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How to avoid gender stereotypes: Eleanor Tabi Haller-Jordan at TEDxZurich

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Definition:"Gendered Innovations" employs gender as a resource to create new knowledge and stimulate novel design. The Gendered Innovations project develops methods of sex and gender analysis for basic and applied research.

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Op-Ed Contributor

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Credit Credit Morozov Photo/iStock, via Getty Images Plus

I used to have this one-liner: "If you want to emasculate a guy friend, when you're at a restaurant, ask him everything that he's going to order, and then when the waitress comes ... order for him." It's funny because it shouldn't be that easy to rob a man of his masculinity - but it is.

Last week, 17 people, most of them teenagers, were shot dead at a Florida school. Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School now joins the ranks of Sandy Hook, Virginia Tech, Columbine and too many other sites of American carnage. What do these shootings have in common? Guns, yes. But also, boys. Girls aren't pulling the triggers. It's boys. It's almost always boys.

America's boys are broken. And it's killing us.

The brokenness of the country's boys stands in contrast to its girls, who still face an abundance of obstacles but go into the world increasingly well equipped to take them on.

The past 50 years have redefined what it means to be female in America. Girls today are told that they can do anything, be anyone. They've absorbed the message: They're outperforming boys in school at every level. But it isn't just about performance. To be a girl today is to be the beneficiary of decades of conversation about the complexities of womanhood, its many forms and expressions.

Boys, though, have been left behind. No commensurate movement has emerged to help them navigate toward a full expression of their gender. It's no longer enough to "be a man" - we no longer even know what that means.

Too many boys are trapped in the same suffocating, outdated model of masculinity, where manhood is measured in strength, where there is no way to be vulnerable without being emasculated, where manliness is about having power over others. They are trapped, and they don't even have the language to talk about how they feel about being trapped, because the language that exists to discuss the full range of human emotion is still viewed as sensitive and feminine.

Men feel isolated, confused and conflicted about their natures. Many feel that the very qualities that used to define them - their strength, aggression and competitiveness - are no longer wanted or needed; many others never felt strong or aggressive or competitive to begin with. We don't know how to be, and we're terrified.

But to even admit our terror is to be reduced, because we don't have a model of masculinity that allows for fear or grief or tenderness or the day-to-day sadness that sometimes overtakes us all.

Case in point: A few days ago, I posted a brief thread about these thoughts on Twitter, knowing I would receive hateful replies in response. I got dozens of messages impugning my manhood; the mildest of them called me a "soy boy" (a common insult among the alt-right that links soy intake to estrogen).

And so the man who feels lost but wishes to preserve his fully masculine self has only two choices: withdrawal or rage. We've seen what withdrawal and rage have the potential to do. School shootings are only the most public of tragedies. Others, on a smaller scale, take place across the country daily; another commonality among shooters is a history of abuse toward women.

To be clear, most men will never turn violent. Most men will turn out fine. Most will learn to navigate the deep waters of their feelings without ever engaging in any form of destruction. Most will grow up to be kind. But many will not.

We will probably never understand why any one young man decides to end the lives of others. But we can see at least one pattern and that pattern is glaringly obvious. It's boys.

I believe in boys. I believe in my son. Sometimes, though, I see him, 16 years old, swallowing his frustration, burying his worry, stomping up the stairs without telling us what's wrong, and I want to show him what it looks like to be vulnerable and open but I can't. Because I was a boy once, too.

There has to be a way to expand what it means to be a man without losing our masculinity. I don't know how we open ourselves to the rich complexity of our manhood. I think we would benefit from the same conversations girls and women have been having for these past 50 years.

I would like men to use feminism as an inspiration, in the same way that feminists used the civil rights movement as theirs. I'm not advocating a quick fix. There isn't one. But we have to start the conversation. Boys are broken, and I want to help.

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Op-Ed Contributor I used to have this one-liner: "If you want to emasculate a guy friend, when you're at a restaurant, ask him everything that he's going to order, and then when the waitress comes ... order for him." It's funny because it shouldn't be that easy to rob a man of his masculinity - but it is.

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Written by Writer's Corps member Karina Sumano

In recent years, designers like Thom Browne and Vivienne Westwood have premiered gender fluid designs that push the envelope and reflect our evolving ideas about gender and self-identity. Much like the styles we see on the runway, gender norms have undergone a major shift in the last decade. Celebs like Jaden Smith and Miley Cyrus have ditched conventional style and embraced gender fluid clothing that allows them to express themselves just as they are.

Seeing celebs embrace gender fluid style choices suggests that society has progressed past outdated gender stereotypes. Or, has it? While it's just as normal for women to bring home the bacon, as it is for men to take on domestic tasks such as child rearing, cooking, and cleaning, in many ways, harmful gender norms persist and influence our relationships.

Not only do gender norms push outdated dating rules that are almost only applied to heterosexual relationships but they perpetuate gender-specific behaviors that do more harm than good to people of all genders.

Have you had enough of problematic gender norms? Us too. Below, we've highlighted 4 common gender norms that perpetuate unhealthy behaviors for both women and men.

Real Men Don't Cry
Expectation:
Men grow up with the belief that crying is a sign of weakness.

While adults will often say soothing things to a crying child to get them to calm down, boys are more likely to be told by parents, teachers and their peers that they shouldn't cry and that they should suck it up instead. This leads boys to bottle up their emotions and keeps them from overcoming them effectively. And since it's perfectly acceptable for girls to cry, many men associate crying with femininity and weakness.
Reality:
The bottom line is crying is a normal human emotion that doesn't need to be associated with a weakness for any gender or gender non-conforming person. As Jack Fisch points out in his article " 7 Positive Phrases We Should Be Teaching America's Boys About Masculinity, "Despite this cultural stereotype, science shows that crying helps regulate emotional stress and is widely considered a healthy outlet."

Real Men Are the Breadwinner
Expectation:
Though two-income households are normal, unfortunately, the expectation that men should make more money than their partner still exists. This expectation leads many men to feel resentful of their partner if they earn more than they do. For example, Alan, a successful accountant at a small firm was embarrassed by his high earning wife. He told ,"There was just something about it that made me feel inadequate. I knew it was illogical." His insecurity led him to act out his frustration in unhealthy ways. When asked by a family member why he and his wife had opted not to have children he replied that she was too busy wearing the pants to be a mom.
Reality:
Attaching a man's worth to his paycheck is not only outdated but completely unfair. A study from the Pew Research Center found a striking 40% of American families' primary breadwinners are mothers, and 37% of those breadwinners-an estimated 5.1 million-are wives who make more than their husbands. Since our labor market has changed as more women have entered the workforce, "we may need to tweak our family model to mirror those realities," says Rachel Lu in her article Why It's Wrong to Equate A Man's Worth With His Career."

Women Are Quiet and Passive
Expectation:
I think we can all agree that girls and boys should be raised to be smart, strong, and confident individuals. However, I've noticed my female cousins and nieces, in particular, have changed from vibrant, talkative kids to quiet and timid adolescents. Some child psychologists claim that including low self-esteem. Kristin Mmari, an associate professor at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health told girls become less vocal as they grow up for various reasons USA Today "There seems to be a shift as soon as girls and boys enter [adolescence], where their attitudes and beliefs about the opposite sex change dramatically." Once girls become teens they are seen as vulnerable and in need of protection leading many teens (and later women) to hide their assertiveness in order conform to society's beliefs.
Reality
Gender norms that say women should be polite and quiet lead many women to suppress their feelings in their relationships. It's also apart of the reason why women survivors of sexual assault or sexual harassment don't speak out about their experiences until later in life. However, there are things parents can do to encourage their child to challenge these stereotypes such as encouraging free thought and independence as well as having discussions about stereotypes perpetuated by the media.

Women Should Look Flawless
Expectation
Just like men are expected to have a fit, muscular body, women face immense pressure from society to look pretty almost 24/7. Women are inundated with advertisements about beauty products, usually promoted by gorgeous models through television and magazines. These images are internalized and send the message to women that their worth is tied to their appearance.
Reality
The pressure to look flawless affects women from all walks of life. According to the Daily Mail, a revealed that 58% of women said they look better with their makeup, and 12% said they wouldn't be desired as much without it. Women shouldn't have to feel like they need to look perfect all the time, especially for their partners.
Source: ABCNews
Gender Stereotypes and the Media

Movies, television shows, music, and even pop culture are tremendous influences when it comes to gendered expectations of masculinity and femininity.

In the film the female protagonist Anastasia Steele is portrayed as a quiet, reserved college student who becomes the love interest of Christian Grey, a powerful businessman. Both characters display tired gender norms that could potentially be harmful to men and women. For example, Christian Grey is portrayed as the ideal man, he's rich, stoic but handsome, and fit. And Ana is a young, beautiful and timid woman who is willing to do anything to please him sexually. Though it's only a movie, the relationship dynamics of Christian and Ana are problematic. Since Christian holds most of the power in their relationship it leads him to do some really unhealthy things such as stalking Ana at work and showing up to apartment unannounced. As for Ana, her codependency and need for approval from Christian is portrayed as romantic and endearing.

We should be critical of the way we are taught to expect men and women to behave based on their gender. We live in a more progressive time compared to the past when it comes to some issues regarding gender, but we need to remember that gendered expectations are still ingrained into our culture and it is so subtle that we hardly even notice. There are some really simple ways we can help stop its influence such as creating safe spaces for men to express the full range of their emotions and letting women know that their voices matter. No matter what gender someone self-identify's as there's no difference in our ability to make a change.

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How Gender Stereotypes Impact Behavior - One Love Foundation

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Written by Writer's Corps member Karina Sumano In recent years, designers like Thom Browne and Vivienne Westwood have premiered gender fluid designs that push the envelope and reflect our evolving ideas about gender and self-identity. Much like the styles we see on the runway, gender norms have undergone a major shift in the last decade.

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Our society has a set of ideas about how we expect men and women to dress, behave, and present themselves.

What are gender roles?

Gender roles in society means how we're expected to act, speak, dress, groom, and conduct ourselves based upon our assigned sex. For example, girls and women are generally expected to dress in typically feminine ways and be polite, accommodating, and nurturing. Men are generally expected to be strong, aggressive, and bold.

Every society, ethnic group, and culture has gender role expectations, but they can be very different from group to group. They can also change in the same society over time. For example, pink used to be considered a masculine color in the U.S. while blue was considered feminine.

How do gender stereotypes affect people?

A stereotype is a widely accepted judgment or bias about a person or group - even though it's overly simplified and not always accurate. Stereotypes about gender can cause unequal and unfair treatment because of a person's gender. This is called sexism.

There are four basic kinds of gender stereotypes:

Personality traits - For example, women are often expected to be accommodating and emotional, while men are usually expected to be self-confident and aggressive.

Domestic behaviors - For example, some people expect that women will take care of the children, cook, and clean the home, while men take care of finances, work on the car, and do the home repairs.

Occupations - Some people are quick to assume that teachers and nurses are women, and that pilots, doctors, and engineers are men.

Physical appearance - For example, women are expected to be thin and graceful, while men are expected to be tall and muscular. Men and women are also expected to dress and groom in ways that are stereotypical to their gender (men wearing pants and short hairstyles, women wearing dresses and make-up.

Hyperfemininity is the exaggeration of stereotyped behavior that's believed to be feminine. Hyperfeminine folks exaggerate the qualities they believe to be feminine. This may include being passive, naive, sexually inexperienced, soft, flirtatious, graceful, nurturing, and accepting.

Hypermasculinity is the exaggeration of stereotyped behavior that's believed to be masculine. Hypermasculine folks exaggerate the qualities they believe to be masculine. They believe they're supposed to compete with other men and dominate feminine folks by being aggressive, worldly, sexually experienced, insensitive, physically imposing, ambitious, and demanding.

These exaggerated gender stereotypes can make relationships between people difficult. Hyperfeminine folks are more likely to endure physical and emotional abuse from their partners. Hypermasculine folks are more likely to be physically and emotionally abusive to their partners.

Extreme gender stereotypes are harmful because they don't allow people to fully express themselves and their emotions. For example, it's harmful to masculine folks to feel that they're not allowed to cry or express sensitive emotions. And it's harmful to feminine folks to feel that they're not allowed to be independent, smart or assertive. Breaking down gender stereotypes allows everyone to be their best selves.

How can I fight gender stereotypes?

You probably see gender stereotypes all around you. You might also have seen or experienced sexism, or discrimination based on gender. There are ways to challenge these stereotypes to help everyone - no matter their gender or gender identity - feel equal and valued as people.

Point it out - Magazines, TV, film, and the Internet are full of negative gender stereotypes. Sometimes these stereotypes are hard for people to see unless they're pointed out. Be that person! Talk with friends and family members about the stereotypes you see and help others understand how sexism and gender stereotypes can be hurtful.

Be a living example - Be a role model for your friends and family. Respect people regardless of their gender identity. Create a safe space for people to express themselves and their true qualities regardless of what society's gender stereotypes and expectations are.

Speak up - If someone is making sexist jokes and comments, whether online or in person, challenge them.

Give it a try - If you want to do something that's not normally associated with your gender, think about whether you'll be safe doing it. If you think you will, give it a try. People will learn from your example.

If you've been struggling with gender or gender identity and expectations, you're not alone. It may help you to talk to a trusted parent, friend, family member, teacher, or counselor.

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Gender Identity & Roles | Feminine Traits & Stereotypes

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Our society has a set of ideas about how we expect men and women to dress, behave, and present themselves. Gender roles in society means how we're expected to act, speak, dress, groom, and conduct ourselves based upon our assigned sex.

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Breaking down stereotypes using art and media | Bayete Ross Smith | TEDxMidAtlantic

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Princesses and superheroes are great, and kids -- both boys and girls! -- love them. But child development experts agree that kids need to see a wide range of male and female characters, displaying a range of traits, behaviors, and beliefs, in the media they consume. Why? When kids see stereotyped gender roles portrayed over and over in movies and on television, it can affect the way they think about themselves and what they can grow up to be. Our own research review shows that these messages are aligned to periods in kids' development when kids are most receptive to their influence -- which makes it even clearer that it's important to look for positive gender portrayals in our kids' media.

These are some of our favorite movies that do just that. For even more great ideas, check out these lists: TV Shows That Defy Gender Stereotypes, Best Smart Movie Girls, and Movies with Incredible Role Models for Boys.

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Princesses and superheroes are great, and kids -- both boys and girls! -- love them. But child development experts agree that kids need to see a wide range of male and female characters, displaying a range of traits, behaviors, and beliefs, in the media they consume. Why?

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Abstract: It is important to understand the content of media, as media can promote stereotypes that communicate what gender roles, appearances, and acts of violence are acceptable in society. This content analysis of 147 superheroes in 80 movies found that male heroes appeared much more frequently than female heroes. Females were more likely to work in a group while males were more likely to work alone. Males were more powerful, muscular, violent, and evil while women were more attractive, thin, sexy/seductive, innocent, afraid, and helpless. Compared to males', females' clothes (both costumes and non-costumes) were more revealing on both the upper and lower bodies. Although both genders frequently have special abilities and use weapons, male characters are more likely than female characters to have more than one special ability and use more than one weapon. Males more often had super strength and resistance to injury, while female characters more often were able to manipulate elements (e.g., fire). Males were significantly more likely to use fighting skills, fire/flame weapons, and guns than females. The messages portrayed through superhero movies are discussed, with emphasis on implications of gender differences in portrayals of characters in movies.
The portrayal of movie superheroes may influence gender-related attitudes and behaviors, and reify socially constructed gender norms. Media portrayals communicate behavioral norms for both males and females (Paek, Nelson, & Vilela, 2011) and have potential to affect behaviors and attitudes. For instance, individuals who watch large amounts of television typically have more stereotypical beliefs about gender than people who watch less (Signorielli, 1989) and viewing superhero programs has been positively related to male stereotyped play for boys and playing with weapons for both genders (Coyne, Linder, Rasmussen, Nelson, & Collier, 2014). Both adults and children imitate characters' actions or appearance (e.g., Coyne et al., 2014; Dittmar, 2009).

Content analyses of movies (and other media) are one method of understanding messages related to gender norms (e.g., Schultz, Moore, & Spitzberg, 2014). The purpose of this content analysis is to analyze superhero movies and identify gender differences in superheroes' roles, appearance, and violence.
The Importance of Studying Superhero Movies
Superhero movies have grown in popularity, especially in recent years, and attract a large number of viewers ). As of 2016, six of the top 30 grossing films of all time are superhero movies ( BoxOfficeMojo.com ). Superhero films are action-oriented and often depict individuals with extraordinary powers, technology, or skills who combat often equally extraordinary evildoers. Essentially, superheroes serve as exemplars and their depiction may communicate ideas about a wide range of societal norms and values, including those relating to masculinity and femininity.

Children view superheroes as role models because of traits (e.g., appearance) or skills (e.g., weapons, violence) the characters possess (Anderson & Cavallaro, 2002;), which contribute to expectations and perceptions of gender roles (Jaffe & Berger, 1994). Messages about gender are communicated in both the quantity and qualities of male and female characters. For instance, male characters often outnumber female characters in video games (Dietz, 1998; Ivory, 2006; Miller & Summers, 2007; Scharrer, 2004), television shows (including cartoons; Aubrey & Harrison, 2004; Baker & Raney, 2007), and advertising (Paek et al., 2011) perhaps because boy viewers outnumber girl viewers (Thompson & Zerbinos, 1997) or because boys are considered less likely to watch programs that have female lead characters than those that have male leads (Thompson & Zerbinos, 1997). Further, male and female characters are portrayed differently. Male heroes are more often highly aggressive (Milkie, 1994) while female heroes are more often compassionate, nurturing, and understanding (Calvert, Kondla, Ertel, & Meisel, 2001). Underrepresentation may extend beyond gender. For example, many superheroes appear to be White males. The lack of diversity in superhero renditions may add to socially constructed views about race/ethnicity, gender, and their intersection. Also, gender norms might be racialized, such that White superheroes might be depicted with different qualities than Black superheroes. Considering their popularity, it is important to analyze the messages superhero films convey.
Content of Media: Roles, Appearance, and Violence
Previous studies evaluated gender roles in video games (Dietz, 1998; Ivory, 2006; Miller & Summers, 2007), cartoons (Baker & Raney, 2007; Calvert et al., 2001), and TV advertising (Paek et al., 2011), but have not specifically focused on superhero characters. This content analysis expands on previous research by analyzing superhero movies and reveals how superhero movies portray men and women in terms of their roles, appearance, and the type/quantity of violence they commit. Furthermore, although the researchers recognize the importance of examining race as it relates to gender, as will be demonstrated, in order to achieve adequate sample sizes, the current project focuses on gender. We encourage future research to focus on the intersections of race and gender in studying media with larger samples.
Gender Differences in Roles
When females are shown in media, they are sometimes portrayed as non-essential or passive characters (Dietz, 1998; Haninger & Thompson, 2004; Ivory, 2006). Female characters are more likely than males to have a mentor (Baker & Raney, 2007) and majority of female characters work in a team rather than alone (Baker & Raney, 2007). Collectively, these results may suggest to viewers that women are less important, knowledgeable, and capable than men - and less likely to be a hero (Miller & Summers, 2007; Signorielli, 1989; Thompson & Zerbinos, 1997). Further, these portrayals may suggest that males do not need to consult others or require help. In sum, media research suggests that there might be important gender differences in the roles of male and female superhero characters. Prior research has also examined gender differences in appearance (e.g., Ivory, 2006; Miller & Summers, 2007).
Gender Differences in Appearance
Previous content analyses of media characters have revealed that women are shown primarily as sex objects (Miller & Summers, 2007). Females are more likely than males to be portrayed in a sexualized fashion (Ivory, 2006) or as engaging in sexually suggestive behavior (Haninger & Thompson, 2004). In doing so, women typically wear less and more provocative clothing than men (Dietz, 1998; Thompson & Haninger, 2001; Scharrer, 2004). Generally, females are portrayed as attractive, sexy, and feminine (Baker & Raney, 2007; Dietz, 1998; Ivory, 2006; Miller & Summers, 2007; Scharrer, 2004), while males are portrayed as rugged, tough, masculine, and muscular (Baker & Raney, 2007; Miller & Summers, 2007; Scharrer, 2004). Females are more often portrayed as helpless or as victims than males (Aubrey & Harrison, 2004; Dietz, 1998; Miller & Summers, 2007; Thompson & Zerbinos, 1997). Also, in cartoons, females are depicted as more emotional and superficial or more likely to get overexcited in a crisis than males (Baker & Raney, 2007). Such results indicate that men and women are portrayed very differently in terms of appearance and behaviors, including behaviors associated with power or aggression.
Gender Differences in Violence
Past content analyses have indicated that male characters are frequently violent (Scharrer, 2004), use more weapons, and have more abilities (i.e., invisibility, super speed, martial arts, flying, or using magic) than female characters (Miller & Summers, 2007). Females' victories are achieved through wit, nurturing, compassion, and persuasion rather than the weaponry, physical strength, and aggression of their male counterparts (Calvert et al., 2001). Thompson and Zerbinos (1997) found that both male and female children perceived male cartoon characters as more violent than female characters. In contrast, Baker and Raney (2004) found no significant differences in aggression between male and female characters in cartoons. These studies indicate that, in some contexts, the media portrays men and women differently in terms of violence and conflict resolution. This could reinforce gender stereotypes that women are less powerful or have fewer abilities than men and that men are not capable of nurturing or compassion. The current study finds similar gender differences.
Overview of Study
This study examined full-length superhero movies to determine if there are gender differences in characters' roles, appearances, and violence.

A general research question and several hypotheses were developed based on past content analyses. The general research question asks how characters are portrayed in superhero movies. Specifically, what roles do the superhero characters play (e.g., hero, supplemental character)? Are they portrayed as muscular, attractive, powerful, or sexy? Are they violent, do they have special powers, and do they use weapons?
Hypotheses:
Male characters will have different general roles (e.g., less likely to work in a group) than females (Hypothesis 1a) and different specific roles (e.g., soldier, detective) than females (Hypothesis 1b).

¥ Males will appear more muscular and powerful than females, who will be more attractive, sexy, and thin (Hypothesis 2a) and wear more revealing clothing than male characters (Hypothesis 2b).

¥ Males will have more special powers/abilities (e.g., super strength) (Hypothesis 3a) and will use weapons more often than females (Hypothesis 3b).
Methods
Movies were selected from a list of "comic book /superhero" movies categorized by Blockbuster.com. The list contained 146 movies released between 1978 (starting with Superman: The Movie) and 2009. Eighty full-length motion pictures (listed in Appendix A) or cartoons available for rent in the English language were selected for analysis from this list. The remainder were excluded due to a lack of availability (not available for rent) or because they were offered in only a foreign language. Researchers selected the two main male superheroes (if two were available; if more than two were available, two were selected randomly) and all female superheroes. A total of 147 hero characters were evaluated. Despite over sampling of female heroes, there were only 47 female heroes and 100 male heroes, a rate of 1 female for every 2.13 male characters.

A codebook was developed based on past content analyses and a literature review. Researchers watched one movie in order to operationalize study definitions (e.g., societal standards of size, attractiveness, behavior). Facial expressions (e.g., angry, happy) were assessed with an explicit smile or frown for both male and female characters. Assessments of other characteristics, such as muscularity, were gendered. For example, female characters were rated on muscularity relative to other females. Changes to the codebook were made based on discussion between researchers.

Next, inter-rater reliability analysis ensured that researchers had a common understanding of the questions and operational definitions of variables. Two researchers watched the same movie and completed their codebooks individually. They then compared responses and settled disagreements through discussion. Sixteen movies were included in the inter-rater reliability analysis. Holsti's coefficient revealed an overall inter-rater reliability rate of .90, indicating that coders had a high level of overall agreement (see Table 1). Coefficients for individual variables ranged from 0.66 for the sexy/seductive variable to 0.97 on other variables. One researcher coded the remaining 64 movies.

Table 1: Holsti's coefficient of reliability for all factors
Measures
The codebook included variables measuring gender, appearance, special abilities, and weapons. Appearance and attire variables were rated using a Likert scale of 0 (not at all) to 4 (extreme). Special abilities and weapon usage variables were scored as "yes" (present) or "no" (not present). "Yes/no" questions assessed characters' roles (e.g., does hero work in a group?).
Results
Difference of proportions tests determined the variation between male and female superheroes in regard to roles, weapon usage, and special abilities. Difference of means tests (t-tests) assessed significant differences between male and female superhero appearance and attire.
Research Question: General Portrayal of Characters
The research question asks how characters are portrayed in superhero movies. For example, what abilities do they have? What roles do they play? Are they muscular, attractive, powerful, or sexy? Males were rated an average of 2.83 (out of 4) on the powerful scale, with 84% of characters scoring above the scale midpoint. Similarly, males scored 2.42 on the muscular scale, with 77% scoring above the scale's midpoint. Females averaged 2.36 on the sexy/seductive scale, with 74.5% scoring above the midpoint. Similarly, females scored 2.66 on a scale measuring thinness, with 78.8% scoring above the scale's midpoint. They also averaged 3.15 in attractiveness, with 100% scoring above the midpoint. Thus, the majority of male characters were portrayed as powerful and muscular, while the majority of females were portrayed as sexy, thin, and attractive.

Twenty of 47 (42.6%) female characters and 75 of 100 (75%) male characters had more than one special ability, indicating 1 female for every 3.75 male characters. Twelve of 47 female characters (25.5%) and 58 of 100 male characters (58%) had more than one weapon, indicating 1 female for every 4.83 male characters.

Hypothesis 1 investigated gender differences in superheroes' roles.

Hypothesis 1a was partially supported: male characters had different general roles than females. Most (71.9%) male characters did not work in a group while 66% did so; further, 46.8% of women were supplemental characters.

Hypothesis 1b was partially supported: males and females have different specific roles. The only significant gender difference was that men were more likely to be detectives or secret agents (see Table 2).

Table 2: Difference of proportions: Gender differences of character roles

Hypothesis 2 determined whether there were gender differences in characters' appearance and attire.

Hypothesis 2a was mostly supported: there were gender differences in the appearance of characters. Table 3 indicates means for males were significantly higher than means for females on the items measuring power, muscularity, violence, and evil. In comparison, means for females were significantly higher than means for males on attractiveness, thinness, sexiness/seductiveness, innocence, fear, and helplessness.

Table 3: Difference of means: Gender differences in character appearance

Hypothesis 2b was mostly supported: female characters wore more sexy and revealing clothing than males. Table 4 indicates means for female characters were significantly higher than means for male characters on variables measuring the revealing nature of non-costume clothing (e.g., clothes the character wore when not acting as the superhero) and costume clothing (e.g., superhero costume). This result held for both the upper body and the lower body. Similarly, females' non-costume clothing was significantly tighter than males'. The only category not significant was the overall tightness of the costume clothing, which may be confounded by the tight clothing inherent to the genre.

Table 4: Difference of means: Gender differences of character attire

**Note that the n varies because some characters wore only costumes, some only wore non-costumes, and some wore both.

Hypothesis 3 determined whether there were gender differences in characters' special abilities and weapons.

Hypothesis 3a was partially supported: there were differences in special abilities of male and female characters. Table 5 indicates males have significantly more special abilities. Males more often had super strength and resistance to injury, while female characters more often were able to manipulate elements (e.g., fire, water,).

Table 5: Difference of proportions: Gender differences of character special abilities

Hypothesis 3b was partially supported: male characters used more weapons than females. Table 6 indicates males were significantly more likely to use fighting skills, fire or flame weapons, and guns.

Table 6: Difference of proportions: Gender differences of character weapon usage
Additional Observations
Although not a major focus of the research, we noted some interesting patterns regarding the race of the female characters.For instance, they often were stereotyped, masked, and/or non-humans in movies targeted toward a non-White audience (e.g., homogeneous group of actors of color).In the entire sample, 101 characters were White, 17 were Black, 4 were Latino, and 4 were Asian. The race of the others was unidentifiable (e.g., they wore a costume, were non-human).Because of the very small sample of characters of color, it is not statistically meaningful to do quantitative comparisons of interactions between genders.However, a few notes can be made about the intersections of race and gender. While a detailed qualitative analysis is beyond the scope of this paper, there are some notable observations about the portrayal of female characters of color.

Of the 47 female characters, only 11 were characters of color. Five female characters were Black-but this is misleading because three of them were the same character appearing in three different movies ( X-Men's Storm who is a mutant). One is Patience (a very stereotypical feminine name) Phillips, who plays Catwoman. Of interest, both Storm and Catwoman characters are played by Halle Berry whose mother is White and father is Black (although she identifies as Black). The final Black character is Vanessa from Blade, who is a vampire. Notably, of these three characters, none is a "normal human"; they are mutants or vampires, and wear costumes to hide their identity.

Four female characters were Asian. Silver Hawk is a Hong Kong movie with a female masked hero whose stereotypical expertise is martial arts. Two movies were part of a Hong Kong produced trilogy in which all the characters are Asian (e.g., Thief Catcher, the Heroic Trio). The fourth was a female martial artist in the Japanese film Red Shadow. All of these are likely marketed for Asian audience, and all three portray Asian women in a stereotypical way.

Only 2 were Latina, including one that was a stereotypical role: Maria from Zorro. The other is the Pink Power Ranger who wears a costume when fighting crime. Note that they have stereotypically Latina names (Maria) or wear femininized colors (Pink). Given the large (and growing) Latino population in the U.S., the lack of Latino characters is especially problematic. We hope that future research will investigate issues of race, gender, and superheroes further.
Discussion
This content analysis revealed significant gender differences in the portrayal of superhero characters' roles, appearance, and violence. Supporting earlier findings of video games characters (e.g., Miller & Summers, 2007), television shows (including cartoons; e.g., Baker & Raney, 2007), and advertising (Paek et al., 2011), female characters are less represented than male characters. Researchers selected and analyzed only two male heroes and all female heroes per movie, yet there were still twice as many males. Also similar to past studies (e.g., Baker & Raney, 2007), males were portrayed more often as individual heroes rather than teams working in groups.

Current findings replicated previous studies, which found males were portrayed as more powerful and muscular (e.g., Scharrer, 2004) and females as more sexy and attractive (e.g., Ivory, 2006). Female characters wore significantly more revealing clothing, in both non-costume and costume (e.g., Miller & Summers, 2007) and were portrayed as more helpless than males (e.g., Aubrey & Harrison, 2004).

Finally, male characters were more likely to have more than one special ability and use more than one weapon.

Results have implications for superhero movie viewers, and society more broadly. If media frequently and consistently underrepresent female characters and portray them as supplemental characters who need the help of others, then viewers might believe that these depictions apply to women in general (Aubrey & Harrison, 2004). Gender differences in media role portrayals are influential because these portrayals can perpetuate stereotypes about behavioral norms for males and females (Paek et al., 2011). For example, when media portray females as helpless and passive, males might expect females to act accordingly, and females might underestimate their ability to protect themselves.

Results of this study correspond with previous research (e.g., Ivory, 2006): media portray men as powerful and muscular and women as attractive, sexy, and thin. Such portrayals might have effects on self-esteem and body image. Females might feel compelled to participate in more sexualized behavior by wearing more revealing clothing in order to gain acceptance from males. Females might also adopt unhealthy eating habits to be thin like their media role models. Similarly, men might feel inferior after comparing themselves to unrealistically muscular and powerful male superhero characters. This could result in negative self-esteem, steroid usage, or other drastic attempts to create a muscular physique. According to Dittmar (2009), body image contributes to mental and physical well-being. Depression and social anxiety can result from dissatisfaction with one's physical appearance when comparisons are made to fictional or real people,

Finally, the study has implications for viewers of violent media. This content analysis confirms that male heroes more frequently used violence to resolve conflict (e.g., more use of abilities and weapons) as compared to females (who were portrayed as significantly more helpless and afraid). Viewers might infer that it is not acceptable for a man to be compassionate; instead, he must be violent. These media portrayals might relate to aggressive or uncooperative behavior (Anderson, Gentile, & Buckley, 2007) or bullying (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2009). Viewers may perceive that because there is so much violence (e.g., usage of weapons) in the media that violence in real life is an acceptable solution to resolving conflict.
Limitations
One limitation of this study is that not all movies on the list were evaluated. This content analysis examined approximately 55% of the movies provided on the full list from Blockbuster. Due to the lack of availability or because of a foreign language, researchers were unable to determine if there are systematic differences in gender roles, appearance, and violence presented in those movies that were excluded. Further, it is possible that some superhero movies were left off the Blockbuster.com list and not considered in this study.

Another limitation is that not all superhero characters were analyzed. Researchers chose all females, but only two main male characters. Male characters who appeared only briefly in the movie may differ from main characters. This procedure also means that main male characters were compared to all female characters. A comparison of only main male and main female characters would be a more direct evaluation.

Finally, tests of interrater reliability measured whether the researchers were coding similarly to each other, however this does not address the validity of the coding. Both researchers could have the same bias (e.g., perceiving females as more angry than males), but this is difficult to assess.
Future Directions
As mentioned previously, future research may benefit from an examination of race/ethnicity in addition to gender as they relate to superheroes and they ways in which they are portrayed. A quick perusal of contemporary popular superhero movies (e.g., Batman vs. Superman, Iron Man 3, Spider-man) indicates that most leading characters are White males. On the rare occasion that a female is a leading superhero character (e.g., , ) or the most powerful character (e.g., X-Men's Jean Grey/Phoenix), the character is also White.

Media portrayals can perpetuate sexist social norms and the objectification of women. Furthermore, mainstream media commonly trivialize or hypersexualize women of color (Guzmán & Valdivia, 2004; Manatu, 2002; Martinez, 2004) and promote impossible standards of beauty (Perry, 2003). Also, women of color are often seen as characters that assimilate to a White, Westernized culture and are repeatedly dominated or defined by men (Brooks & Hérbet, 2004; Guzmán & Valdivia, 2004). In the brief review of our sample, we noted that characters of color were often masked, given stereotypical names, or portrayed as characters that were not human. Interestingly, Halle Berry (who is biracial) was chosen to play the Black character-epitomizing the need for Blacks to be "as White" as possible.

The current content analysis confirmed that women were underrepresented in superhero movies. Future research could examine the frequency with which members of marginalized groups are represented in superhero movies and the degree to which their roles, appearance, and tendency for violence may differ, especially in terms of gender.

Future research should identify the impacts of these gender differences on movie viewers. Also, more research needs to be conducted in order to determine the impact media, specifically superhero movies, have regarding gender role expectations and stereotypes.
Conclusion
The current study revealed significant gender differences in the portrayal of superhero characters in movies. Male superheroes outnumbered females and more often did not work in a group. At the same time, females were more likely to work in groups, and were often supplemental characters. These portrayals might signify to viewers that females are of a lower status and less capable of fending for themselves than males. Females wore more revealing clothing than men, which comports with other studies that find women objectified in media. Male characters were more muscular and powerful while female characters were more attractive, sexy, thin, afraid, and helpless. Lastly, males used special abilities and weapons more often than females, while females were more likely to manipulate natural elements. Collectively, these depictions may communicate ideas about women as nurturing and fertile, passive non-agentic background characters and (White) men as powerful masters of reason who operate in the foreground (Plumwood, 1993).

Media influences gender roles (Signorielli, 1989), appearances (Anderson & Cavallaro, 2002), and the propensity for violence (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2009). Gender inequality may be harmful because it limits socially accepted roles and reinforces stereotypes within society, which might affect how people judge and treat others (Paek et al., 2011).
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank Mariah Evans for her help in preparing the analysis of this article.
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Appendix A

Films Included in Analyses

-CITATION-
Miller, M. K., Rauch, J. A. & Kaplan, T. (2016) Gender Differences in Movie Superheroes' Roles, Appearances, and Violence. Ada: A Journal of Gender, New Media, and Technology, No. 10. doi:10.7264/N3HX19ZK

This article has been openly peer reviewed at Ada Review.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

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Gender Differences in Movie Superheroes' Roles, Appearances, and Violence

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Abstract: It is important to understand the content of media, as media can promote stereotypes that communicate what gender roles, appearances, and acts of violence are acceptable in society. This content analysis of 147 superheroes in 80 movies found that male heroes appeared much more frequently than female heroes.

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Unraveling popular notions about gender differences in organisations.

Negative stereotypes are intertwined with bias in organisations. Even when they aren't openly expressed, stereotypes can disadvantage members of under-represented groups on several levels: recruitment, demands on time, resource allocation, evaluation, retention and promotion. In addition to the usual pressure to succeed, these employees are sometimes acutely aware of being judged on the basis of stereotypes. The ensuing psychological burden, combined with the above-mentioned disadvantages, can increase their likelihood of underperformance, thus "proving" the stereotype was correct. Bias gets stacked upon bias.

For women, the issue is complicated by documented gender differences. (How accurate they are and whether those differences are due more to nature or nurture is another matter.) For example, some evidence shows that women are more risk-averse than men. Even in the studies that show this, however, there are many men who are more risk-averse than the average woman and many women who are less risk-averse than the average man. Yet people generally see women and men as categorically different. Why does this matter and what can we do?

Below we address some gender stereotypes, highlight how beliefs seemingly unrelated to gender stereotypes can influence men's and women's outcomes and provide suggestions for how to work against pernicious gender stereotypes.
Gender negotiation myths
Misinterpretations of research findings can reinforce gender stereotypes. For example, take evidence that women are less likely than men to negotiate for higher salaries. Hannah Riley Bowles, Senior Lecturer at the Harvard Kennedy School, and other scholars have found that this disparity does not tell the whole story and should not be interpreted as evidence for innate gender differences in ambition. It may reflect reasonable avoidance of the social penalties suffered by women who visibly lobby for their own financial interests in the workplace.

Further, negotiations focused on salary are not the only kind that matter. They are infrequent, if consequential, occurrences, and there are many ways women negotiate well. Bowles's recent research, presented at the INSEAD Gender Initiative's Women at Work conference in February, takes a broader view of women negotiating in the workplace. Across three studies set in the United States and the MENA region, Bowles and her collaborators explored the kinds of internal negotiations in which executives of both genders engaged.

Analyses revealed three forms of negotiations. Asking negotiations hinged upon access to standard opportunities or resources: a salary raise, leadership development opportunities, a coveted assignment, etc. Bowles likened them to a vending machine. The terms of the exchange were subject to negotiation, but the sought-after reward was a known "offering".

Bending negotiations were about carving out individual exceptions to established norms. As an example, Bowles mentioned a government executive who negotiated a three-tiered bonus over a three-year period after being assigned to a city with a higher cost of living.

Shaping negotiations involved proposing organisational changes. For example, another executive sought to have his or her role elevated from centre-level to agency-level. This organisational change met the strategic interests of the organisation as well as the executive's leadership aspirations.

Contrary to stereotypes, there were no significant gender differences in the respondents' propensity to negotiate overall, but there were some gender differences in terms of what and how men and women negotiated. Women were more likely to report negotiating work flexibility than men, and men were more likely to report negotiating job offers. Women also reported engaging in bending negotiations more often than men.

As you might expect, some of this gender difference in bending involved women seeking customised work-family arrangements. However, women also used bending to achieve their leadership aspirations. One woman reported negotiating her way to a promotion despite lacking some of the technical skills deemed necessary for the job, as she was confident she could learn them.

Bowles's findings show that women are not more timid negotiators as compared to men - unless they reasonably fear social reprisal. Fear of adverse social consequences may also prevent men from negotiating greater work flexibility. Furthermore, women appear to be using negotiations to bridge gaps between historical norms - which may have been designed with only men in mind - and their own contemporary needs. In that sense, they could be seen as social pioneers, broadening institutional horizons one negotiation at a time.
Only geniuses need apply
Women's under-representation in STEM fields is another area where gender stereotypes matter. What accounts for the fact that just one in five physics PhDs, and fewer than 25 percent of engineering PhDs, are women? Former Google software engineer James Damore, in his infamous memo, cited the relative shortage of women in these fields to support his unsophisticated conclusion that women were simply less well-equipped for STEM success than men, by dint of their biology.

Yet academic gender gaps are not restricted to STEM, as Andrei Cimpian, Associate Professor of Psychology at New York University, pointed out in his Women at Work conference presentation. Glaring gender disparities exist even in some "soft" fields such as philosophy and music theory. And some STEM fields aren't overwhelmingly male - including, ironically enough, biology, where the majority of degree-holders are women.

Cimpian wondered whether a common feature shared by these disparate disciplines might help explain their gender gaps. He and his co-authors hypothesised a relationship between under-representation of women in a given field, and the extent to which the definition of success in that field involved stereotypically masculine strengths. Because masculine excellence is often ascribed to "brilliance" or "genius" - i.e. an innate and indefinable intellectual distinction - they zeroed in on those attributes.

In a nationwide survey, they asked more than 1,800 faculty and graduate students of both genders across 30 disciplines (including STEM, humanities and the social sciences) what was required for high achievement in their field: diligent effort, or "a special aptitude that just can't be taught". Then they analysed responses in relation to women's under-representation in given fields. Analyses revealed that beliefs about raw intellectual talent as a prerequisite for success within a field predicted women's under-representation.

They also assessed alternate explanations for gender gaps, such as variations in intellectual rigour and emotional intelligence among disciplines. No other beliefs, however, predicted gender imbalance as closely as those related to the "genius" question.

Responses to this question also predicted representation of another group often stereotyped as not fitting the mold of the genius academic: African-Americans. But the "genius" question was not predictive of Asian-American representation, presumably because this group is widely stereotyped as inherently "smart".

While Cimpian doesn't claim he's found the sole source of academia's diversity issues, he says that messages about success in academic disciplines can be an effective tool for increasing representation. A good first step, he says, would be "de-emphasising brilliance and genius in favour of the extent to which hard work is required for success in any job".

Going a step further, we suggest that this can generalise to industries and company cultures - that wherever we see severe under-representation of women, we should consider whether beliefs about brilliance being required for success are part of the story.
Changing stereotypes
Stereotypes evolve with social change, exposing how beliefs and reality influence one another. Alice Eagly, Professor of Psychology at Northwestern University, discussed ongoing research based on public-opinion polling data pertaining to perceptions of women over the last 70 years.

For advocates of gender balance, Eagly had good news and bad news. On the one hand, women's perceived competence - the degree to which women are viewed as intelligent, level-headed, organised, etc. - has soared through the decades, exceeding the numbers for men in recent polls. Views of women as communally oriented and nurturing have also increased over time.

However, women's perceived "agentic" qualities - measures of assertiveness and competitiveness - have languished well below men's for all of living memory. It appears some gender stereotypes have only gotten stronger as women have made strides towards equality.

Why would this be? Eagly says that gender workforce segregation is largely responsible. As women entered the workforce, they did so disproportionately in the more communal corners - the helping professions and support roles within organisations. And the segregation is self-perpetuating, as these spaces afford ample opportunity to display competence and warmth, but are not usually where future leaders of business and society are drawn from.

"Sheer intelligence is not the only quality that would get you to rise in politics or corporate leadership," says Eagly. "Women's employment is at least as cognitively demanding as men's in general, but hierarchies and leadership are heavily weighted with masculine agency in terms of what people expect."

To equalise the path to leadership, then, it's important both to weaken the assumption that men are more agentic than women and to challenge the notion of agency as root cause of success. Celebrating ambitious and assertive behaviour from women can chip away at the most pernicious gender stereotypes. Additionally, we can consider whether our ideas about what makes a successful leader should be expanded to include both communal and agentic traits.
Clarissa Cortland is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at INSEAD.
Zoe Kinias is an Associate Professor of Organisational Behaviour at INSEAD and the Academic Director of INSEAD's Gender Initiative.

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Unraveling popular notions about gender differences in organisations. Negative stereotypes are intertwined with bias in organisations. Even when they aren't openly expressed, stereotypes can disadvantage members of under-represented groups on several levels: recruitment, demands on time, resource allocation, evaluation, retention and promotion.

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This week has seen National Careers Week, World Book Day, and today International Women's Day.

All three have highlighted important issues (not least how to whip up a costume in no time). But in the middle of these three issues is a 'sweet spot': the representation of gender in children's books and how this might affect the types of careers that young people are aware of and aspire to be in.

How careers aspirations are shaped by characters

Those of us responsible for children have choices about how they are invited to investigate and discover the world around them.

From the very beginning you are led down the well-trodden, pre-determined routes that boys are exposed to blue, dinosaurs, transport, animals, and rockets, while girls can expect, pink, princesses, fairies, unicorns, and ponies.

How does this formula influence career aspirations?

In 2017, the Drawing the Future report revealed that by the age of 7 children's aspirations appear to be shaped by gender-related stereotypes about who does certain jobs: boys aspire for traditionally male dominated professions and girls show a greater interest in nurturing and caring related roles than boys.

There has been no change in this perpetuating status quo. The influence of socio-economic background should not be ignored either. Children from less well-off families will imagine themselves in jobs that are not as well paid as other options (with the reverse being true).

Gender stereotypes in children's books

This video from the Drawing the Future team speaks volumes.

For those not watching here's the spoiler: in 66 drawings of fire-fighters, surgeons, and pilots 61 were of men and 5 were of women.

A study from Dr Susan Wilbraham and Elizabeth Caldwell at the Universities of Cumbria and Hudderfield respectively, looked at depiction of gender in children's science books. They found images of males as scientists were used three times more often than images of female scientists, reinforcing the idea that science is a man's pursuit.

They go on to assert the relevance and impact of imagery on the way we think
"A multi-billion pound advertising industry...relies on persuasion...by exemplifying appealing lifestyles and using imagery depicting the rewards of status or respect. In the same way, children's books advertise career choices, and their imagery communicates what it means for men and women to be associated with these occupations. Women need to be present in children's science books to demonstrate that all science subjects are fulfilling for girls."
It is telling that only 20% of A-Level Physics students are girls and parents too have influence over attitudes to maths and science, often based on their own experiences.

He or She? Male and female characters in children's books

The casually used pronoun plays a significant role when it comes to the free choice of whether a person or animal is a 'he' or a 'she'. Research shows that mums reading a book will refer to gender neutral characters as male, serving to support the under-representation of female characters generally.

I recently found myself questioning whether to give a book with a girly title and a female main character to a boy as a birthday gift, even though the book was about football and fun to read (Spinderella was the book in question, and in the end I did). A good reminder that the issue is just as much about what boys are exposed to as girls.

In an analysis of the top 100 selling children's picture books in 2017 by The Observer and Neilsen, it was found that male characters are twice as likely to take leading roles, often in stereotypically masculine activities, and are given far more speaking parts than females.

What's more, the overall number of female characters is fewer than that of their male counterparts, with three male characters present in each story for every two females.

Then there's the 60% of characters who are non-human, instead being animals, birds, crayons, vegetables and skeletons, of which the gender pronoun of choice was overwhelmingly male at 73%.

The other dimension to characterisation is that "males were more typically embodied as powerful, wild and potentially dangerous beasts such as dragons, bears and tigers, while females tended to anthropomorphise smaller and more vulnerable creatures such as birds, cats and insects" - or as a commentator put it, 'prey'.

This can be further compounded by the 'pale, male and stale' canon of texts that form the bedrock of English exam assessment. As girls' sense of self within wider society is continuing to develop through the teenage years, consider the representations of women that are held up as having educational value in such texts as Lord of the Flies, Of Mice and Men and Macbeth.

Who is being represented in children's literature?

The Reflecting Realities report from the Centre for Literacy in Primary Education raises bigger questions of authorship and voice; of who is doing the writing, who is being represented, and what is being done and to whom.

Their research revealed the extent of the representation of black and minority ethnic characters, whereby only 4% of children's books published in the UK in 2017 featured BME characters.

There is further interesting analysis on the roles played by the BME characters - whether central to the plot (or not) and the nature of the narrative surrounding the BME character, whether this is written to stereotype or reflective of a historical context, or the friend. The issue of representation is really illustrated when you consider that 32% of school aged young people are from BME backgrounds.

When it comes to what is available in schools, according to UNESCO, textbooks and school materials may reinforce stereotypes about the roles of men and women. They say that "few instruments shape children's and young people's minds more powerfully than the teaching and learning materials used in schools. Textbooks convey not only knowledge but also social values and political identities, and an understanding of history and the world".

I'm recalling a Twitter thread recently discussing the use in a GCSE textbook of an illustration featuring a pregnant woman, baby in her womb and with pubic hair shaped in a 'Brazilian' and the outrage this provoked on conventions.

The opportunity for schools to improve gender balance

In the UK then, it is really encouraging to see the arrival of Gender Action Schools, an organisation who are shining a spotlight on the role of schools in presenting different views of the world and challenging gender stereotypes.

And in a visit to a school recently, it was inspiring to see their library curated on the theme of diversity, visually offering up books featuring black characters and the achievements of women by placing these books front and centre.
Schools have a great opportunity to open young minds to the types of work available to them, to imagine the doing, the wearing and the what you might be holding associated with different jobs and from the earliest of ages.
Gender and its relationship to career aspiration is not the only challenge schools can face when you start to unpack it. Nicola Beech, Principal, Ipsley CE RSA Academy reflects:

'As a school we take proactive steps to address the imbalance through our choice of books that support the curriculum, library stock and the visual imagery used within the learning environment. However, the emphasis is increasingly one of counteracting the highly mediated images girls are exposed to online, then reinforcing wider positive representations.'

We should absolutely widen the conceptions of what girls and boys should be, to repeat the message from Wilbraham and Caldwell: that there is a crucial role for parents, teachers and librarians - along with authors, illustrators and publishers - to have a gender lens on books and provide balance accordingly.

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How Gender Stereotypes in Children's Books Shape Career Choices - RSA

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This week has seen National Careers Week, World Book Day, and today International Women's Day. All three have highlighted important issues (not least how to whip up a costume in no time).

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Racial Stereotypes | Kira Sincock | TEDxYouth@ParkCity

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Kids Believe Gender Stereotypes By Age 10, Global Study From 15 Different Countries Says | TIME

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