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Many peaceful protests were used in the Civil Rights Movement including the Montgomery Bus Boycott. This boycott showed people how serious they were about this problem, with the buses being left almost empty due to their boycott being supported throughout the city. This boycott also led to the formation of the Montgomery Improvement Association, which organized more of these boycotts and made demands. The boycott got a ton of media attention and ultimately forced the Supreme Court to deem segregation on public buses unconstitutional.

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The foundation of the Civil Rights Movement was built by civil rights leaders, organizations, and activists who led hard-fought battles to pressure the state and federal governments to pass civil rights laws. The following civil rights protests brought people of the nation together to tackle the core issues of the civil rights agenda.

1. The Role of the Montgomery Bus Boycott in the Civil Rights Movement

The Montgomery Bus Boycott was a series of protests in Alabama between 1955 and 1956 that targeted segregation on public buses. The Women's Political Council (WPC) met with the Mayor of Montgomery to request changes to the bus system regarding segregation. Some WPC requests included allowing Black individuals to enter the front of the bus instead of the rear and sit when empty seats were available instead of standing. The requests were ignored, and plans for a city-wide bus boycott began to appear.

The attention to Rosa Parks' arrest after refusing to give up her seat on a bus in December 1955 sparked the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Claudette Colvin and Mary Louise had done the same a year prior but didn't receive nearly as much attention. On December 5, 1954, the buses in Montgomery were nearly empty due to the city-wide boycott.

The Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) was formed to organize and continue the bus boycotts. The MIA created a list of demands for changes to the bus system. Once again, the demands were ignored. As the boycott continued, national media outlets began to cover the protests. The boycott was one of the forces that led to the US Supreme Court Browder v. Gayle ruling, which deemed segregation on public buses unconstitutional.

2. Sit-ins Campaign

Beginning in early 1960, the sit-ins campaign was charged by student activists practicing nonviolent protest strategies to demand an end to racial segregation. The first sit-in took place in Greensboro, North Carolina on February 1, 1960. Four Black students sat down at a whites-only lunch counter at Woolworth's, which launched the campaign.

The Student Executive Committee for Justice was created days after the first sit-in to organize the protests. The sit-ins quickly began to gain the attention of local media outlets in Greensboro. As February came to an end, the sit-ins campaign had spread to several other states. Two months later, more than 50,000 students had participated in the civil rights protest.

In mid-April, a meeting was held among the leaders of the sit-ins campaign, which led to the founding of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The SNCC would soon become one of the most prominent civil rights organizations in the Civil Rights Movement. The sit-ins were a significant civil rights protest campaign that encouraged young activists to become more involved and assume leadership roles in the movement.

3. How the Freedom Rides Protests of 1961 Shaped the Civil Rights Movement

The Freedom Rides was a nonviolent civil rights protest organized to challenge the segregation of interstate travel facilities and buses. The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) was responsible for recruiting volunteers and organizing the Freedom Rides. The Freedom Riders started their journey from Washington DC on May 4, 1961. The goal was to travel through the southern states and reach New Orleans, Louisiana for a rally to celebrate.

The most dangerous portion of the Freedom Rides came when the protestors reached the Deep South. Once they reached the station, one of the buses was attacked in Anniston, Alabama. The other bus managed to make it to Birmingham, Alabama where they were met by hundreds of violent segregationists.

The violent attacks prevented the Riders from being able to complete the Freedom Rides to New Orleans. Student activists from Nashville, Tennessee and surrounding areas kept track of the Riders' journey. They decided to continue the Freedom Rides for those unable to finish the trip. Hundreds of activists across the nation joined the protest as well.

The federal government's lack of protection for the Riders was an embarrassment for the Kennedy Administration. The goals of the Freedom Riders were eventually accomplished several months later, in November 1961. The Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) officially banned segregation of all interstate travel facilities within their jurisdiction.

4. Albany Movement

Just as the Freedom Rides gained a huge victory for the Civil Rights Movement, another protest was beginning in Albany, Georgia. Members of the SNCC, Charles Sherrod and Cordell Reagon, traveled to Albany to teach students in the area about nonviolent strategies and encourage voter registration.

The goal of the Albany Movement was simple but also much broader than other protests that concentrated on one institution at a time. Many civil rights protests that saw success were those that had a single or more narrowed focus. In Albany, the goal was to desegregate the entire city and stop racial discrimination.

Several civil rights organizations came together to form a coalition in November 1961 to organize the campaign. Marches, boycotts, and sit-ins ensued across the city. The Albany Movement ended the following summer in 1962 and has been described as unsuccessful. The movement had a very broad goal, and combating segregation in the Deep South was a long battle. However, the Albany Movement did give insight to civil rights activists and leaders that helped develop new strategies for future campaigns.

5. March On Washington For Jobs and Freedom

The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom was a mass civil rights protest that took place on August 28, 1963 in Washington DC. Over 200,000 demonstrators joined together at the National Mall, and the protest was considered a huge success. A. Philip Randolph was the director of the march. Civil rights leader Bayard Rustin was in charge of organizing the march and recruited more than 200 staff to help organize and publicize the event.

The goals of the march were straightforward and tackled some core civil rights issues that were previously ignored in other protests. Some of the protest's demands included the desegregation of all public schools by the end of 1963, a federal works program to aid unemployed workers, laws to prevent employment discrimination, protection of voters' rights, and a bill to end segregation in all public facilities.

The amount of support the March on Washington received was outstanding. As the march came to an end, civil rights leaders joined President Kennedy and Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson at the White House to discuss support for civil rights legislation. In the next two years, some of the demands of the march were met through the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

6. March From Selma to Montgomery

The March from Selma to Montgomery was a civil rights protest in Alabama that aimed to secure African Americans' right to vote. African Americans faced voter registration issues in the Deep South due to Jim Crow laws despite passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The SCLC joined together with the SNCC and Dallas County Voters League in January 1965 to organize a march in Selma.

Selma was chosen as the location because police brutality was especially present in Alabama, which would attract the attention of national media outlets. The date for the official march was set to March 7, 1965. When demonstrators attempted the march, protestors were battered by Alabama police officers. Two days later, King came to Selma and led more than 2,000 marchers to the Edmund Pettus Bridge, where he halted the trip. He was awaiting a federal court order from President Johnson, who requested the march be delayed so protective measures could be made for the marchers.

On March 21, 1965, demonstrators left Selma with the protection of federal agents and the Alabama National Guard. By the time they reached Montgomery, more than 20,000 demonstrators had joined. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was signed into law five months later in August.

7. Chicago Freedom Movement

The Chicago Freedom Movement, also referred to as the Chicago Campaign, was initiated to protest de facto segregation. The movement focused on ensuring that African Americans would have equal housing opportunities. Civil rights organizations and activists decided to focus on northern cities and states that were still suffering at the hands of racial discrimination.

Many African American families were in poverty due to contract selling. This required African Americans to have all the responsibilities of a homeowner but weren't allowed to own their home until it was fully paid off. It was also very difficult for African Americans to be approved for a mortgage.

The Chicago Freedom Movement involved several nonviolent demonstrations that lasted from the summer of 1965 to early 1967. The campaign resulted in an agreement that the Chicago Housing Authority would build more public housing. Mortgages were also promised to be made available to everyone regardless of race through an agreement with the Mortgage Bank Association. The campaign was one of the key events that led to the creation of the Fair Housing Act established in 1968.

The Grand Impact of Civil Rights Protests

Several civil rights protests throughout the Civil Rights Movement had a significant impact on policy-making and legislation. Many of the campaigns were created on the foundation of nonviolent protest techniques. The amount of support and demonstrators that were involved in these civil rights protests were overwhelmingly positive.

Many lives were lost due to racial violence, and many more individuals were injured, but the fight for civil rights never ceased. As a result, several laws and policies were put in place to outlaw segregation in public facilities and secure voting rights and fair housing practices for African Americans.

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7 Major Protests of the Civil Rights Movement

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The foundation of the Civil Rights Movement was built by civil rights leaders, organizations, and activists who led hard-fought battles to pressure the state and federal governments to pass civil rights laws. The following civil rights protests brought people of the nation together to tackle the core issues of the civil rights agenda.

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Peaceful protesting was used during the Women's Suffrage Movement to gain more recognition in their attempt to gain women's voting rights. The peaceful protests could be helpful since it allowed ordinary women to protest as well, while also not having to play a huge part in the movement. Some of these peaceful protests and demonstrations also made it to newspapers and encouraged more people to support them.

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The first of the "silent sentinel" protests occurred on January 10, 1917. Twelve women, fighting for their right to vote, stood peacefully before the White House with picket signs all day, and every day after that, even as the nation entered the Great War in April. Though other suffragists voiced concern that the protest criticizing President Woodrow Wilson could stain the entire movement as unpatriotic, that did not deter the most resolute picketers.

On June 22, days after the protesters' presence embarrassed the President in front of Russian dignitaries, the D.C. police arrested suffragist Lucy Burns and her compatriots. A veteran of militant suffragette campaigns in England, Burns had, along with fellow activist Alice Paul, been imprisoned in the United Kingdom, staging hunger strikes and enduring forced feedings in jail; they understood the benefits of being in the national news and staging flashy protests. As part of this new political strategy, they formed their own radical organization, the National Women's Party, and geared their efforts around headline-grabbing demonstrations.

Burns and the other women were brought to a D.C. jail, then released immediately because local law enforcement could not figure out what to charge them with, or even what to do with the women. As historian and journalist Tina Cassidy explains in Mr. President, How Long Must We Wait? Alice Paul, Woodrow Wilson, and the Fight for the Right to Vote, the D.C. authorities were in a difficult position. "One the one hand, the authorities were trying to stop the pickets," she writes. "On the other, they knew if the women were charged and-worse-sent to prison, they would be instant martyrs." The police eventually decided the protesters had illegally obstructed traffic.

It soon became routine; suffragists would walk with banners to the White House, get arrested, stay in jail briefly when they refused to pay their small fines, then be released. Crowds, anticipating the daily spectacle, gathered to watch. As suffragist Doris Stevens recalled in her suffrage memoir Jailed for Freedom, "Some members of the crowd...hurled cheap and childish epithets at them. Small boys were allowed to capture souvenirs, shreds of the banners torn from non-resistant women, as trophies of the sport."

The timbre of the suffrage story changed on July 14, Bastille Day, after a month of the charade. This time, a heated trial ensued, with the women serving as their own attorneys. A D.C. judge sentenced 16 suffragists to 60 days in the Occoquan Workhouse, a "progressive rehabilitation" facility for low-level offenders that was part of the sprawling Lorton Reformatory 20 miles south from D.C. in Fairfax County, Virginia. One of the jailed suffragists, Alison Turnbull Hopkins, was married to a friend of President Wilson, John Hopkins, who immediately went to the White House. Two days later, Wilson pardoned the "pickets" (although they refused to formally accept the gesture), and the women walked free.

The women's sentencing to Occoquan marked a shift in the government's response to the protest, one which would ultimately lead to what some historians regard as the turning point in the movement towards suffrage. A new museum devoted to telling this story provides a much fuller picture of what happened when women protested for their rights.

A circumstance of the District's unique position as the seat of government without any self-rule, the prison had been established a few years prior by an order of Congress. (A District-wide corrections department was not established until the mid-1940s). Administratively, the Occoquan Workhouse at Lorton Reformatory was a federally run prison that functioned as the District's jail, although early talks considered bringing in prisoners from other parts of the country who might be candidates for "progressive reform" rather than traditional prison.

As Northern Virginia Community College history professor Alice Reagan explains, "Even after the suffragists, it continued to be an issue-why were D.C. prisoners being sent to Virginia? This was one of the issues the suffragists' lawyers used to get them out."

Throughout the late summer and fall, suffragists were arrested, held and released by the Metropolitan Police Department, which were befuddled on how to handle this headline-grabbing form of protest that was not a simple criminal matter but one of large political consequence. Stevens, describing one crowd's reaction to an arrest, evocatively wrote in her propaganda memoirs, "But for the most part an intense silence fell upon the watchers, as they saw not only younger women, but whitehaired grandmothers hoisted before the public gaze into the crowded patrol, their heads erect, their eyes a little moist and their frail hands holding tightly to the banner until wrested from them by superior brute force."

In all, 72 suffragists served time at Lorton, though Paul, the famous face of these suffragists, was held in solitary confinement in a D.C. prison instead of at Occoquan, where authorities feared she would be a rabble-rousing influence on her followers. But conditions at both locations were harsh, and in September, three suffragists filed an official complaint about the matter with the D.C. authorities.

Together, their affidavits described bad food, including worm-infested meals-"Sometimes, they float on top of the soup. Often they are in the cornbread"-poor hygiene techniques such as being forced to share soap with women with open sores, and physical abuse inflicted by the superintendent and his sons. While the suffragists themselves were not initially beaten, they heard a fellow prisoner being struck in the "booby house."

Virginia Bovee, a prison matron fired for her sympathy for the women, corroborated their allegations, alleging that "one girl was beaten until the blood had to be scrubbed from her clothing and from the floor." Horrified at this treatment and claiming that they were political protesters, Paul and others staged hunger strikes, as the British suffragettes had. Prison guards held the women down and force fed by tube through the nose, a brutal process that caused women to bleed from the nose and throat and put them at risk of aspiration pneumonia. In explaining the brutality around the forced feeding but also the impact, the Lucy Burns Museum director Laura McKie says, "If they were willing to stand being force fed, they would have been willing to die."

The civil disobedience and hunger strikes culminated on November 14, 1917-the "Night of Terror." According to the accounts of suffragist Eunice Dana Brannan, the harrowing night began when the women asked to see Lorton prison superintendent W.H. Whittaker in an organized group to petition to be treated as political prisoners. Upon meeting his wards, Whittaker threw the first woman to speak to the ground. "Nothing that we know of German frightfulness short of murdering and maiming non-combatants could exceed the brutality that was used against us," Brannan recounted in the New York Times, prevailing upon the ethnic nationalism of World War I-era America.

She went on to tell how Burns was chained to a cell with her hands over her head all night in "a position of torture" and how Dorothy Day-later the founder of the Catholic Worker Movement-was "thrown back and forth over the back of the bench, one man throttling her while the other two were at her shoulders." Brannan's words carried weight among American upper and middle-class men, who might have dismissed younger, single women such as Paul or Burns as radical, hysterical women, but would be less likely to brush off Brannan, the wife of a prominent physician and the daughter of one of President Lincoln's well-known advisors.

Prison authorities had tried to suppress public awareness of what was going on. From D.C., Paul smuggled out a letter detailing how she'd be transferred to the psychiatric wing as an intimidation tactic. In Lorton, Burns managed to get around the Marines called up from their base at nearby Quantico for the express purpose of stopping leaks. Her note alleged she was "refused privilege of going [to the] toilet" and that she was "seized by guards from behind, flung off my feet, and shot out of the room."

Some news outlets fell back on sexist tropes and mocked the suffragists' claims; a Washington Post article described Burns as "worth her weight in wild cats," Paul as someone who could "throw a shoe twenty fit and hit a window every time" and sympathized that the prison guards had to listen to the "infernal din of 22 suffragettes." (Associated with militant British activists, "suffragette" was a term critics used for American suffrage advocates, who preferred to be called suffragists.) Within days of the public hearing of their travails, however, a lawyer working for the suffragists obtained a court order for a wellness check. By the end of November-less than two weeks after the Night of Terror-a judge agreed the women at Lorton were subject to cruel and unusual punishment.

With the story of the suffragists playing out in the press, public opinion nationwide began to turn in their favor. By the end of November, all of the prisoners were released. On March 4, 1918, the convictions of the 218 total women arrested over the course of the protests women were voided because the court ruled that "peaceful assembly, under the present statue [was not] unlawful."

After decades of activism, suffrage was picking up steam. In 1918, Wilson publicly declared support of the suffrage amendment to Congress. By June the next year, the Susan B. Anthony Amendment was ratified by both houses of Congress and passed to the states for ratification.

The fight for suffrage did not start and end with Alice Paul picketing at the White House; organizations such as NAWSA had advocated a state-by-state approach for decades. Adjacent to the former prison site, in a regional park, sits the Turning Point Suffragist Memorial, which states, "When news of the treatment of the suffragists reached the public, it became the turning point in the fight for the right to vote."

The truth, according to some historians, is a little more complicated. As Robyn Muncy, a historian at the University of Maryland says, "All suffrage activism contributed to the successes of the movement. But pickets were certainly not the only way such attention was won, and the suffrage movement had picked up steam and was winning successes in the states before the pickets started."

* * *

For all of the suffrage history that happened at Lorton, however, the women's history component of the site was nearly forgotten-until a prison employee named Irma Clifton devoted herself to preserving its story. Clifton walked through the gates of Lorton Correctional Complex for the first time approximately six decades after the Night of Terror and built relationships with many departments across the sprawling 3,500-acre prison complex as a procurement officer. Clifton took it upon herself to collect stories and objects, setting up an informal museum in her office during her 26 years at Lorton. But while she devoted herself to the complex's history, Clifton also worried for the prison's future. Conditions at the prison had deteriorated throughout the 1970s and particularly in the 1980s. By 1997, D.C. arranged to close the prison and transfer the land back to Fairfax County.

As soon as the prison began closing, Clifton advocated for preserving the building. "Without her years of work, vision and energetic promotion, advocacy and direction, the prison would probably have disappeared into development, and its history lost," says Sallie Lyons, a colleague from the Fairfax County History Commission, which helped Clifton establish the Museum. Concerned that important historical artifacts would be thrown out in the transfer, Clifton reportedly salvaged what she could-even when it wasn't authorized. Most of the artifacts she saved, like farm equipment or bricks, don't tell stories of suffrage, although objects such as a lamppost designed like a guard tower speak to the larger history of the site and local interest. But Clifton also took home what would become the museum's prize possessions-three official prison logbooks from the 1910s-storing them into her garage until she could secure a temporary space for the museum in 2008. These books include the only complete record of the suffragists sent to Occoquan.

Due partially to Clifton's unfailing advocacy, Fairfax County created a community board to develop an arts center at Lorton, and she became its first chairman in the early 2000s. In 2008, the Workhouse Arts Center opened to the public, a stunning reclamation of a site of criminal justice history. The Arts Center occupies 55 acres of the site; other prison buildings have been turned into luxury apartment buildings.

Clifton lost some preservation battles. The wooden workhouse structure that the first suffragists were held in no longer stands. According to Reagan, who also volunteers at the museum, Clifton was not able to leverage the suffrage history in a complex bureaucratic transfer of lands and buildings that resulted in Fairfax Water's wastewater treatment plant, which now sits where the suffragists were once held. Though museum staff believe that during the Night of Terror, the prisoners were kept in the still-extant men's prison, they have no photographs indicating exactly which cells the suffragists were in. But Clifton was determined to have her museum. In 2008, she and a few other volunteers opened up an exhibit in a cellblock studio space, and in the mid-2010s, a donor gave $3 million to renovate Building W-2 and fabricate professional-grade exhibits.

Clifton died of pancreatic cancer in 2019, just months before the museum she had worked towards for 20 years was due to open. With help from Reagan, McKie, a retired employee of the National Museum of Natural History, took on the exhaustive task of developing exhibit content about both the suffragists and the prison's history as a whole. The Lucy Burns Museum features statues of Burns and Paul that visitors can pose with, farm implements from the prison's agriculture program and objects like shivs that attest to the violence of the criminal justice system. The prison logbooks and other materials on loan from the District of Columbia government archives are also on display.

At Lorton, white suffragists were placed in close proximity to poor women of color, which made it one of many places in the story of suffrage where racism and classism met in sometimes-ugly ways. Alice Turnbull Hopkins capitalized on her experiences at Lorton with a series of speaking engagements about the indignities she had suffered in jail, relating how she'd been denied a hairbrush and her "luggage." But the crux of her embarrassment was that "forty-five colored women ate at the tables next to ours, and the colored women shared our workroom and rest room." For the suffragists, the humiliation of the workhouse was not only unjust arrest. It was that middle-class white women had to suffer the indignities of the American penal system, which included interacting with black women.

Hopkins was not alone in making a media spectacle about her arrest. In 1919, a group of suffragists who had been jailed travelled on a train tour and performance spectacle known as "The Prison Special." They sang prison songs, wore replicas of prison uniforms and reenacted the brutality of their arrests. For those who preferred literary reenactments, Doris Stevens published Jailed for Freedom in 1920. She wrote about meeting other women in prison-women who had less privilege, faced longer sentences for lesser crimes and weren't afforded the possibility of presidential pardon. Stevens concluded her account of her first three days in jail by writing, "It was hard to resist digressing into some effort at prison reform." But despite Stevens' words, there's no record of a single suffragist becoming notably interested in prison reform as a result of what she experienced in America's prisons.

"Ironically, the only suffragist interested in prison reform and abolishing the death penalty was Inez," says Reagan, referring to Inez Milhollan d Boissevain, a young lawyer, pacifist and suffragist. Once, while working as a reporter, she asked herself to be handcuffed to share in the experience. Milholland died of tonsillitis, anemia and probable exhaustion before the White House protests began. She was suffrage's first martyr but never went to jail for the cause.

* * *

Like everything in 2020, nothing has gone according to plan for the Lucy Burns Museum. The Museum had a "soft opening" on January 25 with a May gala planned, which was canceled because of the Covid-19 pandemic. Most of the docents are senior citizens, and few have returned to volunteering during the pandemic. And so despite the centennial, despite the publicity and interest the museum has received this year, it is only open one day per week. At 85 years old herself, McKie remains devoted to telling this story. As she told me, "Women were willing to die to get the vote. That's the story that needs to be told."

This summer's activism, and the force with which it has been met by police, underlines the relevance of the history the museum recounts. The Lucy Burns Museum doesn't frame suffrage as a story of police brutality; many of its stakeholders are former prison employees, and no former prisoners serve on the board or had curatorial input. Still, the fact remains: Corrections officials treated suffragists with obvious brutality. And the protest techniques of recent months-picketing the White House and hunger strikes in honor of figures such as Breonna Taylor-were techniques innovated by suffragists. As Pat Wirth of the Turning Point Suffrage Memorial said, "Most people know who Susan B. Anthony is, but not much more. They don't know the suffragists were the first to peacefully protest at the White House. Peaceful protest was then used by the Civil Rights movement, Dr. King and Gandhi, but the suffragists were the first example in America."

Even at the time, adversaries recognized that what suffragists were doing was innovative. As Judge Edmund Waddill, the judge who delivered the sentence that begrudgingly freed the women after the Night of Terror, said, "If these women, who are highly educated and refined, picket in front of the White House, what will other classes of extremists do if given the same liberties?"

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Radical Protests Propelled the Suffrage Movement. Here's How a New Museum Captures That History

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The first of the "silent sentinel" protests occurred on January 10, 1917. Twelve women, fighting for their right to vote, stood peacefully before the White House with picket signs all day, and every day after that, even as the nation entered the Great War in April.

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The most effective method that people used to achieve change was peaceful protesting. It was used in the Civil Rights Movement, the Women's Suffrage Movement, and the Inspired Movements to show that they were serious and persistent with working towards their goal.

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Another peaceful protest that played a major part in the Civil Rights Movement were the sit-ins. The first sit-in was just four students who sat at a "whites only" lunch counter. This type of peaceful protest also gained a lot of attention and only two months later, more than 50,000 students had participated in the protests. The sit-ins also led to the creation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, which became one of the most prominent civil rights organizations. This shows that these peaceful protests show persistence and dedication to making change, and can also make huge impacts while encouraging many others to do the same.

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"7 Major Protests of the Civil Rights Movement." TheCollector, 11 Aug. 2022, www.thecollector.com/7-major-protests-of-the-civil-rights-movement/.

"Non-violence Was Key to Civil Rights Movement." VOA, 20 Jan. 2014, www.voanews.com/a/nonviolencekey-to-civil-rights-movement/1737280.html.

"Tactics and Techniques of the National Womans Party Suffrage Campaign | Articles and Essays | Women of Protest: Photographs from the Records of the National Woman's Party | Digital Collections | Library of Congress." The Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/collections/women-of-protest/articles-and-essays/tactics-and-techniques-of-the-national-womans-party-suffrage-campaign/.

Hartley-Kong, Alli. "Radical Protests Propelled the Suffrage Movement. Here's How a New Museum Captures That History." Smithsonian Magazine, 26 Oct. 2020, www.smithsonianmag.com/history/radical-protests-propelled-suffrage-movement-heres-how-new-museum-captures-history-180976114/#:~:text=The%20first%20of%20the%20%E2%80%9Csilent,the%20Great%20War%20in%20April.

"LGBTQ Activism and Contributions | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress." The Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/lgbtq-activism-and-contributions/?loclr=blogtea.

"[Male Couples]." The Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/resource/ppmsca.41109/.

"Gay and Proud." The Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/item/mbrs01991430/.

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The Gay Rights Movement used peaceful protests in the form of marches and parades to show their persistency as well. The Liberation Day Parade in New York was on the first anniversary of the Stonewall riots, and was made up of many supporters. This type of peaceful protest was very helpful in getting many people to join, and also continued the pride parades today.

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About this Item

Title

Gay and Proud

Contributor Names

Vincenz, Lilli

Created / Published

1970

Subject Headings

- Documentary films

Genre

Documentary films

Notes

- Summary: Footage of one of the earliest Gay Pride demonstration marches, the first Christopher Street Liberation Day Parade, held in New York City, New York, on June 28, 1970, to commemorate the first anniversary of the Stonewall Riots.

- Credits: Photography and editing, Clifton R. Witt, Lilli M. Vincenz.

Medium

Film, Video

Call Number/Physical Location

Mavis identifier: 1991430

Source Collection

Lilli M. Vincenz Collection

Repository

Motion Picture, Broadcasting And Recorded Sound Division

Online Format

image

video

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Chicago citation style:

Vincenz, Lilli. Gay and Proud. 1970. Video. https://www.loc.gov/item/mbrs01991430/.

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Vincenz, L. (1970) Gay and Proud. [Video] Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/mbrs01991430/.

MLA citation style:

Vincenz, Lilli. Gay and Proud. 1970. Video. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/mbrs01991430/>.

More Films, Videos like this

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Title Gay and Proud Contributor Names Vincenz, Lilli Created / Published 1970 Subject Headings - Documentary films Genre Documentary films Notes - Summary: Footage of one of the earliest Gay Pride demonstration marches, the first Christopher Street Liberation Day Parade, held in New York City, New York, on June 28, 1970, to commemorate the first anniversary of the Stonewall Riots.

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People who supported the Gay Rights Movement also used another form of peaceful protests which was by making displays. Some gay men created a display labeled "Free: Gay Liberation, Minnesota". They attached lots of photos, posters, and signs to the display to show why gay people should be able to be free and have the same rights as everyone else. People would frequently pass by this display, which helped them spread the word and get more supporters.

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33 photographs on 1 contact sheet : gelatin silver print ; sheet 28 x 22 cm. | Photographs on contact sheet shows gay men creating a display labeled “Free: Gay Liberation, Minnesota” by attaching signs and posters to a wall and the ceiling in a long, narrow gallery.

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The National Woman's Party, or NWP, was known for their relentless attitude, clever media stunts, and petitioning. On October 20th, 1916, when Woodrow Wilson was delivering a speech, the members of the NWP were stationed with signs outside the Chicago Amphitheater. During their picketing, many of the supporters were willing to be arrested, which showed their dedication to the cause. They also gained the attention of the media and got more acknowledgment through that.

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Title

[Suffragists demonstrating against Woodrow Wilson in Chicago, 1916]

Created / Published

Headings

- National Woman's Party

- Suffragists--United States--1910-1920

- Women--Suffrage--United States

- Demonstrations--Chicago (Ill.)--1910-1920

- Photographs

- United States -- Illinois -- Chicago

Genre

Notes

- Title derived by Library of Congress staff.

- Summary: Photograph of (mostly female) suffrage supporters demonstrating with signs addressed to President Woodrow Wilson while assembled along a street in Chicago. Signs read "Wilson Against Women" and other texts.

Medium

1 photograph: print; 3.5 x 4.5 in.

Call Number/Physical Location

Location: National Woman's Party Records, Group II, Container II:276, Folder: Group Photographs Nos. 45-58

Source Collection

Records of the National Woman's Party

Repository

Digital Id

Online Format

Rights & Access

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Preferred Citation

Researchers wishing to quote from or refer to special presentation features and pdfs included in this digital site should cite the title of the feature and the following digital collection information: Women of Protest: Photographs from the Records of the National Woman's Party, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Please include the URL of the web page being cited and the date of access. Citations to the individual photographs from the collection should include the photograph title and date, Records of the National Woman's Party, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Please see the bibliographic records for the individual photographs for further detail.

Permissions

The Library of Congress has researched the contents of this collection to ascertain any possible legal rights embodied in the materials. Items included in this collection with the permission of right holders are listed below. For further use of reproduction of those items, please contact the rights holders listed.

Two photographs, "Muriel Lynch (and daughter?)," and "Dorothy Thompson, Journalist," made available here with permission from Bachrach Studio. 321 S. Washington Street, Alexandria, VA 22314

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Cite This Item

Citations are generated automatically from bibliographic data as a convenience, and may not be complete or accurate.

Chicago citation style:

Suffragists demonstrating against Woodrow Wilson in Chicago. United States Illinois Chicago, 1916. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/mnwp000289/.

APA citation style:

(1916) Suffragists demonstrating against Woodrow Wilson in Chicago. United States Illinois Chicago, 1916. [Photograph] Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/mnwp000289/.

MLA citation style:

Suffragists demonstrating against Woodrow Wilson in Chicago. Photograph. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/mnwp000289/>.

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[Suffragists demonstrating against Woodrow Wilson in Chicago, 1916]

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Top of page Back to Search Results [Suffragists demonstrating against Woodrow Wilson in Chicago, 1916] - National Woman's Party - Suffragists--United States--1910-1920 - Women--Suffrage--United States - Demonstrations--Chicago (Ill.)--1910-1920 - Photographs - United States -- Illinois -- Chicago - Title derived by Library of Congress staff.