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I was unaware of the origins of Sociological study, and the dichotomy that existed between the social sciences and the 'hard sciences' that used natural laws to justify the creation of knowledge. Du Bois was a pioneer in the study of sociology, he sought to understand both patterned behavior and 'human action driven by chance' through empirical studies (p.26). He sought to collect data to study social patterns, as opposed to 'car window sociology' that involved 'unscientific methodologies' and 'vague speculations' about complex social phenomena (p.25).

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1. "The cruelty of American racism during the last decade of the nineteenth century made it nearly impossible for blacks in the United States to formulate self-evaluations independent of white stereotypes and thus to experience themselves as full human beings (p.17)."

2. "...Du Bois embraced his life's work: the production of careful sociological studies of African Americans steeped in empirical data that could be used to discredit the dominant sociological and popular doctrine that blacks were forever stuck at the bottom of human civilizations because nature made them inferior" (p.22).

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During the 19th century, the German Historical School of Economics (GHSE) was advanced in both quantitative and a mixed-methods approaches to social science research when compared to the United States. German scholars used these research methods to develop "...policy recommendations for political leaders on pressing social problems" (p.21). What social problems did they address? How effective were their recommendations? I'd be interested in learning more about the process they used to develop policy solutions, and the outcome of their recommendations.

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Kendi writes that Albion Small, one of the founders of American sociology, believed that, "...the only three outcomes available for the 'weaker' races were extinction, slavery, or assimilation..." (p.51). Small, like other sociologists of this era, was a social Darwinist. Morris writes in The Scholar Denied that, "Many powerful whites, including American social scientists, some of whom were distinguished founders of sociology [Albion Small], were attracted to eugenicist doctrines and hastened to organize an American eugenics movement" (p.19). Both Kendi and Morris draw a connection between the eugenics movement and the policies developed by Nazi Germany that led to the Holocaust. In fact, Morris writes that American racism created a model for German 'racial science'.

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“Mayo-Smith and Giddings are given the credit for introducing statistics into the new discipline of sociology during a time when Du Bois was using statistics in his studies and the classroom.” Morris makes a compelling case for Du Bois to be consider the first scientific sociologist, making him one of the “founders” of American sociology.

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“The cruelty of American racism during the last decade of the nineteenth century made it nearly impossible for blacks in the United States to formulate self-evaluations independent of white stereotypes and thus to experience themselves as full human beings.”

“They urged them to look at culture, rather than nature; at the environment, not genetics; at historical differences, not universal laws; and at ethical change, not moral absolutes.”

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When I did a Google search for the founder of sociology, the top 89 people known for sociology did not include Du Bois. Morris claimed empirical sociology began with Du Bois yet he hasn’t even cracked the top 90 list. I personally had not heard of Du Bois prior to this class so I wonder when/if he will ever get his due credit.

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Kendi referenced the continuation of Black enslavement through methods that restricted rights and exploited their labor. “When emancipation in 1865 thrust Black people into the land of freedom, White communities built higher walls of segregation to keep Black people out” (p. 116). Morris felt equally passionate about the oppression of Black people, feeling he could only achieve liberation by “intermingling with Europeans.” “The doctrines of eugenics fit well with the emerging Jim Crow system of racism and with the need to replace slavery with a docile black labor force exploitable by capital and an insecure white working class.”

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I was interested to learn about the history of the development of the field of sociology, which started as “armchair theorizing” and “car window sociology” to discover universal laws (pp. 25-26), and only later utilized empirical methods. DuBois’ views were formed out of his scholarly training in Germany but, really, as what I think he saw as an irrefutable way to prove that Black people were not biologically or otherwise inferior. And, even still, the racism within the field of sociology, of which its early founders subscribed to the eugenic movement and social Darwinism, prevented DuBois’ contributions to the field from being acknowledged.

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“Upon returning to “’n-hating’ America,” DuBois embraced his life’s work: the production of careful sociological studies of American Americas steeped in empirical data that could be used to discredit the dominant sociological and popular doctrine that blacks were forever stuck at the bottom of human civilizations because nature made them inferior.” (p. 22)

“Scholars of the origins of American sociology agree that the white founders sought to uncover universal laws because they were upwardly mobile middle-class individuals who hungered for the legitimacy and recognition enjoyed by “hard” scientists in the business of formulating natural laws at work in the universe.” (p. 28)

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What other fields of study were founded on such obvious racial bias and omission? What other scholars are not recognized as DuBois was not recognized in sociology?

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DuBois’ experience studying the Germany where he was, for the first time, on equal social footing as whites allowed him to emerge “from the extremes of my racial provincialism. I became more human…I ceased to hate or suspect people simply because they belonged to one race or color.” (p. 17). This reminded me of Kendi’s own self-reflection about his anger and hatred of all White people when he was young and in school and how he, through the anti-racist work of seeing individual humanity, came to believe that not all racists are White people and that not all White people are racist, but that they do act out of self-interest and benefit from racist policies. This nuanced understanding for Kendi is an important part of the development of his anti-racist approach and focus on policy. For DuBois, I think it was intellectually freeing because it solidified his empirical approach to sociological research.

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In the development of the field of sociology, there was a schism between a group using empirical data and research and another basing conclusion on “universal laws.” The second group was invested in the nascent discipline of sociology being perceived as “real” science and therefore grounded in natural law. It is interesting to note that sociology is now firmly situated in the field of behavioral science and uses empirical data to identify patterns, and yet the average American continues to struggle with the appropriate and ethical use of data. Most often, empirical data is used to justify a position rather than to draw a conclusion. This technique of cherry-picking is prevalent in most non-academic environments in the United States, and statistics are misused and abused regularly. In education today, the trend is to be data-driven, yet most decision-makers do not understand how to use data with integrity.

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“In contrast, to building abstract theoretical systems based on deductive reasoning, GHSE scholars advocated conducting careful empirical research focused on clearly defined questions. They insisted on a paradigm shift in which social science research would abandon the deductive approach and replace it with inductive reasoning. Sociological generalizations were to be based on empirical findings rather than on a priori systems of invented “natural” laws. The GHSE argued that these empirically based, objective generalizations constituted the scientific principles capable of guiding enlightened social reform.” (Morris, 2015, pg. 20)

“As early as 1897, Du Bois offered a similar description of sociology’s task, cautioning that it was not scientific in the same way as the work of the natural sciences: “But if you mean by sociology a vast and fruitful field of inquiry into the mysterious phenomena of human action, which has yielded evidence of the working of scientific laws to some extent, and promises much more for the future—if such a work deserves, as many think, the name of science, then Sociology is one of the greatest of sciences.”52 Du Bois had no need to posture as a “real scientist” building a system of natural laws to legitimate sociology. He was satisfied with the more modest ambition of elucidating human action in ways that took into account both its patterned, lawlike character and its unpredictable rhythms produced by human agency.” (Morris, 2015, pg. 29)

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How did Du Bois use “empirical data...to discredit the dominant sociological and popular doctrine that blacks were forever stuck at the bottom of human civilizations because nature made them inferior.25“ (Morris, 2015, pg. 22) Did Du Bois find community support among African Americans or academics and was there a recognition his work in the transition to modern sociology?

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“Schmoller and his colleagues debated policy implications of their scientific work and developed policy recommendations for political leaders on pressing social problems. This policy dimension of the GHSE did not escape Du Bois’s attention, for he already believed that scientific knowledge would help liberate oppressed blacks in America.” (Morris, 2015, pg. 21)

In the 1800’s Du Bois identified that changing policies is necessary to address social problems and this is the focus of Kendi’s work, we need to change policies to address racism.