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Muchos de los Salvadoreños vienen de antepasados Maya. Los tres grupos de El Salvador son Nahuat-pipil, los Lencas, y Cacaopera (Kakawira). Los pueblos indígenas son los Ulúas, las Lencas, los Cacaopera, los Chortís, los Nonualcos, el nahua-pipil y los Pocomanes. Aquí se encuentra un mapa de los pueblos y donde están en el país.

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El Salvador en su territorio habitan tres grupos étnicos; los Nahuat-Pipil, los Lencas y los kakawiras

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Según el sitio de Family Search, los primeros habitantes de Puerto Rico eran descendientes de indios de Venezuela. Ellos se llamaban Taínos y habitantes de Borikén. Esto me pareció interesante por el apodo de los Puertorriqueños "Boricua". También en The Global Press Journal  habla de las comunidades Jíbaro y Taínos.

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Hay 102 comunidades indígenas en Colombia. En este articulo , habla del pueblo wayú que tiene 20% de la población indígena en Colombia. También hay una Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia . Aquí se puede aprender de todos los pueblos.

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Las 102 comunidades indígenas en Colombia - Ayuda en Acción

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Colombia es un país con una gran diversidad cultural que merece la pena conocer. Acompáñanos a descubrir las más de cien comunidades indígenas de este país.

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Según el sitio de Family Search hay lencas, misquitos, tolupanes, chortis, pech o payas, y tawahkas. Se dice que a pesar de haber perdido su lengua, todavía viven entre otras personas y participan en sus culturas diferentes.

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Para solicitar derechos de edición en la Wiki, haga clic aquí.

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Hay 14 pueblos indígenas en México. En esta pagina de web se puede aprender sobre cada uno. Expilca de los Jakaltekos, Mames, Lacandones, Zoques, Tsotsiles, k’anjob’ales-Q’anjob’ales, Ch'oles, Tojolabales, Tekos, Chujes, Mochós, y Akatecos.

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Pueblos indígenas en Chiapas: 14 : Sistema de Información Cultural-Secretaría de Cultura

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Puerto Rico y Los Estados Unidos tiene una caída de PIB similar. Me imagino que esto tiene que ver con el hecho de Puerto Rico es una parte de los Estados Unidos y que hay una conexión allí. Según el "World Economic Forum", Puerto Rico está en la última nivel de 3 niveles de desarrollo. Esto significa que es un país más desarrollado comparado a los otros. Se encuentra en la misma nivel de Los Estados Unidos.

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Annual percentage growth rate of GDP per capita based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2010 U.S. dollars.

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Al ver el PIB de Colombia, uno puede ver que actualmente, Colombia ha tenido una caída grande comparada a los años anteriores. La pandemia afectó a todos los países pero en 1999 Colombia tenía una caída similar. Se llama la crisis de 1999 en Colombia.

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Annual percentage growth rate of GDP per capita based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2010 U.S. dollars.

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Honduras también experimentó con la caída de la pandemia y su PIB cayó 10.42%. Honduras también sufre de la pobreza y la pandemia de Covid hizo que se hiciera peor. Aquí habla un poco más sobre la pobreza.

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Annual percentage growth rate of GDP per capita based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2010 U.S. dollars.

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Actualmente, El Salvador experimentó una grande caída por la pandemia de Covid. Según el "World Bank", Covid les afectó mucho negativamente pero hay esperanza que la economía mejore por como la gente ha respondida a la pandemia. Hace poco, El Salvador empezó a aceptar BitCoin como moneda de curso legal. Vamos a ver como afecta la economía del país en estos años que vienen.

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Annual percentage growth rate of GDP per capita based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2010 U.S. dollars.

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Como cada otro país, había una caída por la pandemia. México está desarrollando económicamente como país y de todos está al número 15 para el PIB.

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Annual percentage growth rate of GDP per capita based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2010 U.S. dollars.

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Este video es un ejemplo real de las vidas de las personas que cruzan la frontera. Tienen que pagar a los del cartel para poder seguir en el camino. Ni siquiera saben si van a poder cruzar mientras están en la jornada.

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Riding 'The Death Train' to America's border

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Por condiciones ambientes , muchas personas migraron a los Estados Unidos de Puerto Rico en 2018. Obviamente, la pobreza en Puerto Rico está peor que los Estados Unidos y muchos se van por propósitos económicos. Muchos puertorriqueños se van a Florida.

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The number of people living in Puerto Rico decreased by 142,000 (4.4%) from 3,337,000 in 2017 to 3,195,000 in 2018.

The number of movers from the territory to the mainland United States increased by more than a third in 2018. About 133,500 people moved, up 36.9% from 97,500 movers the year before.

More than half moved to the South and more than a quarter moved to the Northeast. Their destinations across the United States shifted from 2017 with higher growth rates in the West and South than in the Northeast or Midwest.

State Destinations

More people moved from Puerto Rico to Florida, Indiana, New York, Oklahoma, Texas and Washington in 2018 than in the prior year.

Figure 2 shows states with at least 2,000 people who moved from Puerto Rico in 2017 and 2018, along with states that had a significant change in the number of people moving from Puerto Rico.

One-third (33.5%) of all Puerto Ricans who moved to the mainland United States in 2018 moved to Florida. Popular destinations in previous years, Michigan and Georgia, experienced a decline in the number of Puerto Ricans moving there.

How do we know where people moving from Puerto Rico settled?

The ACS asks respondents whether they lived in the same residence 1 year ago. For respondents who moved within the previous year, the address of their previous residence is collected. Information about current and previous residence locations are coupled to produce a domestic migration flow.

Poverty in Puerto Rico

The poverty rate in Puerto Rico decreased by 1.3 percentage points, from 44.4% in 2017 to 43.1% in 2018.

However, poverty in Puerto Rico is still much higher than the U.S. national rate of 13.1% and is more than double the poverty rate of 19.7% in Mississippi, which had among the highest state poverty rates in 2018.

Figure 3 provides some historical perspective on the poverty rate in Puerto Rico.

While the 2018 rate is a decrease from the 2017 estimate, it is not statistically different from the 2016 estimate.

Use caution when making year-to-year comparisons. Here's why:

The 2017 estimate was based on only nine months of data since data collection was suspended from October to December 2017 following Hurricane Maria.

Since the survey is continuous, adjacent ACS years have income reference months in common. Therefore, comparing the 2017 ACS with the 2018 ACS is not an exact comparison of economic conditions across years. (Respondents are asked to report their income in the previous 12 months. Those interviewed in January 2018 were reporting income from January 2017 to December 2017 while those interviewed in September 2017 were reporting income for October 2016 to September 2017.)

Next year, when data from 2019 are available, we will be able to compare those poverty rates to the 2016 estimates to get a better sense of the impact of the storm on poverty.

How Compositional Changes in the Population Affect Poverty

Data from the ACS can help to explain changes in the poverty rate across 2017 and 2018 as a result of changes in both the composition of the population as well as economic changes within population groups.

While the overall poverty rate decreased from 2017 to 2018, the only age group (Figure 4) to experience a statistically significant decrease in poverty rates in 2018 was the population ages 18 to 64. Their poverty rate fell from 41.9% to 40.5%.

This age group experienced a 2.1 percentage point increase in their employment rate from 47.6% to 49.7%. Since the employed have lower poverty rates than either the unemployed or those not in the labor force, this shift decreases overall poverty rates.

Within the population ages 18 to 64, there was a statistically significant decrease in poverty rates for those not in the labor force. Their poverty rate fell from 58.4% to 56.3%.

There was a 1.6 percentage point decline in this group's share of the population ages 18 to 64, from 42.9% to 41.3%. The decrease in poverty rates for those not in the labor force along with the decrease in their share of the population from 2017 to 2018 decreases overall poverty rates.

The age composition of the Puerto Rican population has changed, with a 1.1 percentage point decline in the share of children under age 18 and a 1.0 percentage point increase in the share of the older population age 65 or older.

Since children generally have higher poverty rates than those age 65 or older, 56.9% compared to 38.2% for 2018, these changes also impact the overall poverty rate.

Finally, the percentage of people living in rural areas of Puerto Rico decreased as a percentage of the overall population. People in rural areas have higher poverty rates than people in urban areas (52.8% compared to 42.5% in 2018).

The PRCS is part of the ACS, but is customized for Puerto Rico. Due to Hurricane Maria, the 2017 PRCS was suspended from September 2017 through the end of the year, and data for 2017 reflect characteristics of Puerto Rico prior to Hurricane Maria.

Brian Glassman is an economist in the Poverty Statistics Branch, Social, Economic and Housing Statistics Division, U.S. Census Bureau.

America Counts tells the stories behind the numbers in a new inviting way. We feature stories on various topics such as families, housing, employment, business, education, the economy, emergency preparedness, and population. Contact our Public Information Office for media inquiries or interviews.

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More Puerto Ricans Move to Mainland United States, Poverty Declines

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The number of people living in Puerto Rico decreased by 142,000 (4.4%) from 3,337,000 in 2017 to 3,195,000 in 2018. The number of movers from the territory to the mainland United States increased by more than a third in 2018. About 133,500 people moved, up 36.9% from 97,500 movers the year before.

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Mucha gente de Venezuela sale de allí y viene a Colombia. Actualmente hay 1.7 millones de Venezolanos en Colombia. Muchos de los migrantes que son de LGBTQ luchan a sobrevivir por las enfermedades y prejuicio.

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Washington Blade: LGBTQ News, Politics, LGBTQ Rights, Gay News

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BOGOTÁ, Colombia - Edgar García and his partner, Dannys Torres, on Oct. 3, 2018, used a canoe to cross the Arauca River that marks the Venezuela-Colombia border.

García was a member of the board of directors of Alianza Lambda de Venezuela, a Venezuelan LGBTQ rights group, before he fled Venezuela. Torres worked as a hairdresser in Caracas, the Venezuelan capital.

The couple now lives in Rafael Uribe Uribe, a working-class neighborhood in Bogotá, the Colombian capital.

Torres continues to work as a hairdresser. García most recently worked for a telecommunications company.

"We are settled here in Bogotá," García told the Washington Blade on Sept. 21 during an interview with him and Torres that took place at a shopping mall near their home. "You have your life here."

From left: Dannys Torres and his partner, Edgar García, at a shopping mall in Bogotá, Colombia, on Sept. 21, 2021. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

García and Torres are two of the more than 5.4 million Venezuelans who the Coordination Platform for Migrants and Refugees from Venezuela say have left their country as of November 2020 because of its ongoing economic and political crises.

Statistics from the Colombian government indicate there are currently more than 1.7 million Venezuelans in the country. More than 50 percent of them live in Bogotá and the departments of Norte de Santander, Atlántico and Antioquia.

Colombian President Iván Duque in February announced the country would legally recognize Venezuelan migrants who are registered with the government.

Sources in Colombia with whom the Blade has spoken say there are likely many more Venezuelan migrants in the country than official statistics indicate. Venezuelan migrants who are LGBTQ and/or living with HIV remain disproportionately vulnerable to discrimination and violence and often lack access to health care and formal employment.

A report the Red de Movilidad Humana LGBTI+-a network of advocacy groups in Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Guatemala and Mexico-published with the support of the U.N. Refugee Agency notes sex trafficking and even death are among the myriad threats that LGBTQ migrants from Venezuela face once they enter Colombia. The report indicates they also face discrimination in shelters because of their sexual orientation and gender identity, sexual violence and a lack of access to the Colombian judicial system.

Trans woman left Venezuela 'in search of a better quality of life'

Vanesa, a 25-year-old transgender woman from the Venezuelan city of Maracaibo, came to Colombia eight years ago "in search of a better quality of life."

She told the Blade on Sept. 14 during an interview at Fundación de Atención Inclusiva, Social y Humana (FUVADIS)-an organization in Barranquilla, a city in Atlántico department that is near the mouth of the Magdalena River in northern Colombia, that serves Venezuelan migrants-she entered Colombia near Maicao, a city in La Guajira department via an informal border crossing known as a "trocha." Vanesa said she was nearly kidnapped.

"The people who were standing on the sides (of the "trocha") who ask you for money were supposedly security," she said. "There was no security. They left me there because I was trans. They said a lot of ugly things. They assaulted me, including one (man) who was not going to let me go. They wanted me to kidnap me or have me there to do whatever they wanted to me."

Vanesa said a woman helped her escape.

"The experience was horrible," she said.

Vanesa traveled to Cartagena, a popular tourist destination that is less than two hours southwest of Barranquilla, and began to work at her friend's hair salon. Vanesa told the Blade that her friend's mother "never liked me because ... she is a Christian."

Vanesa now lives in Barranquilla and supports herself through video chats. Vanesa also competes in local beauty pageants and is able to send money to her mother in Venezuela.

"I work here," she said. "I am relatively well off."

Vanesa, a 25-year-old transgender woman from Venezuela, at the offices of Fundación de Atención Inclusiva, Social y Humana (FUVADIS) in Barranquilla, Colombia, on Sept. 14, 2021. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Andy, a trans man from Venezuela's Maracay state, left Venezuela four years ago with his partner and their daughter. Andy, like Vanesa, entered Colombia via a "trocha" near Maicao.

"I migrated because the situation was becoming worse and worse each day," Andy told the Blade on Sept. 14 as he attended a workshop that Caribe Afirmativo, an LGBTQ group in northern Colombia, organized at a Barranquilla hotel.

Caribe Afirmativo has opened three "Casas Afirmativos" in Barranquilla, Maicao and Medellín that provide access to health care and other services to Venezuelan migrants who are LGBTQ and/or living with HIV/AIDS. Caribe Afirmativo also operates several "Casas de Paz" throughout northern Colombia that support the implementation of an LGBTQ-inclusive peace agreement between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia that came into force in 2016.

Andy said his work in Venezuela allowed him to learn how "to sell whatever product," but he told the Blade he struggled to find a job once he arrived in Colombia.

Andy told the Blade that he, his partner and their daughter now have stable housing in Barranquilla. Andy said he also has received a job offer in Medellín, the country's second-largest city that is the capital of Antioquia department.

Andy, a transgender man from Venezuela, at a Caribe Afirmativo workshop in Barranquilla, Colombia, on Sept. 14, 2021. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Jesús Gómez is a 33-year-old gay man from Venezuela's Trujillo state in the Venezuelan Andes that are close to the country's border with Colombia.

He previously worked with Venezuela Diversa, a Venezuelan LGBTQ advocacy group, and accepted a position with the municipality of Chacao that is part of Caracas. Gómez, whose mother was born in Colombia, also joined a student protest movement against the government.

Gómez fled to Colombia and is pursuing his asylum case with the help of UNHCR.

"I feel bad emotionally, but I am well-off compared to other people," he told the Blade on Sept. 16 during an interview at a hotel in Cúcuta, a city in Norte de Santander department that is a few miles from the country's border with Venezuela. "I am working to help other people who are in the same situation."

Gómez in December is scheduled to graduate from nursing school. He also works with Fundación Censurados, a Cúcuta-based HIV/AIDS service organization that works with Venezuelan migrants, and has supported other organizations in the area that serve them.

Jesús Gómez in Cúcuta, Colombia, on Sept. 16, 2021. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

FUVADIS Executive Director Luis Meneses, like Gómez, was an LGBTQ activist in Venezuela.

Meneses, who is from Venezuela's Zulia state, in 2010 unsuccessfully ran for Venezuela's National Assembly. Meneses in February 2018 fled to Colombia because of the "political persecution" he said he suffered.

"Discrimination and prejudice against me began when I came out to defend LGBTI rights," Meneses told the Blade on Sept. 14 during an interview at his office.

Meneses in August 2018 launched FUVADIS, which receives support from groups that includes UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration. FUVADIS provides health care, antiretroviral drugs and a host of other services to Venezuelan migrants with HIV/AIDS and other populations that include sex workers. Vanessa and nearly 900 other FUVADIS clients are LGBTQ.

"We cannot work for the migrant population by only giving them humanitarian assistance," said Meneses. "It's also about guaranteeing access to their rights."

Venezuelans with HIV/AIDS die because of lack of medications

The New York-based Aid for AIDS International estimates more than 10,000 Venezuelans with HIV have left the country in recent years. Activists and health care service providers in Venezuela with whom the Blade has spoken in recent years have said people with HIV/AIDS in the country have died because of a lack of antiretroviral drugs.

The Venezuelan government has also targeted HIV/AIDS service organizations.

Members of Venezuela's General Directorate of Military Counterintelligence in January raided the offices of Azul Positivo, an HIV/AIDS service organization and arrested President Johan León Reyes and five other staff members. Venezuelan police on Feb. 15, 2019, raided the offices of Fundación Mavid, another HIV/AIDS service organization in Valencia, a city in Carabobo state, and arrested three staffers after they confiscated donated infant formula and medications for people with HIV/AIDS

Deyvi Galvis Vásquez, a doctor who is the manager of prevention and testing for AIDS Healthcare Foundation Colombia on Sept. 17 during an interview at AHF's Cúcuta clinic showed the Blade pictures of Venezuelans with HIV/AIDS in Colombia who had cases of Kaposi's sarcoma.

"The conditions are of extreme vulnerability," said Galvis.

People wait in the waiting room at an HIV/STI clinic in Caracas, Venezuela, on Feb. 13. 2019. Venezuelan HIV/AIDS service providers tell the Washington Blade that people with HIV/AIDS have died because of an acute shortage of available antiretroviral drugs in the country. (Photo courtesy of Alianza Lambda de Venezuela)

Andrés Cardona, director of Fundación Ancla, a Medellín-based group that works with migrants and other vulnerable groups, during a Sept. 13 interview with the Blade in his office echoed Galvis. Cardona added stigma specifically against Venezuelans with HIV/AIDS is one of the myriad issues he and his colleagues confront.

"The issue of the elimination of HIV also implies not only an issue of communication and prevention, but also an issue of effective attention," said Cardona. "We have our conservative culture, an idea that the Venezuelans who are coming are going to give us HIV."

"This is totally discriminatory," he added.

Cardona, like those inside Venezuela with whom the Blade has spoken, said there are no services in the country for people with HIV/AIDS.

"There are many Venezuelan migrants with HIV who enter Colombia, because they are going to die if they don't," he said.

AHF operates clinics throughout Colombia

AHF operates other facilities in Bogotá and in the cities of Bucaramanga, Yopal, Valledupar and Ríohacha. The organization, along with the Colombian Red Cross and the government of Santander department, in March began to distribute condoms, food and water and offer rapid HIV tests to Venezuelan migrants who travel through Páramo de Berlín, a high plateau in the Colombian Andes through which a highway between Cúcuta and Bucaramanga passes.

AHF, among other things, offers migrants rapid HIV and syphilis tests and counseling for people who test positive. AHF also provides lab tests, formula for children of mothers with HIV and health care with an "interdisciplinary health care team."

AHF Colombia Country Program Manager Liliana Andrade Forero and AHF Colombia Data Manager Sandra Avila Mira on Sept. 20 noted to the Blade during an interview at AHF's Bogotá clinic that upwards of 2,000 migrants currently receive care from the organization. They also pointed out that 1,952 of them are taking antiretroviral drugs the Brazilian government donates.

Galvis noted to the Blade that many of AHF's patients also have access to mental health care and social workers.

"AHF's policy is to reach out to everyone," he said.

Pandemic has made migrants even more vulnerable

Galvis, Fundación Censurados Director Juan Carlos Archila and other Colombian HIV/AIDS service providers with whom the Blade spoke say the pandemic has made Venezuelan migrants with HIV/AIDS in the country even more vulnerable.

Lockdowns prevented sex workers and others who work in the informal economy from earning money. A "pico y género" rule implemented by Bogotá Mayor Claudia López that allowed women to leave their homes on even days and men to leave their homes on odd days sparked criticism among trans activists.

Archila, who is a nurse, on Sept. 16 told the Blade during an interview at a Cúcuta hotel the pandemic has also left Censurados in a precarious situation.

"We endured practically two years with the doors closed, with expenses increasing," he said. "The need of people who come to us for the issue of HIV remains, and yet we are all trying to cope with the situation."

Andrade noted AHF's Bogotá was closed for several months at the beginning of the pandemic because of the city's strict lockdown.

The pandemic also forced FUVADIS to close its offices in March 2020, but Meneses told the Blade the organization was able to see a handful of patients at a time. He said "basic humanitarian assistance" that included hygiene kits and food were among the things that FUVADIS was able to provide its patients during the pandemic.

"Understanding how the situation for the LGBTI community, people with HIV, the migrant population and the refugee population is, we could not allow (our services) to shut down," Meneses told the Blade.

Venezuelan migrants attend a workshop at Fundación de Atención Inclusiva, Social y Humana (FUVADIS) in Barranquilla, Colombia, on Sept. 14, 2021. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

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LGBTQ Venezuelan migrants in Colombia struggle to survive

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BOGOTÁ, Colombia - Edgar García and his partner, Dannys Torres, on Oct. 3, 2018, used a canoe to cross the Arauca River that marks the Venezuela-Colombia border. García was a member of the board of directors of Alianza Lambda de Venezuela, a Venezuelan LGBTQ rights group, before he fled Venezuela.

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Tal como otro países, los hondureños salen de su país para poder escapar el peligro y violencia. Para regular los migrantes, los Estados Unidos ofrecido dinero para poder apoyar a Honduras y otros países.

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Climate, violence, and Honduran migration to the United States

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Sarah Bermeo and David Leblang examine how climate and violence drive Honduran migration to the United States.

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El Salvador es conocido por tener gente que quiere salir por la violencia que se pasa allí. El Salvador tiene el segundo grupo más grande de Latinoamérica. No se espera que los Salvadoreños dejan de migrar por las condiciones del país.

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On March 23, 2021, the Duke Center for International and Global Studies (DUCIGS) in collaboration with the Duke Center for International Development (DCID) organized a webinar on El Salvador's recent trends on gang violence. The event hosted four country experts and was moderated by Duke University's Piotr Plewa and Sarah Bermeo. Read the event recap here.

In this background brief, Duke Research Scholar Piotr Plewa offers a snapshot of migration trends from El Salvador to the U.S.

Salvadoran migration to the U.S. dates back to the 1930s and has been driven by a combination of economic and humanitarian factors. It was boosted by the twelve- year long civil war (1979-1982) and fueled by perpetual violence ever since.

Since 2014 migration from El Salvador has been characterized by significant presence of unaccompanied minor asylum seekers. Migration of minors challenged the U.S. asylum system due to special infrastructure and procedures necessary to receive minors as well as a set of more fundamental questions such as why are minors leaving alone and how to prevent it in the future.

In 2017, the Salvadoran Ministry of Foreign Affairs developed the National Policy for the Protection and Development of Salvadoran Migrants and their Families (El Salvador, 2017). The effects of this policy are yet to be seen, but any efforts to protect the rights of migrants tend to be better than no such efforts at all.

Migration has deprived El Salvador of human capital and insecurity has weakened the country's appeal to foreign direct investment. However, the hard-earned monies Salvadoran migrants have been sending home have benefitted country as a whole and the individual families who receive them. El Salvador is the seventh most remittance-benefitting country in the world and third in the region, after Haiti and Honduras (World Bank, 2020). By 2019 remittances constituted nearly 22 percent of the country's GDP. They declined in the Spring of 2020 as a result of COVID-19 impact on migration and US labor market. But they rebounded in the second half of 2020 corroborating hypothesis that in times of crisis remittances are a reliable form of aid, because in difficult times migrants support their loved ones the most.

Aware of the positive impact of migration on development, Salvadoran managed to keep the costs of remittance transfers from the United States low. Furthermore, it aimed to strengthen links with the country's diaspora by encouraging it to invest in social infrastructure projects, allowing it to vote from abroad, and by lobbying with the US Government for protecting Salvadoran community against deportations via inclusion in the Temporary Protected Status (TPS).

Despite TPS, a number of Salvadorans have been expatriated each year, mostly from the U.S. but as a result of U.S.- Mexico migration agreements, also from Mexico. According to the International Organization for Migration, in 2019 El Salvador received 37 300 returnees from the US and Mexico combined (IOM, 2020 in CRS, 2021).

Despite international assistance to reintegrate its deportees, including jobs in San Salvador's call centers, El Salvador struggled to reintegrate them. Deportees have become targets of extortion and violence upon arrival in El Salvador. According to Human Rights Watch, at least 138 Salvadorans were killed in 2013-2019 and 70 more were victims of violence (HRW, 2020). Many deportees have lived longer in the U.S. than in El Salvador, speak poor Spanish and find it very difficult to integrate themselves in the new environment. Some have been separated from their families in the U.S. Hence, a number of deportees have been returning to the U.S. (Menjívar & Gómez, 2018).

Salvadoran migration to the U.S. has been dwarfed by much larger Mexican migration. However, Salvadorans constituted the second largest group of Latin American migrants in the U.S., the second largest group of unauthorized migrants and the second largest group of DACA recipients (Budiman et al, 2020; Krogstad, 2020). The new administration intends to improve the conditions of those already in the U.S., as well as to address the root causes of emigration.

The number of migrants attempting to enter the U.S. at a time that the U.S. was transitioning to a new presidency has increased (figure 1). However, the overall increase has been mostly due to arrivals of Mexican and other non-Northern Triangle countries' citizens. However, the number of Salvadoran children, including unaccompanied ones, increased (figure 2).

The law requires transferring them to shelters if they are to be detained for over three days. However, the rising numbers of all apprehended including children filled the shelters to their maximum capacity and led to children being detained for longer than three days (Gramlich, 2021). In response, the Biden administration announced it would allow some Central American children to apply for admission to the U.S. from their home countries in an effort to deter them from making the perilous journey.

In 2020, a series of lawsuits prevented the planned abrogation of TPS. If the TPS was to be dismantled, some 202 630 registered Salvadorans, 62 percent of all TPS holders, could have been deported. As per TPS requirement, all Salvadorans have been residing continuously in the US since March 2001 (USCIS, 2021). Despite their long residence, TPS recipients are not automatically eligible for permanent residence or U.S. citizenship. However, President Biden asked Congress to pass legislation that would allow TPS recipients who meet certain conditions to apply immediately for permanent residency (USCIS, 2021).

The second group of Salvadorans who would have been likely deported would be those qualifying for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) status. Biden's Memorandum for the Attorney General the Secretary of Homeland Security recommended preserving and fortifying DACA. DACA and associated regulations permit eligible individuals who pass a background check to request temporary relief from removal and to apply for temporary work permits. In President Biden's view, "DACA reflects a judgment that these immigrants should not be a priority for removal based on humanitarian concerns and other considerations, and that work authorization will enable them to support the US economy" (Biden, 2021). As of March 29, 2021 the DACA program was facing a lawsuit filed by Texas' Republican attorney general, who was seeking to have the program declared unlawful and terminated.

While addressing the root causes of migration is imperative, it will not lower emigration rates in the near future. According to the Wilson Center's review of the U.S. Assistance to the Northern Triangle in 2014-2019, there have not been enough sufficiently impactful development programs in the region. El Salvador continues to be stricken by the lack of sustainable living conditions, whether it is due to more palpable gang violence or less visible yet equally sustainable living-unfriendly corruption, weak respect of democratic norms or lack of good governance. The persisting difficulties offer an opportunity for more innovative, long-term and comprehensive development assistance programs to be designed and implemented through multi stakeholder collaboration including U.S. and Salvadoran governments, research community and civil society.
References:
Biden, J. (2021), " Preserving and Fortifying Deferred Action for Childhoood Arrivals (DACA) ". January 20, 2021.

Budiman, A., Tamir, C., Mora, L. Noe-Bustamante, L. (2020)," Statistical Portrait of the Foreign Born 2018 ". PEW Hispanic Center.

Call, C. (2021), " The imperative to address the root causes of migration from Central America ". Brookings.

El Salvador (2017), " Política Nacional para la proteccDón y desarrollo de la Persona Migrante Salvadoreña y su Familia ". Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores. El Salvador.

Gramlich, J. (2021), " Migrant apprehensions at U.S.-Mexico border are surging again ". Pew Research Center.

HRW (2020), " Deported to Danger: United States Deportation Policies Expose Salvadorans to Death and Abuse ". Human Rights Watch. February 5, 2020.

ICE (2021), " U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Fiscal year 2020 Enforcement and Removal Operations Report ". U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

IOM (2020), " Iniciativa de Gestión de Información de Movilidad Humana en el Triángulo Norte (NTMI) ". International Organization for Migration.

Krogstad, J.M. (2020), " Americans broadly support legal status for immigrants brought to the U.S. illegally as children ". PEW Research Center. June 17, 2020.

Menjívar, C. Gómez Cervantes, A. (2018), El Salvador: Civil War, Natural Disasters, and Gang Violence Drive Migration. Migration Policy Source.

Ribando Selke, C. (2020), " El Salvador: Background and U.S. Relations ". July 1, 2020. R43616. Congressional Research Service.

USCIS (2021), " Key facts about U.S. immigration policies and Biden's proposed changes ". U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.

USCBP (2021a), " Southwest Land Border Encounters ". U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

World Bank (2020), " Phase II: COVID-19 Crisis through a Migration Lens. Migration and Development Brief 33. October 2020".

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Migration from El Salvador to the U.S.: A Background Brief

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On March 23, 2021, the Duke Center for International and Global Studies (DUCIGS) and the Duke Center for International Development (DCID) organized a webinar on El Salvador's recent trends on gang violence. The event hosted four country experts and was moderated by Duke University's Piotr Plewa and Sarah Bermeo.

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Siempre va a ver corrupción en los gobiernos. Hay muchos artículos que se hablan de investigaciones de la corrupción en el gobierno del puerto rico.

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SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico (AP) - Puerto Rico's governor and other top officials on Monday became the formal targets of an in-depth government investigation into recent corruption allegations.

The U.S. territory's Special Independent Prosecutor's Panel agreed to probe the allegations against Gov. Wanda Vázquez and others following a referral from the island's Department of Justice that ended with two justice secretaries stepping down earlier this month and led to calls for impeachment against the governor.

"This is very serious," Edgardo Román, president of the Bar Association of Puerto Rico, told The Associated Press. "It means there are already two entities that have independently concluded there is sufficient basis to investigate a governor."

The decision marks the first time the special panel investigates a sitting governor in recent history, he said.

The panel also will investigate four other government officials including one senator and Chief of Staff Antonio Luis Pabón.

A spokeswoman for the governor told the AP that Vázquez already expressed herself on the issue earlier this month during a press conference in which she said she would welcome an investigation and called the allegations "vengeful" and "rigged." A spokesperson for the chief of staff could not immediately be reached for comment.

Former Justice Secretary Dennise Longo had issued a statement in early July saying the governor and others were the targets of an investigation that the department had launched earlier this year involving the alleged mismanagement of supplies slated for Puerto Ricans affected by a series of strong earthquakes.

Longo was fired the same day she referred the cases to the special panel. The president of that panel told the AP that someone from the Department of Justice was about to drop off files related to the cases slated for investigation but abruptly left after receiving a call from someone at the Department of Justice.

Wandymar Burgos, the justice secretary appointed after Longo was fired, later said she's the one who demanded the cases be returned because she had just found out about them and needed to research them. Several top members of the governor's party then demanded she resign, which she did.

Vázquez has since denied that Longo was fired in retribution for the probe. She said she asked Longo to quit because of purported interference in an unrelated federal probe into possible Medicaid fraud. Meanwhile, the governor defended Burgos, saying her actions were unusual but not illegal.

The special panel now has 90 days to investigate the allegations. Independent prosecutors can decide whether to dismiss them or determine there is enough evidence to file charges.

The decision to investigate comes nearly three weeks before Vázquez competes in the Aug. 9 primary of the pro-statehood Progressive New Party to be its candidate for governor in the island's general elections in November.

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Puerto Rico governor, others face formal corruption probe

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SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico (AP) - Puerto Rico's governor and other top officials on Monday became the formal targets of an in-depth government investigation into recent corruption allegations. The U.S. territory's Special Independent Prosecutor's Panel agreed to probe the allegations against Gov.

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La percepción de la corrupción está muy alta en México. Es muy interesante que 78% de la población piensa que la policía de transito es corrupta. Parece que la corrupción entre la policía es lo más preocupante para los Méxicanos.

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Si bien en las entidades federativas de la República Mexicana las percepciones sobre la frecuencia de la corrupción varían, no hay estado que muestre buenas calificaciones. La entidad federativa con mayor percepción de corrupción es la Ciudad de México, donde 95.1% de sus habitantes consideran que las prácticas de corrupción son muy frecuentes o frecuentes, mientras que el estado que menor nivel de percepción presenta es Querétaro, con 73.3%, esto es, casi 15 puntos porcentuales por debajo del promedio nacional. Es importante notar que, en comparación con 2013, la percepción de la frecuencia de la corrupción en las entidades federativas aumentó considerablemente: aunque en la Ciudad de México "disminuyó" de 95.3% a 95.1%, a nivel nacional (es decir, en promedio), ganó tres puntos porcentuales, al pasar de 85.3% a 88.8%, mientras que, en Querétaro, ésta aumentó casi 10%, al pasar de 65% a 73.3%.

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Anatomía de la corrupción - Anatomía de la corrupción

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Anatomía de la Corrupción es un compendio de los principales índices, indicadores y mediciones sobre la frecuencia y extensión del fenómeno de la corrupción, de sus causas y efectos, de los esfuerzos para combatirla y de los magros resultados obtenidos.

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Según este sitio, 52% de personas de Colombia piensan que la corrupción ha subido. Por la pandemia recién , problemas de enfermedades venían con la corrupción.

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Find out more about corruption in Colombia: Latest news, Corruption Perceptions Index score & local chapter's contact information.

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Según este sitio, 54% de personas de Honduras  piensan que la corrupción ha subido. Honduras también era incluido cuando los Estados Unidos señaló a países de Centro América que eran corruptos.

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Find out more about corruption in Honduras: Latest news, Corruption Perceptions Index score & local chapter’s contact information.

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Según este sitio, 45% de personas de El Salvador piensan que la corrupción ha subido. El Presidente Nayib Buklele acaba de proponer una iniciativa para poder hacer que termine la corrupción en El Salvador. Esto era en respuesta a los Estados Unidos cuando señaló a países de Centro América que eran corruptos.

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Find out more about corruption in El Salvador: Latest news, Corruption Perceptions Index score & local chapter's contact information.

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El progreso de México se necesita mejorar en los areas de la seguridad personal, inclusividad, acceso a la educación avanzada, libertad y elección personal , y salud y bienestar. Estos son los problemas ambientales en México porque son cosas que se espera pero no están presentes.

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We provide decision-makers and everyday citizens with the very best data on the social and environmental health of their societies and help them prioritize actions that accelerate social progress.

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Colombia falta  la seguridad personal, inclusividad, acceso a la educación avanzada, libertad y elección personal , y derechos personales.

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We help decision-makers create inclusive and sustainable growth. Our global, national, and local Social Progress Indexes and custom-designed data insight tools provide an evidence-based approach to inform and empower action to drive social and environmental progress.

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El Salvador falta  la seguridad personal, inclusividad, acceso a la educación avanzada, libertad y elección personal , y calidad ambiental. Según la Unidad de Salud en El Salvador, "La Calidad del Aire ha venido deteriorándose con altos niveles de polución, dado a diversos factores como el crecimiento poblacional, aumento de flota vehicular, hábitos de quema agrícola, quema de desechos sólidos entre otros."

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We help decision-makers create inclusive and sustainable growth. Our global, national, and local Social Progress Indexes and custom-designed data insight tools provide an evidence-based approach to inform and empower action to drive social and environmental progress.

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Honduras también falta la seguridad personal, inclusividad, acceso a la educación avanzada, libertad y elección personal , y salud y bienestar. Parece que Honduras quiere mejorar en la salud y bienestar y se ha puesto planes para poder mejorar.

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We help decision-makers create inclusive and sustainable growth. Our global, national, and local Social Progress Indexes and custom-designed data insight tools provide an evidence-based approach to inform and empower action to drive social and environmental progress.

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Actualmente, Puerto Rico se pasa por la crisis de la electricidad. También todavía se está recuperando del huracán Maria. Todos esos problemas afectan las vidas de la gente de Puerto Rico.

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SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico - Hundreds of thousands of Puerto Rico residents have experienced widespread blackouts, longer service restoration times, poor customer service and voltage fluctuations that often damage appliances and other home electronics since Luma Energy partly took over the island's electric grid in the summer.

Lawmakers in Congress and in the U.S. territory are now seeking specific answers from Luma Energy, which has a contract to do transmission and distribution for the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority, that may point to why the power crisis is worsening amid electricity price hikes and unreliable service.

In an interview with NBC News, Luma Energy CEO Wayne Stensby said that "by almost any measure, Puerto Rico has the worst performing electricity system in the United States."

"So, we're out there every day, we're making it better step by step," he said. "I think the single biggest challenge is the speed in which we can actually bring real improvements to our customers."

Despite the challenge, Stensby said he's confident that the power supply crisis "will get better month by month and year by year."

But that promise has been put into question after Puerto Rico started experiencing a growing number of rolling blackouts, which worsened between August and September.

Puerto Ricans like Brenda Otero, who owns a bakery near San Juan, have seen their electric bills increase nearly 33 percent this year. And just last week, her business lost $1,000 as a result of the constant blackouts and lack of power.

"It's getting harder to work and to pay off the bills for the store, and we want to continue working," she said.

In a letter sent to Stensby on Friday, the U.S. House Committee on Natural Resources requested access to key information, including the number of experienced workers Luma Energy employs to fix damaged power lines, as well as compensation packages and titles of employees who earn more than $200,000 a year, among other data.

The committee, which oversees U.S. territorial affairs, said the information will help it have better oversight over Luma Energy's work since the private company took over the transmission and distribution of electricity in June as part of the power grid's partial privatization.

The Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority, a public corporation, continues to be in charge of controlling power generation units.

After Hurricane Maria decimated the island's antiquated electric grid in 2017 - triggering the world's second longest blackout - the power authority has struggled to keep the lights up for Puerto Ricans. Additionally, corruption and mismanagement within the power authority contributed to the island's decadelong financial crisis by racking up $9 billion in public debt, more than that of any other government agency in Puerto Rico.

Otero said she recalls the constant service interruptions post-Maria, "but we knew it was a hurricane that turned everything off, but now we don't have any hurricane, and it's worse now."

The Committee on Natural Resources sent its letter to Stensby two days after he refused or provided incomplete answers to some questions during a congressional oversight hearing hosted by the committee last week.

Some of the financial information being requested by Congress is normally available through Securities and Exchange Commission filings, which are documents public companies are required to periodically file. These documents are not publicly available for Luma Energy.

Luis Raúl Torres Cruz, a member of the island's House of Representatives who heads the energy commission, sued Luma Energy over the summer in an effort to acquire much of the same information Congress is seeking.

"Luma has refused to provide us any information and instead, they've embarked on an appeals process in court," Torres Cruz told NBC News in Spanish.

As part of the appeals process, the Puerto Rico Supreme Court denied on Tuesday Luma Energy's second petition to not disclose the information requested by Puerto Rican lawmakers.

In a lengthy statement, Luma Energy responded to the decision saying, "no company should be compelled to disclose the identity and salaries of their employees, trade secrets, sensitive operational and infrastructure information, without a demonstrated legislative legitimate purpose; even more, without complying with applicable law and due process," adding it "will have an opportunity to raise its defenses and objections when the case resumes before the Court of First Instance."

On Friday, the power authority declared a state of emergency due to the " critical condition " of its generating power plants.

William Ríos, an energy generation director at the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority, said the largest power plant in the San Juan area, known as Palo Seco, has been experiencing shutdowns almost every week for the past few months.

Boiler steam leaks have forced the power authority to shut down the power plant. Every time that happens, the unit is taken out of service for a few days. This issue has happened at least 10 times in recent weeks, he said.

Other issues causing blackouts involved seaweed getting clogged in the water filters for condensers.

"In the past few months, we are having practically weekly shutdowns of the unit but when the unit is stable, we can have the unit in service for months," he added.

Ríos said the blackouts have made it very evident that Puerto Rico's outdated power grid, which was built in the 1960s, is hanging by a thread. In order to modernize the grid and improve power generation, it's imperative to replace certain parts of the damaged boilers in Palo Seco, as well as in power plants across the island.

Stensby agrees.

"It's going to get better," he said, "but fundamentally, until we make a substantial improvement in the amount and or the quality of the generation, it's going to be difficult."
Nicole Acevedo reported from New York. Gabe Gutierrez and Olympia Sonnier reported from Puerto Rico.

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As Puerto Rico's power crisis worsens, lawmakers probing outages seek answers

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SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico - Hundreds of thousands of Puerto Rico residents have experienced widespread blackouts, longer service restoration times, poor customer service and voltage fluctuations that often damage appliances and other home electronics since Luma Energy partly took over the island's electric grid in the summer.