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Katia Hernandez (REFLECTION AND FINAL CONCLUSION)

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Katia Hernandez (REFLECTION AND FINAL CONCLUSION)

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Natalia Villalpando (EXPERT POINT OF VIEW)

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Natalia Villalpando (EXPERT POINT OF VIEW)

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Alejandro Lozano thinks that the three biggest issues occurring in Europe are terrorism, eurocentrism and discrimination, immigration creates the terrorism, this is matter of grave concern.  7000 immigratans come to Italy and of the 50 000 that arrive to Europe, Italy is where most of the immigrants arrive because they don’t have an exact number of how many immigrants can enter to the country, some of the places where they have an exact number of refugees that can enter to their countries are Germany and Austria. Alejandro said that there is a 70% of refugees that arrive to Europe. Citizens do not approve that people of other countries come to theirs and that is why the discrimination is formed. The other big issue in Europe is the terrorism this one has caused a big number of deaths in Europe, the pope has been threatened by the Islamic group and this has caused that the number of victims increased. There are still no solutions to prevent and reduce the unexpected terrorism.

Europe is trying to maintain de politics, eliminate obstacles to the market, major integration in political areas and stop the low birth rate, many people do not want to get married because when they divorce the woman takes the 100%. The Muslims are those who are born the most and that is why Alejandro says that for the years 2030 and 2050 Europe will be a Moslem continent thanks to the attempts that they made and because it has destroyed many Europe parts.

One important thing in the economics in Europe are the dimension and globalization. On March 1st of 2017 monetary international bottom, modifications to barriers are basic products in the country. There is a big issue in Europe talking about the jobs of people, many citizens are losing their jobs in Europe but principally in Spain. Alejandro is against the people that wants to get out of the eurocentrism

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I believe this project was really amazing and fun. My team was formed only by Katia and me, it was a little bit hard to find someone to help us with the primary source because we didn’t have much things to search or it was too much for only both of us, even though we had that problem we were able to find a solution to it and that’s the way we were able to make this project possible. The problems that occur in Europe are really important not only because it affects in a big way the world but because those are issues that also occur in my country and by investigating how does the problem work I was able to understand better the situation and ways to solve it, discrimination is one of the biggest problems that the world is confronting so I think is very important to start with an action even though is a small one.

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Katia Hernandez A01177319
Natalia Villalpando A0128083

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Angela Merkel has arrived fashionably late to the chicest global party of the fall: the bash-Eastern-Europe bash.

In a closed-door meeting last week, the German chancellor became the latest figure to criticize Eastern European governments for their isolationist response to Europe's refugee crisis. Eastern European hostility to refugees from the wars in Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan has been a favorite subject of politicians, columnists, and public intellectuals for months, particularly after the viral video in September of a Hungarian camerawoman tripping a fleeing refugee parent and his child.

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The Staggering Scale of Germany's Refugee Project
In the pages of The New York Times, the former U.S. ambassador to Hungary, Eleni Kounalakis, blamed Hungary's decision to leave migrants stranded at various train stations on the "xenophobic platform" that swept Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to power. In an interview with Der Spiegel, Austrian Chancellor Werner Faymann compared an incident in Hungary on September 3-when refugees in Budapest boarded a train thinking they were headed to Austria, but instead wound up in a refugee camp in Bicske-to the Holocaust: "To put refugees in trains with the belief that they will go somewhere else brings up memories of our continent's darkest period."

"In Western Europe," wrote Die Zeit columnist Martin Klingst, "everyone's picking the Land of the Magyars to pieces." (He declined to join in.) Perhaps the strongest condemnation has come from the Polish-born Princeton historian Jan Gross, author of a book, Neighbors, detailing the horrors perpetrated against Jews in the town of Jedwabne by their Polish neighbors. In the German newspaper Die Welt, Gross asserted that the European Union's eastern states had "proven to be intolerant, narrow-minded, and xenophobic."

"Have the Eastern Europeans no sense of shame?" he wrote. "For centuries their forbears emigrated en masse to escape from material misery and political persecution." He argued that Eastern Europe's xenophobia, in contrast to Germany's more welcoming attitude toward migrants and refugees, is connected to its reluctance to confront its populations' active and even enthusiastic participation in the extermination of Europe's Jews and other ethnic minorities. "German society, which has become conscious of its historical crimes, has learned through them how to approach moral and political challenges like the current influx of refugees," he concluded. "Eastern Europe, on the other hand, has yet to come to terms with its murderous past." Only when it does so will it start to treat refugees better, he wrote.

These kinds of accusations have triggered defensive reactions-from Romanian President Klaus Iohannis's tonally awkward statement, following an East-West split in a vote on an EU refugee-relocation scheme, that Romania is not " xenophobic, autistic, or separatist," to a series of reader letters published in The New York Times in response to Kounalakis's op-ed. "I dare say that very similar xenophobic voices would be heard across the political spectrum in the United States if Americans were confronted with a wave of refugees from Syria," read one such letter. In Die Welt, Pawel Ukielski of the Institutes für Nationales Gedenken defended Poland from Gross's attack by pointing out that the country was destroyed by Nazi and Soviet invasions in a way Western countries never experienced.
Europeans tend to talk about "xenophobia" while Americans tend to talk about "racism."
But is xenophobia really more rampant in Eastern Europe than in Western Europe-or than in the United States, for that matter? Social science turns out to be of limited value here. Few comprehensive or comparative studies on this topic have been carried out, perhaps in part because the very concept of xenophobia differs around the world, according to the University of San Francisco political-philosophy professor Ronald Sundstrom, who with David Haekown Kim authored a 2014 paper on the need for specificity with such terms: In discussing in-groups and out-groups, Europeans tend to talk about "xenophobia" while Americans tend to talk about "racism."

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Which European Countries Are Most Xenophobic?

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Angela Merkel has arrived fashionably late to the chicest global party of the fall: the bash-Eastern-Europe bash. In a closed-door meeting last week, the German chancellor became the latest figure to criticize Eastern European governments for their isolationist response to Europe's refugee crisis.

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The gains made by the far right in Germany's recent elections could dent Merkel's leadership on the refugee issue

How quickly perceptions of a country and leader can change. It was just in September last year that images of cheering crowds bearing essentials and toys welcoming weary refugees off a train at Munich station made headlines across the world.

The willingness of the German government, and many of its citizens, to take a stance welcoming refugees - in stark contrast to many other nations in Europe - drew admiration from across the world, and imbued many Germans in the country with a sense of pride.

"It's the first time I've felt really proud to be a German in the face of the rest of the world," a London-based German said recently, pointing out that it was the first time that in the international eye at least Germany was not being associated with its Nazi or Stasi past (or its football or economic prowess).
Changing times
According to German government estimates, 1.1 million asylum seekers, largely from Syria, entered the country last year alone, as news of Germany's willingness to take in refugees - and its more progressive policies (such as allowing asylum seekers to work while their applications were still being processed) spread.

While facing criticism from other European leaders, Merkel gained much praise abroad, with Time magazine choosing her as Person of the Year (only the fourth woman to win) for 2015 (dubbing her "Chancellor of the Free World" for her firm and courageous refugee policy).

Of course, through that period there were tensions - attacks on refugee housing had already begun to rise and Merkel faced criticism from across the political spectrum.

However, the situation deteriorated rapidly earlier this year following the notorious attacks on over 1,000 women near Cologne station at the start of the year that triggered protests, and was also seized upon by rightwing groups looking for chances to rip into Merkel's policy.

Reports of attacks on asylum seeker housing began to mount swiftly across the country, as did verbal attacks on Merkel from across political groups, and significantly from within her own party, the CDU.

However, the clearest sign of the toll that Merkel's humanitarian stance has taken on German politics came over the weekend, following elections in three key state elections where her party suffered losses in some, and the far right Alternative For Deutschland made massive gains (the anti-immigrant AfD won 15.1 per cent of the vote in the prosperous industrial state of Baden Wuerttemberg, 12.5 per cent in Rhineland-Palatinate, and 24 per cent in the former east German province of Saxony-Anhalt).
Symbolic impact
The AfD gained seats in all three state legislatures - raising the number of State legislatures it has representation on to 8 out of 16. Aside from the power this accords them (under the German federal system state legislatures have considerable control over policies from schooling, to health, taxation and budget allocation), it has had a major symbolic impact on politics, too.

Germany's 20th century history has meant the country has largely shunned populist right wing parties, and issues relating to race and immigration have largely remained on the fringes of politics. The "astounding election victory" was a "clear answer to the political complacency of the established parties," tweeted the AfD's leader Frauke Petry, following the results.

Observers have cautioned against overestimating the significance of the party's gains: they didn't come first in any state, and in Baden Wurttemberg it was the left of centre Greens that won the election, their first outright victory in any German state election.

Still, the scale of support for the party is troubling, particularly for a group that has links to the far right anti Islamic cross European group Pegida, and which was only founded three years ago, initially as a Eurosceptic party, and then more and more on an anti-immigration front.
Rise of the rightwing
It is also likely to boost the rise of right wing politics across Europe, already well under way. In Denmark, the rightwing Danish People's Party became the second largest party following last year's general election, while in Poland the Law and Justice Party won parliamentary elections last October. In Sweden the far right nationalist Sweden Democrats party has been gaining ground too.

The big question will be where things go from here. Few observers seem to believe that Merkel's position is under threat: national elections are 18 months away and there are no real challenges from within her party. She has stiffly resisted pressure to change course on refugee policy up until now and that is unlikely to change in the near future.

Pressure on her from the refugee issue is likely to reduce after three countries - Macedonia, Croatia and Slovenia - closed off the so-called Balkan Route to northern Europe, greatly slowing down the pace of entry of refugees into Germany.

Pressure could further be removed following a deal being negotiated between the EU and Turkey under which asylum seekers would be sent to Turkey from Greece, and Syrian refugees sent from Turkey to the EU. (Turkey will also receive aid, a relaxation of visa requirements, and the intensification of talks on potential Turkish EU membership).

However, the bigger problem will be where it leaves Merkel and her position in Europe - while she is no stranger to adopting positions against other European nations - and certainly during the Eurozone crisis over the past few years - her firm stance on accommodating refugees has isolated her from many of the country's traditional allies (such as France, or Austria or Poland).

Whether this threatens Germany's ability to remain at the helm of European policy when it comes to issues such as terrorism, economics, regulation or trade (including the continuing discussions on the elusive Free Trade Agreement with India, likely to be discussed at the forthcoming summit in Brussels at the end of March) remains to be seen.

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germany’s willingness to take in refugees

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The gains made by the far right in Germany's recent elections could dent Merkel's leadership on the refugee issue How quickly perceptions of a country and leader can change. It was just in September last year that images of cheering crowds bearing essentials and toys welcoming weary refugees off a train at Munich station made headlines across the world.

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Europeans concerned with security and economic repercussions with refugees

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Europeans concerned with security and economic repercussions with refugees

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Map of the Levels Radical Nationalism in Europe

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Map of the Levels Radical Nationalism in Europe