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This article mentions the praxis that was involved in the women's movement this year

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Recent mobilisations in North America have captured global attention; I am referring, specifically, to the Black Lives Matter movement, the encampment at Standing Rock and the broader resistance to both the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines, and the ongoing protests against the new American administration. Each of these struggles has, in its own way, raised debates about the forms and expressions of political consciousness. For example, debates around intersectional feminism have been key to the platform of Black Lives Matter and were the basis of much critique surrounding the Women's March. Numerous online discussions take up the question of what it means to be 'woke' in today's political context. Particular forms of political analysis, specifically liberalism, are increasingly called out as insufficient to tackle the mounting violence of dispossession, exploitation, oppression, and white supremacy.

While much of the protest in North America, and around the world, is in response to the American president's executive orders, for several years now mounting dissent has increasingly taken to the streets, whether it be in response to the ongoing refugee crisis, austerity measures in Europe, or to condemn acts of political and capital imperialist violence around the world. We appear to be entering a 'movement moment', or at least one in which protests, boycotts, and divestment are part of a public conversation again. For organisers of these movements, expanding people's participation is key, but deepening their thinking about the issues is crucial. Without deepening political analysis, movement activists are susceptible to not only cooptation and infiltration, but also seductive reformist agendas that serve to re-imagine forms of oppression. Ava DuVernay's recent documentary 13th is an excellent example of these tendencies in the American context.

The kind of learning that awakens people to political realities and emboldens them to join a struggle or resist oppression on a collective basis is extremely complex in character. It is not simply a matter of knowing your facts, nor can it thrive solely on the basis of being angry or fed up. It is a process of both individual and collective engagement. This kind of learning requires that what has been understood as 'normal,' and perceived as unchangeable, becomes seen as an impediment to collective survival. Further, it requires the realisation that the types of change necessary can only be accomplished through collective struggle. Through learning based in the political will to transform human relations, we hopefully can come to understand that history is all around us and we are part of history. In other words, learning through struggle has the potential to revolutionise our thinking.

I belong to a community of people who identify as 'critical' educators and in my new book with Shahrzad Mojab, Revolutionary Learning: Marxism, Feminism, and Knowledge,we offer a new discussion on the complexities of revolutionary learning. Critical education work happens in every discipline in the academy and beyond the borders of universities as well; we are in schools, communities, social movements, workplaces, unions, shelters, camps, slums, reserves, and streets. The primary concern of critical education, as a body of theory and a pedagogical practice, is political consciousness and revolutionary praxis. Specifically, we attempt to understand how people come to know the world around them and how we might be able to revolutionise our thinking in order to transform the social relations in which we live. The consciousness of people, the way they think about their world, is a concern we share with many. Our aim is the cultivation of a critical praxis that can confront myriad and complex social relations of exploitation and violence. One of our many obstacles in this learning process is ideology.

Ideology, which is often considered as just 'ideas', means something different to me. It is not just ideas, let alone ideas that are relative in relation to power. Ideologies are ways of thinking produced through abstractions. An abstraction, simply put, ignores complexity by isolating a part of a whole so that actual details and history are made invisible. When we produce knowledge through abstraction and obscure history and the interests of power, we produce ideology. People make ideologies when we think, circulate them when we speak, and put them into practice when we teach and when we take action. The more we act as if these ideologies are true, the more we embrace and live within social relationships that are abstracted from the material, connective tissue of society. The more we believe these ideologies or refuse to acknowledge their existence, the easier it becomes to continue to act and live in ways that denigrate and degrade ourselves and each other. The ultimate outcome is to reproduce the very sorts of oppressive social relations we aim to dismantle.

From my standpoint, the problem of political consciousness and ideology is not a question of whether one has the 'right' or 'wrong' kind of consciousness, nor is it a question of whether one's consciousness is distorted or false. These characterisations, which have their place in the history of social theory and left organising, are ultimately unable to explain or engage with the complexity of the relations in which we live, in part because they cannot account for what makes ideology feel as if it is true and real. They ignore what makes ideology 'common sense' and what gives it power. Ultimately, these characterisations reinforce the division and fragmentation of social relations that occurs with capitalism. For example, I often remind my students of a central paradox we live every day. At a time when we, perhaps, feel more distant and divided from the rest of humanity, we literally could not eat, drink clean water, clothe our bodies, live in safe homes, or communicate with family who live far away without the careful labour of millions of people we will never meet. We are utterly dependent on others and, at the same time, interdependent. Despite this interdependence, the means to live well and in safety are not shared globally. It takes powerful ideologies to obscure both the contours of this reality as well the challenge that we all experience this world in different ways.

I raised the examples of Black Lives Matter, Standing Rock, and the ongoing protests such as the Women's March and those against the travel ban, because each brings us very intimately into relation with the ideologies we must confront in order to engage in deepening political struggle. They also give us clear examples of the challenges ahead of us in terms of the ongoing necessity to understand the history that has brought us to this place and the ways we must think through what is still to come.

As I have watched the protests and discourse emerge out of the US, I have been frustrated by past and repeated mistakes in abstraction. There are several key abstractions that many are quick to make, myself included, and which fundamentally separate us from one another. In this way, they are pernicious because they emerge over and over again and they break our relations with one another. When we study history, we see them. When we listen to the activists who have been walking these roads, often shouting to empty streets, we hear their warnings. When we are confronted by those who have been doing this work, when we get 'called out', often what is being asked for is acknowledgement of history and the way those histories have meaning to how we move forward. I agree with many others that some of the critiques of the Women's March should be heard in this way.

A particularly acute example of this is the argument concerning the 'unAmerican-ness' of the new presidential administration. The rallying cry of many relies upon foundational tenets of the liberal American dream. The immigration ban is un-American. The restriction of the press is un-American. The wall is un-American. The brutality of police is un-American. The task of my adult life has been to study history and understand that all of these events, the histories they build upon as well as the ideologies that drive them, are excruciatingly American. They may be unconstitutional or illegal, but they are also the bedrock. That does not make them unimportant or 'historic', that makes them foundational to all that occurs on the surface.

They may be unconstitutional or illegal, but they are also the bedrock.

While some claims to the role of immigration in building the American nation are true, it is also true that the United States is a settler colonial nation. When we appeal to the liberalness of our democracy, we premise this argument on the erasure of the indigenous people of North America, also known as Turtle Island, and the historical reality of how the liberal democratic experiment of the United States came into being. However, it is not enough to recognize this history and engage in acknowledgement. Take for example, Faith Spotted Eagle, member of the Yankton Sioux Nation, who reminds us that one of the important challenges of Standing Rock is "not to reify colonialism" and, for those of us who are not indigenous, "that's their task, to realize that they have that settler mind." She describes the ways in which those gathered at the camp, under their own terms of 'solidarity', have enacted their proprietary relationship with the land and with one another, in some cases physically appropriating tribal lands while in other cases not respecting the leadership of the elders.

Her comments are key to those of us interested in the relationship between learning and political participation. She reminds us that the issue is not just our consciousness, our understanding, or our awareness alone. It is not simply a matter of 'having' the analysis or recognising history; it is the material and social relations we forge through our work and the meaning we ascribe to that work. In other words, these relations of struggle constitute our praxis. In this process, we must contend with many inversions, diversions, and mis-directions, many of which are the result of the relation between ideology and our consciousness. As Faith Spotted Eagle says, it is a 'task', a real human labour, to address these problems in both our forms of political thought and our action.

The problem here is that it is very difficult to gauge the limits of our own thinking. I would suggest that this can only be done in relation with others. It is only through coming into relation with a way of thinking different from your own, and even more profoundly a way of being, that we can begin to understand the assumptions, premises, and abstractions that have circumscribed our own consciousness. This can only be done from an individual standpoint of humility. The cultivation of these relations are of the utmost importance, including for those of us who are already engaged in ongoing struggles. Confronting ideology is not just for the politically naïve nor is it a messianic activity for the 'woke'. Following the 21 January 2017 Women's March, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, writing in the Guardian, injected a much-needed perspective on the divisiveness of left discourse. She argued: "when radicals who have already come to some important conclusions about the shortcomings of existing systems mock, deride or dismiss those who have not achieved the same level of consciousness, they are helping no one."

Those who aim to resist not only the current resurgence of nationalism and xenophobia, but the uninterrupted morphology of white supremacy, patriarchy, and capitalism, must be utterly committed to the eradication of these relations in both our everyday lives and in our consciousness, including their most insidious, pernicious forms. To transform our relations amongst ourselves and with our planet, we must be hell-bent on a praxis that confronts our own limitations, that is based in generosity and humility, and that is committed to the revolutionary potential of learning. We must think about how we think, together. James Baldwin said it better:

"I feel very strongly, though, that this amorphous people are in desperate search for something which will help them to re-establish their connection with themselves, and with one another. This can only begin to happen as the truth begins to be told. We are in the middle of an immense metamorphosis here, a metamorphosis which will, it is devoutly to be hoped, rob us of our myths and give us our history, which will destroy our attitudes and give us back our personalities. The mass culture, in the meantime, can only reflect our chaos: and perhaps we had better remember that this chaos contains life - and a great transforming energy."

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Recent mobilisations in North America have captured global attention; I am referring, specifically, to the Black Lives Matter movement, the encampment at Standing Rock and the broader resistance to both the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines, and the ongoing protests against the new American administration.

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Feminist praxis is about being part of a movement and showing people that there is something wrong and that something can be done to stop the problem. Its going out in the community and standing up for feminism and changing the world and how they might see feminism.

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The Day Without Women strike is the followup to the Women's March in January, and it should be a pretty amazing day for all those participating. The spirit of activism that's swept the nation in the wake of Donald Trump's presidency has been so inspiring, but it's important that everyone be represented in this movement. Every intersectional feminist should know these seven things about the Women's Strike, because the point of the movement is lost if it isn't as inclusive as possible.

Intersectionality is a critical piece of the Women's Strike because it validates cultures and identities that are too often marginalized in society. If people don't acknowledge and accept intersectional feminism and all its tenets, they're not much better than the people who are actively trying to discriminate against marginalized people. Now is the best time to adopt a radically progressive mentality because you're likely to find people who are eager and willing to work with you. Take advantage of this moment to educate yourself and make sure you're being the type of ally and activist you want to be, because if not you, then who? Most importantly, keep these seven things in mind as you prepare for the Women's Strike.

Not All Women Can Afford To Participate

Emma McIntyre/Getty Images Entertainment/Getty Images

Many of the women who are most burdened by issues like the gender wage gap, poverty, and reproductive freedom are the ones who can't afford to take the day off work to participate in the strike. If you look around and see primarily white women, remember that many women of color probably wish they could be there but just can't.

But If You Can Afford It, You Need To Be There

It might be a slight sacrifice to take the day off work, but don't hesitate to do it if you can. You have to be there for those who can't afford to, and it'll definitely be better than whatever you were going to do at work that day anyway.

You Have A Responsibility To Look Out For Black Protestors

The Late Show with Stephen Colbert on YouTube

Black protestors are way more likely to be arrested, so keep an eye out for them if police show up to your rally. If they do, follow this guide to documenting the interaction.

Trans Women Deserve To Know You Care About Them

Even though most women aren't trying to perpetuate trans-exclusive feminism, it still happens sometimes. Listen to what the trans community is asking from you and be accommodating.

Men Are Always Welcome At Women's Rallies

The Women's Strike isn't supposed to be a female-only space, it also needs to be open to male allies to support the cause.

The Environmental Costs Of Your Involvement Need To Be A Factor

Sustainable Cornell on YouTube

Striking Isn't The End Of Your Journey

David McNew/Getty Images News/Getty Images

Once the strike is over, you still have to keep your activism going. Showing up is just the first step - now it's time to call your representatives, attend community mobilization meetings, and work with progressive candidates running for public office.

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7 Things To Remember For The Women's Strike

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The Day Without Women strike is the followup to the Women's March in January, and it should be a pretty amazing day for all those participating. The spirit of activism that's swept the nation in the wake of Donald Trump's presidency has been so...

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This article talks about how women and girls of color need to stop being left in the shadows of others.

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Each week, In Theory Kimberlé Crenshaw is the executive director of the African American Policy Forum and a professor of law at Columbia University and the University of California, Los Angeles, law schools. takes on a big idea in the news and explores it from a range of perspectives. This week we're talking about intersectionality. Need a primer? Catch up here.
Intersectionality was a lived reality before it became a term.

Today, nearly three decades after I first put a name to the concept, the term seems to be everywhere. But if women and girls of color continue to be left in the shadows, something vital to the understanding of intersectionality has been lost.

In 1976, Emma DeGraffenreid and several other black women sued General Motors for discrimination, arguing that the company segregated its workforce by race and gender: Blacks did one set of jobs and whites did another. According to the plaintiffs' experiences, women were welcome to apply for some jobs, while only men were suitable for others. This was of course a problem in and of itself, but for black women the consequences were compounded. You see, the black jobs were men's jobs, and the women's jobs were only for whites. Thus, while a black applicant might get hired to work on the floor of the factory if he were male; if she were a black female she would not be considered. Similarly, a woman might be hired as a secretary if she were white, but wouldn't have a chance at that job if she were black. Neither the black jobs nor the women's jobs were appropriate for black women, since they were neither male nor white. Wasn't this clearly discrimination, even if some blacks and some women were hired?

Unfortunately for DeGraffenreid and millions of other black women, the court dismissed their claims. Why? Because the court believed that black women should not be permitted to combine their race and gender claims into one. Because they could not prove that what happened to them was just like what happened to white women or black men, the discrimination that happened to these black women fell through the cracks.
[Intersectionality: A Primer]
It was in thinking about why such a "big miss" could have happened within the complex structure of anti-discrimination law that the term "intersectionality" was born. As a young law professor, I wanted to define this profound invisibility in relation to the law. Racial and gender discrimination overlapped not only in the workplace but in other other arenas of life; equally significant, these burdens were almost completely absent from feminist and anti-racist advocacy. Intersectionality, then, was my attempt to make feminism, anti-racist activism, and anti-discrimination law do what I thought they should - highlight the multiple avenues through which racial and gender oppression were experienced so that the problems would be easier to discuss and understand.

Intersectionality is an analytic sensibility, a way of thinking about identity and its relationship to power. Originally articulated on behalf of black women, the term brought to light the invisibility of many constituents within groups that claim them as members, but often fail to represent them. Intersectional erasures are not exclusive to black women. People of color within LGBTQ movements; girls of color in the fight against the school-to-prison pipeline; women within immigration movements; trans women within feminist movements; and people with disabilities fighting police abuse - all face vulnerabilities that reflect the intersections of racism, sexism, class oppression, transphobia, able-ism and more. Intersectionality has given many advocates a way to frame their circumstances and to fight for their visibility and inclusion.

Intersectionality has been the banner under which many demands for inclusion have been made, but a term can do no more than those who use it have the power to demand. And not surprisingly, intersectionality has generated its share of debate and controversy.

Conservatives have painted those who practice intersectionality as obsessed with "identity politics." Of course, as the DeGraffenreid case shows, intersectionality is not just about identities but about the institutions that use identity to exclude and privilege. The better we understand how identities and power work together from one context to another, the less likely our movements for change are to fracture.
[Why Equal Protection may not protect everyone equally.]
Others accuse intersectionality of being too theoretical, of being "all talk and no action." To that I say we've been "talking" about racial equality since the era of slavery and we're still not even close to realizing it. Instead of blaming the voices that highlight problems, we need to examine the structures of power that so successfully resist change.

Some have argued that intersectional understanding creates an atmosphere of bullying and "privilege checking." Acknowledging privilege is hard - particularly for those who also experience discrimination and exclusion. While white women and men of color also experience discrimination, all too often their experiences are taken as the only point of departure for all conversations about discrimination. Being front and center in conversations about racism or sexism is a complicated privilege that is often hard to see.

Although the president's recent call to support black women was commendable, undertaking intersectional work requires concrete action to address the barriers to equality facing women and girls of color in U.S. society.

Intersectionality alone cannot bring invisible bodies into view. Mere words won't change the way that some people - the less-visible members of political constituencies - must continue to wait for leaders, decision-makers and others to see their struggles. In the context of addressing the racial disparities that still plague our nation, activists and stakeholders must raise awareness about the intersectional dimensions of racial injustice that must be addressed to enhance the lives of all youths of color.
Explore these other perspectives:
This is why we continue the work of the #WhyWeCantWait Campaign, calling for holistic and inclusive approaches to racial justice. It is why "Say Her Name" continues to draw attention to the fact that women too are vulnerable to losing their lives at the hands of police. And it is why thousands have agreed that the tragedy in Charleston, S.C., demonstrates our need to sustain a vision of social justice that recognizes the ways racism, sexism and other inequalities work together to undermine us all. We simply do not have the luxury of building social movements that are not intersectional, nor can we believe we are doing intersectional work just by saying words.
Latoya Peterson: Intersectionality is not a label. Lauren Sudeall Lucas: Why Equal Protection may not protect everyone equally. Alyssa Rosenberg: How 'Orange Is the New Black' wins at illustrating identity
Brittney Cooper: Black lives matter - all of them.

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Opinion | Why intersectionality can't wait

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Each week, In Theory Kimberlé Crenshaw is the executive director of the African American Policy Forum and a professor of law at Columbia University and the University of California, Los Angeles, law schools. takes on a big idea in the news and explores it from a range of perspectives.

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If women would all be non-judgmental, we could do a lot more as a group of women.

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This picture shows what different categories intersectionality breaks down into.

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The unit in class this week was intersectionality. To me, the concept connects somewhat to privilege. It has to do with race, gender, ethnicity, and class. Intersectionality also has to do with hegemonic feminism. This means that you should be thinking like a white middle class women. In class we looked at the yoga class articles to show us what intersectionality really is.

At first when reading the white woman's article I didn't really think of it in an intersectional way. I just thought of it as the white woman describing her yoga class and the only black woman. Then I read the article from a black woman's perspective and it really opened my eyes. It showed how the white woman was basically attacking the black women in her head. These articles really put intersectionality into perspective for me.

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xoJane: Women's Lifestyle & Community Site - xoJane

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Hey there, Jen. My name is Pia. I'm a black woman, but I don't want you to be scared. I write for xoJane too, among other things. I am not inexperienced with having my words infuriate others, and NONE of us is immune to it. Still...just like you were sharing an experience on this site yesterday, I'm going to share one now too; my experience of reading your piece.

Your essay about your emotional crisis triggered by the presence of a "heavyset black woman" in your yoga class was pretty tough for me to read. You may not even be aware of the level to which you dehumanized the Unnamed Black Woman behind you. You see, unless you are an FBI profiler trained in reading facial expressions, there's a chance you imagined her "panic and despair."

You crossed every line from describing your experience into assuming hers, despite having had absolutely no direct contact with her. Unless you have some sort of futuristic closed-captioning software in your brain, you took every liberty in identifying her thought process and went above and beyond by declaring yourself the victim of her obvious-in-your-mind "resentment and contempt."

I could never quarrel with your experiences. They may be different from mine, but I respect that they are yours. What I do have trouble respecting are the experiences of Unnamed Black Woman as written by you because with no word from her they are wild conjecture at best and pure fiction at worst -- and if you want to write fiction about black women's psyches, go submit it elsewhere and I wish you the best of luck.

Nary a verb nor a noun in what you wrote indicates for certain that she was as obsessed with you as you are, but hey, let's say that she was! So here you are in YOUR yoga class at YOUR studio, when in walks an interloper who is (in the scenario we're imagining) roasting in a bubbling moat of her inferiority and close to drowning in her hatred of her own body and pure jealousy of yours. She is attacking you, non-verbally but loudly nonetheless, and OF COURSE such a direct attack would warrant a response, right?

Sure, you did mention the thought of talking to her, saying "If I asked her to articulate her experience to me so I could just listen, would she be at all interested in telling me about it?"

...Well, why didn't you? Not that she or I or anyone really owes you a conversation to help you understand your discomfort with a black woman, but why not give human interaction a try anyway? Instead, the next things you describe are more of your existential ponderings and then your tears. If you were having so many thoughts about Unnamed Black Woman in Your Yoga Class, why not make direct contact?

Could it be that the music started playing during the speech and you froze oh no wait, sorry, I was confusing you with Macklemore, who said those words in an apologetic text message to Kendrick Lamar after winning four Grammy awards on Sunday, two in categories where Lamar was highly favored to win. We know of the text because Macklemore shared it publicly on Instagram.

By the way, I swore up and down I wouldn't write about Macklemore, but as I read your piece he kept coming to mind.

You see, I don't think either of you have anything but good intentions, and yet you are using them to pave the road to hell. Further enacting a societal ill in your efforts to call it out is the worst kind of white privilege. It is why we need messages of progress but the messenger matters. Otherwise, we're left with something like this:
Hey, Oppressed Person, I feel bad for you but what's most important right now is that we make it all about Me, even though it is your time of need. How do I know it is your time of need? Why, because you're not me, of course! You're you and that is Less Than Me. But I'm thinking of you! So let's get back to Me and My Thoughts now...
Your experience, if we can possibly set aside the (non-)fan fiction of the imagined mindset of the woman behind you, starts a dialogue; sure. But not every conversation needs to be entertained without you doing some homework on your own first. I am taking the time to write this because as a black woman who shares this space, I won't stand idly by and watch you use it as a platform to climb to the mountaintop of alleged racial progress by stepping on the humanity of another black woman.

If we discard the green, moldy outer layers of the rotting onion of your thought, there's a little part at the center that OF COURSE we agree on. You very accurately state that "even though yoga comes from thousands of years of south Asian tradition, it's been shamelessly co-opted by Western culture as a sport for skinny, rich white women." I believe that you dream of more ethnic diversity at your yoga studio and for the whole country, even. And you have no idea how loath to participate in that dream it would seem that you are.

The self-centeredness you employ in describing this class at your "beloved donation-based studio...[where they] preach the gospel of yogic egalitarianism" as a solar system revolving entirely around you is not quite in keeping with the yogic principles you espouse, is it? If you really believe that yoga is for everyone, why would you describe the woman on the mat behind you in such alien terms? And your little soupçon of self-awareness does not mitigate your dehumanization. Without full understanding of your privilege, you can never be a true ally.

Black women are continually treated like animals in a zoo, our bodies on display for you to marvel at or pity, but ultimately walk away from, none the wiser and having affected no positive change for all of your tears and hand-wringing.

Again; you have every right to describe what you observe of the world around you and how it makes you feel. But what purpose does it serve to gaze down from your White Privilege Penthouse upon this unfortunate creature to say, "I thought about how that must feel: to be a heavyset black woman entering for the first time a system that by all accounts seems unable to accommodate her body. What could I do to help her?" AND THEN MAKE ABSOLUTELY NO EFFORT TO HELP HER OR EVEN JUST ENGAGE WITH HER AS ANOTHER HUMAN BEING IN THE WORLD?

You continued, "If I were her, I thought, I would want as little attention to be drawn to my despair as possible-I would not want anyone to look at me or notice me." C'mon. Even if it were her first yoga class, even if she were physically struggling the entire time and through YOUR observation her physical size SEEMED to impede her movement, what right do you have to present another human's experience as "despair" framed as an inconvenience to your yoga practice that ultimately made you cry? This woman could have had the good sense to want to be noticed if she were, in fact, in over her head, to get some assistance.

Also, what if she wasn't actually jealous of your "skinny white girl body?" What if-and I'm going out on a limb here, I know-what if it were possible to love oneself and not shoot envious eye-daggers at skinny white girls all day even as a "heavyset black woman"? I know; it's too wild to even imagine. And ultimately, I don't know what was in her head and I don't want to go down the rabbit hole of making random guesses at another person's state of mind just to fit a scenario I've created. (See what I did there?)

Non-verbal communication is a real thing, and maybe you are more justified in your tears than your article led me to believe. And perhaps had you stuck to describing your personal experience of occupying a space that excludes us despite having an inclusive intention...well, it still might have been tough to read, but it would not have been yet another labeling of a black woman's body as inferior to yours. It might not have been yet another collection of words where someone who could have been me is reduced to a color and a shape to be scorned. But hey, here's a bit where you did stick to your experience: "I was completely unable to focus on my practice, instead feeling hyper-aware of...my skinny white girl body."

That's on you. You could have left us out of it. And yes I say "us" because we black women face judgment like yours as a community. We are living and being. You are evaluating and recoiling and running home and crying. We are simply in the world with you and you are terrified. And people wonder why we're "angry."

In the universe where this piece takes place, you've set up a standard according to which I could now be concerned when I walk into my next yoga class that I might look a certain way and make a white girl cry. Does that sound right to you? Meditate on that.
I make videos and post them here, and I make Tweetings and Tweet them here!

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It Happened To Me: I Read An Essay About A White Woman's Yoga Class/Black Woman Crisis And I Cannot

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Hey there, Jen. My name is Pia. I'm a black woman, but I don't want you to be scared. I write for xoJane too, among other things. I am not inexperienced with having my words infuriate others, and NONE of us is immune to it.

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This picture basically speaks for itself....

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This bingo sheet has a few privileges that a lot of people have that seem like everyday normal traits or things.

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This picture does a good job representing privilege. In our society a white man in a suit has more of a privilege than a black woman. This picture just shows ways that women have more obstacles to overcome to get to the same position as a man.

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Mansplaining is a new term I learned in this unit. I knew what it was, I just didn't realize that was the term. If I think about it, this happens so often. It usually starts with the words actually or well. This picture is a perfect representation.

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In class this week we have been talking about privileges that are seen different between gender. This was a more difficult topic to grasp. There are many things that people don't think about on a daily basis that are considered as privileges. For example, in class we made lists to show what kind of privileges each individual has. On my list I had that I was white, I have access to medical care, I am enrolled in a University, and that I have parents with resources that I can use if necessary. These privileges are a big part of my everyday life and it isn't something that I think about everyday.

A lot of people don't think about the privileges in their life. They range from race, sex, marriage, and even family. Another thing in class this week that really stood out to me was the white privilege video we watched that talked about this black woman's sister in law that is half white and that she stood up to a cashier when the black woman and her daughter were clearly being discriminated against and then her sister in law came up and used her wite privilege to stand up for her in the store.

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Cracking the Codes: Joy DeGruy, A Trip to the Grocery Store

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Kids grow up to like all kinds of different things. This picture is a good representation of that. Girls can play with "boy" toys and boys can play with "girl" toys. It shouldn't be this huge deal that everyone makes it be.

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Just lately, gender reveal parties have become very popular. Gender is such a big deal in American society now. This picture shows some of the catchy things that people use at their parties, but there is a problem here... What if its a girl and she grows up to like guns, or what if it is a boy that grows up to like glitter?

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This diagram shows the way men and women should think when really it isn't the case for everyone.

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Men and women are both limited to actions outside of the box because they are ridiculed for not being in the norms.

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In today's society and culture, certain genders are supposed to act and behave in different ways. You cannot step out of these boundaries and norms without being judged. In class we read and looked at the "Act  Like a Man Box" article. It talked about how boys and men are judged and even abused because they are stepping out of the "box". For example, a man has to stay strong and show no emotion. If he shows emotions, he gets made fun of and gets called fag or weak. Unfortunately it is not just a male thing.

Women in a way have their own box. In class we had to make our own examples of boxes. My example was the Russian dolls and how every layer gets smaller and smaller but there is always a layer of what you can say or do. There are different layers of what you can say or do to have an acceptable behavior in society

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Shows that again, feminism isn't bad, it just has a bad reputation and connotation in society today.

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This tweet is unfortunately what a lot of people think of when they hear the word feminism. Even classmates thought of these words on the first day of class.

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There are many negative connotations with the term feminism. This link has nine answers and views of several different people and why they think there is such a negative connotation with the f word.

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"Feminism aims to improve the equality between men and women in the job world, in the social world, and in the political world."

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Feminism is the advocating the social, political, and economic equality of the sexes and promoting gender equality in society. Feminism is not misandry, which is hatred toward men or women wanting power over men in society. These are two terms that I believe have been widely confused by men and women. Society sees "feminism" as a dirty word that has no real value or purpose that was created by angry women. In reality, feminism is an equally important movement for men and women. It not only helps to create more opportunity and equality for women, but it understands the importance of fixing men's issues in society alongside women's.

Feminism aims to improve the equality between men and women in the job world, in the social world, and in the political world. It aims to empower women to prove that we are capable of accomplishing anything that a man can and that men and women deserve the same respect, while also improving the lives of men rather than condemning them for the actions and beliefs of misogynists.

Feminism aims to destroy gender stereotypes and roles, allowing women to enjoy sports without being seen as less knowledgeable or allowing men to enjoy knitting without being seen as less of a man. Feminists want men and women to chose their own roles in relationships as well as in life, allowing a man to be a stay at home parent without being looked down on for not being the breadwinner or allowing a woman to hold a high position in a career without being condemned for not staying at home with her children or for not having children at all. Its goal is to end the stereotypes that women must stay in the kitchen cooking and cleaning while the men are out making money and allow every man and woman the chance to do whatever they please within relationships and in the world without criticism from society.

Destroying the gender roles that have been engrained in society would create more career, social, and political opportunities for both men and women. If women were no longer expected to stay at home or were no longer seen as sexual objects, the jobs that are specifically aimed at attractive women (cocktail waitressing, sexual roles in tv and film, etc) would be opened up to men and more women would be willing to venture into the job world if the opportunities were based on skill rather than gender or attractiveness. The wage gap (which does actually exist and is especially obvious in Hollywood, despite the doubt that is created by the numerous and sometimes difficult to understand factors) could be closed and allow women to work the same jobs for the same amounts of money without trying to take anything away from the men.

Politics would be able to be opened up for women to be better represented by another woman who understands their experiences and help make informed decisions on women's issues. In the social world, men would no longer have to be the ones to pay for bars and clubs while women are allowed in for free and dating would become more of an equal effort from men and women.

Feminism aims to destroy the idea that men must be aggressive and strong and controlling in order to be "real" men and the idea that women must be nurturing and sweet and complacent in order to be a "real" woman. Feminism wants to break down the expectations that society holds on men to be masculine and tough all the time. It wants men to be able to speak out about domestic violence from a woman or being sexually assaulted without being seen as weak or just being brushed aside as if it doesn't happen. It wants to acknowledge that, although it happens less often, women can and do rape and abuse men.

Feminism wants society to stop portraying men as animals that have no control over their sexual urges and stop assuming that women always want sexual attention simply because of the way they dress. It is trying to destroy the idea that sexual assault and harassment toward women is simply a result of "boys being boys" because good men deserve more credit than being generalized as animalistic, sexually out of control beings. It wants both men and women to not become victims of blaming and scrutiny for speaking about sexual attacks that have happened to them.

Feminism wants all people to be listened to and understood when they choose to come out about assaults so that they can have justice for what they've endured, whether it is a man or a woman. Feminism doesn't assume that all men are evil and misogynistic, but rather that men can be and are good and should not all be condemned for the actions of male rapists and abusers.

Feminism's goal is to create a society where men are taught that expressing their feelings does not make them less of a man and where women are taught that they are strong too. It wants a society where men are no longer taught that "crying is for girls" so that they can actually communicate their feelings and problems and have more successful relationships with women throughout their lives. It wants a society where men aren't expected to to always be the moneymaker of a family and women are able to provide for themselves without expecting a man's support. Feminism wants a society where a woman is seen as an individual before she is seen as a sexual being or a baby maker and where a man and woman can be seen equally as parents and treated fairly in parental or custodial issues.

Feminism is about creating a world of equality, free of prejudice, judgment, or hatred between the sexes.
More about feminism, music, photography, mental health, and more on my personal blog, Janellisms.

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Feminism is the advocating the social, political, and economic equality of the sexes and promoting gender equality in society. Feminism is not misandry, which is hatred toward men or women wanting power over men in society. These are two terms that I believe have been widely confused by men and women.

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This article has some of the best signs from the women's march this past weekend. One of my favorites was one that stated "women rights are human rights." Another one was "the glass ceiling was meant to be broken."

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WASHINGTON, D.C. ― People from all over the country traveled to D.C. to march alongside each other at the Women's March on Washington. The streets were packed with singing, cheering and peaceful marchers. It was a powerful show of resilience and solidarity.

One of the most empowering (and entertaining) aspects of the demonstration was seeing the many feminist signs that were held high and proud by marchers.

Below are 89 signs from the Women's March on Washington that remind us exactly what a feminist looks like ― and fights for.

BEFORE YOU GO

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89 Badass Feminist Signs From The Women's March On Washington

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WASHINGTON, D.C. ― People from all over the country traveled to D.C. to march alongside each other at the Women's March on Washington. The streets were packed with singing, cheering and peaceful marchers. It was a powerful show of resilience and solidarity.

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People should not feel ashamed to call them selves feminists. Just because feminists stand up for equal rights for women, doesn't mean other people should shame them. Connecting this to class, women have had to work for where they are today and now just because the term "feminists" labels them, it shouldn't make them feel ashamed. People should be able to embrace what they stand up for and believe and be able to call themselves a feminist without people only seeing the negative connotation.

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I have a lot of friends who don't want to be called a feminist. It makes them sound unattractive. It makes them sound like they don't shave their armpits. For the record, I once had a very attractive friend who identified as a feminist and didn't shave her armpits. So the armpits are not really the end of the world.

But "feminist" is a word that conjures up images of all sorts of uncool behavior -- getting offended by little things like when someone slips up and calls God "he," refusing to even try sexy high heels and flipping out when referred to as a "girl," rather than a "woman." For many young people, feminists don't have their priorities straight. They talk about stuff no one cares about anymore. They beat on the same tired issues. Unequal pay. Not enough women acting in fill-in-the-blank position of authority. They may hate men. They definitely don't attribute enough importance to a good pedicure.

I used to call myself a feminist. In college. It was an act of defiance. I was going to show everyone. Show them ... something. It was pretty clear to me that feminism meant caring about gender relations, being aware of inequality, and being free to be whatever kind of woman I wanted. Feminism hadn't turned women into ugly, unfashionable man-haters or sluts. It had allowed women to be left alone for a minute, to figure out what we wanted to be.

But I had to explain all that whenever I used the word. And it got old really fast. I had to keep saying, "By my definition, you're a feminist too, whether or not you think you are." I asked the guys who wanted to debate it with me, "Do you support gender oppression?" And they said, "Uh ... No?" And I said, triumphantly, "HA! See! You're a feminist!" And they said, "So, like, do you shave your armpits?"

The thing about feminism is that it has a lot of baggage now. People who are afraid of women have given it a lot of that baggage. The scary people who like to blame feminism for things like "the downfall of society," and put it in sentences that begin with "Because of liberalism, feminism, and homosexuality..." And people who aren't that ridiculous about it, but are a little threatened by women occupying a broader range of roles, have piled on a few suitcases and totes.

Some of these people like to suggest that because of feminism, girls try to act more like guys, and so they have a lot of sex, but because they're still girls, the sex makes them feel terrible about themselves. So feminism hurts girls by misleading them about their sexuality. I have to pause here for a tiny tangent: there is nothing inherent about sex that makes girls feel bad about themselves. Plenty of girls have plenty of sex without feeling badly at all. And often, it seems that when girls feel bad about sex, it's because they are receiving powerfully conflicting information about it. "Go for it!" And "No! Stop! You'll ruin your reputation!" Which makes it pretty evident that the problem isn't feminism, it's transition. Which occurs naturally when the world doesn't offer up just one way of understanding and solving a major social problem, but many. Which kinda just sounds like, well, life.

And feminism has the historical baggage of a movement that is now old. The things that feminism had to accomplish, the things that galvanized it, are dramatic and distant. They seem a little absurd. Women not working outside the home? There are about four of those left. The women who want to can't even afford to stay home. Women not going to college? At least 60 percent of all current college students are women. Now everyone's getting concerned about boys. They're being left behind! They aren't being encouraged enough!

The truth is, a lot of the issues (systemic gender inequality, denial of reproductive rights, sexual violence, domestic abuse) that made feminism a necessity still exist. But they don't feel the same. And we don't approach them the same way. We say, if you want to change the world, then do it! We say, women change the world all the time. You can too. Get your law degree. Run for office. Make it happen. Those things are real, and they're possible. I think there's a general sense that the ball is already rolling. There's an unspoken understanding that even if women aren't equally represented in the government, or among corporate CEOs, it's really only a matter of time.

I'm an impatient person. I want big change to happen all at once. I can't believe that everywhere I look, people still don't have basic rights. I think that 50 years from now, we'll look back and be stunned to think about how primitively certain social issues were conceived and handled. And by skinny jeans. Those were a terrible idea.

But I don't run around calling myself a feminist very loudly anymore. I'm a young woman, and too many of my peers, whether incorrectly or not, translate the word through a sticky web of connotations. They also mostly take it for granted that I care about gender issues, opportunities for everyone, and eradicating oppression wherever it may crop up. All that is just part of being a conscientious human being. And as for the people who don't care about those things, they aren't anti-feminists or misogynists, they're simply uneducated or malicious (or both).

Some days, I put on makeup. Other days, I don't. Not even lip gloss. I shave my armpits, but there was a summer when I didn't shave my legs (the guys I met then gave me very positive feedback about it, much to my surprise!). I'm ambitious and educated, and I have two degrees, but a big part of my dream includes one day staying home with my kids. I blog about body image. I cook dinner for my fiancé a lot. He works 12 hours a day, so the idea of equally distributing household chores doesn't make sense. Also, I like to cook.

Ambition doesn't have to mean one thing. Neither do high heels. And I'm thankful for feminism's critical role in flinging open the door on endless complexity and possibility. Those things should never be kept in the closet. I'm thankful that, as a young woman, I have a lot of options, not only in terms of what I can do with my life, but how I can think about what I do. I have a lot of different ways to be proud of myself for my accomplishments.

So it isn't that women shouldn't be able to call themselves feminists and get pedicures and get offended by whatever offends them. Women should be able to fit the stereotype or not at their discretion. And it isn't that my generation doesn't need feminism anymore. It's that we more acutely need people who will care less about the definition of a particular word, and more about the experiences that people are having. Less about body hair, and more about opportunity. Less about women being one thing or another, and more about everyone sharing the same set of responsibilities towards caring for a world we all participate in and are affected by.

Which is not to say that it's OK for everyone to go around calling God "he." Because, really, people, that just doesn't make sense.

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Why I Don't Call Myself A Feminist Anymore

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I have a lot of friends who don't want to be called a feminist. It makes them sound unattractive. It makes them sound like they don't shave their armpits. For the record, I once had a very attractive friend who identified as a feminist and didn't shave her armpits.