downturn are actively involved with political and social issues across a range of platforms.

Overall, some 56% of the population has experienced one or more of the following impacts in the preceding year as a result of the recent economic slowdown:

46% have cut back on the amount or quality of food they purchase

38% have put off medical or dental treatment

25% have delayed making a rent or house payment

Members of this "economically affected" group tend to have relatively low incomes compared with those who have not experienced these impacts, but are also relatively young and well-educated as a group. Moreover, the economically affected are fairly active when it comes to expressing themselves about the issues of the day in various online and offline venues. Compared with the 44% of Americans who have not experienced any of these impacts:

The "economically affected" are no less likely to own a cell phone, to use the internet, or to use social networking sites.

They are equally likely to directly take part in an in-person political group or activity. Indeed, they are slightly more likely to have recently attended an organized protest or a local political meeting.

They are equally likely to receive political outreach messages across a range of platforms.

They are equally likely to publicly speak out about issues that are important to them in online forums, and a bit more likely (by a 41%-36% margin) to do so in offline forums.

They are equally likely to take part in political actions or discussions on social networking sites, and are in fact a bit more likely (by a 35%-27% margin) to encourage others to take action about issues that are important to them on these spaces.

Campaign donations are one of the few areas where the "affected" stand out from the rest of the population. Some 13% have made a campaign contribution in the year preceding our survey (compared with 20% of those who have not experienced any of these impacts).

About this survey

This report is based on the findings of a survey on Americans' use of the Internet. The results in this report are based on data from telephone interviews conducted by Princeton Survey Research Associates International from July 16 to August 7, 2012, among a sample of 2,253 adults, age 18 and older. Telephone interviews were conducted in English and Spanish by landline (1,353) and cell phone (900, including 469 without a landline phone). For results based on the total sample, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling is plus or minus 2.3 percentage points. For results based Internet users (n=1,873), the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 2.5 percentage points.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry Brady for generously contributing their time and expertise to the development of surveys of civic engagement in both 2008 and 2012.

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This study examines online and offline political engagement and pays special attention to the role of social networking sites in people's political activities. There are several major findings: Class differences, especially those related to educational attainment, are prominent in political engagement of all kinds, whether that activity takes place offline, online, or within the specific context of social networking sites (SNS), though the trend is somewhat more moderate in SNS.

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"Americans are increasingly turning to social media for news and political information and to encourage others to get involved with a cause or movement.  In addition to social and political issues, social media also serve as places where conversations about race intersect with a number of issues, including pop culture, sports and everyday personal experiences." (Pew Research Center, 2016).

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Pew Research Center: Internet, Science & Tech

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How social media users see, share and discuss race and the rise of hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter

Americans are increasingly turning to social media for news and political information and to encourage others to get involved with a cause or movement. Social media also can serve as an important venue where groups with common interests come together to share ideas and information. And at times, Twitter, Facebook and other social media sites can help users bring greater attention to issues through their collective voice.

In recent years, these platforms have provided new arenas for national conversations about race and racial inequality. Some researchers and activists credit social media - in particular, Black Twitter - with propelling racially focused issues to greater national attention. In fact, two of the most used hashtags around social causes in Twitter history focus on race and criminal justice: #Ferguson and #BlackLivesMatter. In addition to social and political issues, social media also serve as places where conversations about race intersect with a number of issues, including pop culture, sports and everyday personal experiences.

A new Pew Research Center survey finds significant differences in the way black and white adults use social media to share and interact with race-related content And a Pew Research Center analysis of tweets reveals that key news events - from Baltimore, to Charleston, South Carolina, to Dallas - often serve as a catalyst for social media conversations about race.

Black social media users (68%) are roughly twice as likely as whites (35%) to say that at least some of the posts they see on social networking sites are about race or race relations. When it comes to their own postings, a similar racial gap exists. Among black social media users, 28% say most or some of what they post is about race or race relations; 8% of whites say the same. On the other hand, roughly two-thirds (67%) of whites who use social media say that none of things they post or share pertain to race.

In addition to the survey data, Pew Research Center conducted three content analysis case studies using publically available tweets. The first analysis found that over a 15-month period (from Jan. 1, 2015, through March 31, 2016) there were about 995 million tweets about race - or, on average, 2.1 million tweets per day on the subject. By contrast, about 500 million tweets in total were posted on Twitter each day in 2015, meaning that tweets mentioning race made up about 0.04% of all tweets posted.

Of the tweets about race, a majority (60%) were directly related to news events, like the church shooting in Charleston, South Carolina, or the Grammy performance of rapper Kendrick Lamar

The second case study focuses on the use of the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter - which predated the Black Lives Matter organization. The hashtag has been used approximately 12 million times from July 12, 2013, through March 31, 2016, and during this period, it was used more often in support of the movement than in opposition to it. Roughly 40% of the times #BlackLivesMatter was used, it was to display solidarity with the social movement, compared with 11% of the time when it was used to criticize the same movement.

The third case study examines the Twitter conversation following the deaths of two black men at the hands of police and the shootings of police officers in Dallas and Baton Rouge, Louisiana. This time period - July 5-17, 2016 - had the hashtags of #BlackLivesMatter, #AllLivesMatter and #BlueLivesMatter used more often than any other time since the hashtags began appearing on Twitter in July 2013. And almost overnight, the tone of the online conversation around #BlackLivesMatter shifted following the attacks on law enforcement. There was a dramatic rise in the share of tweets criticizing the Black Lives Matter movement using that hashtag in our July analysis and a drop in the share of tweets that supported the movement. The rise in critical tweets was especially notable after the killing of police officers in Dallas.

The analysis of public tweets, which was conducted using computer coding software from Crimson Hexagon, also found that the volume of race-related tweets tended to peak in the immediate aftermath of high-profile events and reflected more of a synthesis of ideas and reactions than an account of the details of those events.

The survey findings are based on a national survey of the general public conducted by landline and cellular telephone from Feb. 29-May 8, 2016, among 3,769 U.S. adults. In this survey, 64% of all adults reported they are social media users That figure includes 62% of white adults who are social media users; 63% of blacks who are social media users; and 63% of Hispanics who are social media users. This report focuses on the subpopulations of each racial and ethnic group who are social media users, rather than the entire adult segment of each cohort.

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How social media users see, share and discuss race and the rise of hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter Americans are increasingly turning to social media for news and political information and to encourage others to get involved with a cause or movement.

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Digital News Outlets Want To Be Social Too

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Digital News Outlets Want To Be Social Too

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When studied, digital news outlets were seen to have multiple social media accounts (Pew Research Center,  2016).

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"New media technologies have created a participatory popular culture in which audience members do much more than interpret the movies, television programs, video games, and music produced by large corporations. Digital technologies allow individuals to sample and remix popular culture content, write back to popular culture producers, and connect with fellow fans from around the corner and around the world." (Williams & Zenger, 2012, pp. 1-2).

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This graph represents the evolution of technology within the United States from 2000-2016. As the years increase, more and more individuals are using technology in their lives (Pew Research Center, 2017).

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Nearly nine-in-ten Americans today are online, up from about half in the early 2000s. Pew Research Center has chronicled this trend and others through more than 15 years of surveys on internet and technology use. On Thursday, we released a new set of fact sheets that will be updated as we collect new data and can serve as a one-stop shop for anyone looking for information on key trends in digital technology.

To mark the occasion, here are four key trends illustrating the current technology landscape in the U.S.

1 Roughly three-quarters of Americans (77%) now own a smartphone, with lower-income Americans and those ages 50 and older exhibiting a sharp uptick in ownership over the past year, according a Pew Research Center survey conducted in November 2016. Smartphone adoption has more than doubled since the Center began surveying on this topic in 2011: That year, 35% of Americans reported that they owned a smartphone of some kind.

Smartphones are nearly ubiquitous among younger adults, with 92% of 18- to 29-year-olds owning one. But growth in smartphone ownership over the past year has been especially pronounced among Americans 50 and older. Nearly three-quarters (74%) of Americans ages 50-64 are now smartphone owners (a 16-percentage-point increase compared with 2015), as are 42% of those 65 and older (up 12 points from 2015). There has also been a 12-point increase in smartphone ownership among households earning less than $30,000 per year: 64% of these lower-income Americans now own a smartphone.

2 After a modest decline between 2013 and 2015, the share of Americans with broadband service at home increased by 6 percentage points in 2016. Between 2013 and 2015, the share of Americans with home broadband service decreased slightly - from 70% to 67%. But in the past year, broadband adoption rates have returned to an upward trajectory. As of November 2016, nearly three-quarters (73%) of Americans indicate that they have broadband service at home. But although broadband adoption has increased to its highest level since the Center began tracking this topic in early 2000, not all Americans have shared in these gains. For instance, those who have not graduated from high school are nearly three times less likely than college graduates to have home broadband service (34% vs. 91%). Broadband adoption also varies by factors such as age, household income, geographic location and racial and ethnic background.

Even as broadband adoption has been on the rise, 12% of Americans say they are "smartphone dependent" when it comes to their online access - meaning they own a smartphone but lack traditional broadband service at home. The share of Americans who are smartphone dependent has increased 4 percentage points since 2013, and smartphone reliance is especially pronounced among young adults, nonwhites and those with relatively low household incomes.

3 Nearly seven-in-ten Americans now use social media. When the Center started tracking social media adoption in 2005, just 5% of Americans said they used these platforms. Today, 69% of U.S. adults are social media users. Social media is especially popular among younger adults, as 86% of 18- to 29-year-olds are social media users. But a substantial majority of those ages 30-49 (80%) and 50-64 (64%) use social media as well. Only about one-third (34%) of Americans 65 and older currently use social media, but that figure has grown dramatically in recent years: As recently as 2010, only around one-in-ten Americans age 65 and older used social media.

4 Half the public now owns a tablet computer. Though less widespread than smartphones, tablet computers have also become highly common in a very short period of time. When the Center first began tracking tablet ownership in 2010, just 3% of Americans owned a tablet of some kind. That figure has risen to 51% as of November 2016.
Related posts: 10 facts about smartphones A third of Americans live in a household with three or more smartphones
Topics: Social Media, Internet Activities, Emerging Technology Impacts, Mobile, Technology Adoption, Future of the Internet

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Record shares of Americans now own smartphones, have home broadband

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Nearly nine-in-ten Americans today are online, up from about half in the early 2000s. Pew Research Center has chronicled this trend and others through more than 15 years of surveys on internet and technology use.