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In what ways have these posts you selected reflect/impact/challenge your views/interactions regarding you/your loved ones (have you/those you know internalized these concepts, participated in social policing norms, resisted norms, etc)?

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Violence Against Women activism focuses on ending gender-based violence and advocating for legal and social protections for survivors. Activists have played a key role in pushing for laws like the Violence Against Women Act, which provides funding for victim services, legal support, and prevention programs. This movement also emphasizes the intersectional impacts of violence, showing how race, class, and sexuality affect survivors' access to justice and support.

10 things to do over 16 days of activism to end violence against women | Culture Shift. (2022, April 21). Culture Shift. https://culture-shift.co.uk/resources/higher-education/10-things-to-do-over-16-days-of-activism-to-end-violence-against-women/

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Domestic violence activism is a key area in Women and Gender Studies, aiming to prevent abuse, support survivors, and change societal attitudes toward intimate partner violence. Activists work to raise awareness, fund shelters and hotlines, and push for stronger laws and enforcement to protect victims. This activism emphasizes education, survivor advocacy, and community responsibility in breaking the cycle of abuse and promoting safety and justice for all.

Admin World YWCA. (2022, August 10). When home is where the harm is: Call to Action against Domestic Violence - World YWCA. World YWCA - World YWCA. https://www.worldywca.org/when-home-is-where-the-harm-is-call-to-action-against-domestic-violence/

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Equal pay affects us all as a woman and it is important to speak up on it. Gender pay equity activism focuses on closing the wage gap between men and women and addressing systemic inequalities in the workplace. Activists advocate for policies such as pay transparency, equal pay for equal work, and stronger protections against gender-based discrimination.

Equal Pay Today. (2022). Equal Rights Advocates. https://www.equalrights.org/issue/economic-workplace-equality/equal-pay-today/

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Equal Rights Advocates has been fighting for equal pay for 45 years at the state and federal levels, and across industries. Our work includes the Equal Pay Today campaign, which we co-founded with partners across the country to close the wage gap that most harms women of color and low-paid working women.
Learn More

How We Fight for Equal Pay

Equal Rights Advocates challenges the legal, policy, and cultural barriers that have allowed the gender wage gap to persist. Together with Equal Pay Today partners, we recognize that pay discrimination is not a single issue struggle, which is why we work to also address occupational segregation, pay secrecy, pregnancy and caregiver discrimination, a lack of access to paid leave, wage theft, and an unlivable federal minimum wage.

Join us!

The wage gap isn't going to close itself. In fact, it's barely budged in over 15 years. Working to provide equal pay and equal opportunity for women of color - who are subject to the biggest wage gaps - is the best and most necessary place to start. Here's how you can help.

Closing the gender and race wage gap is going to take all of us. Join us: We create easy ways for you to take action, including writing, calling, or tweeting at your legislators. Sign up to join ERA's Action Team to get actions sent straight to your email, including ways you can support bills to improve workplace justice and the economic security of women and families. We won't send you more than one email per week.

Our Vision

Employers paying women - and all people - fairly for their work.

Transparency in pay without retaliation.

An end to workplace segregation on the basis of gender and race/ethnicity.

Elimination of unfair workplace practices that adversely affect low-income women and women of color.

Fair treatment of pregnant workers and workers with care-giving responsibilities.

A local, state, and federal minimum wage that meets the needs of working people and families.

Expansion of other workplace practices and policies that meet the needs of the modern economy and worker, including women.

A strong base of support - including women of color, low-income women, young people and business owners - that promotes women's economic equality.

Our Strategy

Public mobilization, organizing and strategic communications, with a focus on young people, low-income women, and women of color.

Policy reform and advocacy, including supporting and providing resources to state projects and developing an equal pay resource bank.

Strategic legal enforcement and advocacy, including submitting amicus briefs in relevant cases.

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Equal Pay Today - Equal Rights Advocates

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Equal Rights Advocates has been fighting for equal pay for 45 years at the state and federal levels, and across industries. Our work includes the Equal Pay Today campaign, which we co-founded with partners across the country to close the wage gap that most harms women of color and low-paid working women.

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Aiming to raise awareness, support survivors, and challenge the societal norms that enable abuse. Movements like #MeToo have brought widespread attention to the prevalence of sexual harassment and assault and hold perpetrators accountable. we learned how activism not only seeks justice for individuals but also works to change the cultural attitudes. This activism magazine highlights the importance of consent, survivor-centered approaches, and intersectionality in addressing sexual violence in all communities.

Heldman, C. (2014, August 8). A Brief History of Sexual Violence Activism in the U.S. Ms. Magazine. https://msmagazine.com/2014/08/08/a-brief-history-of-sexual-violence-activism-in-the-u-s/

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A Brief History of Sexual Violence Activism in the U.S.

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In the past year, survivor-activists and allies have effectively put sexual violence on the national agenda, spurring White House, congressional, and state-level policy action. Movement leaders have worked tirelessly to make this happen, namely, Wendy Murphy, Alexandra Brodsky, Wagatwe Wanjuki, Annie E. Clark, Laura Dunn, Andrea Pino, S. Daniel Carter, and Dana Bolger. These leaders have created awareness and momentum through hands-on survivor assistance, lobbying, petitions and the creation of new organizations (e.g., Know Your IX, End Rape on Campus, and SurvJustice). But this is not the first time activists have organized around issues of sexual violence in the U.S. Current efforts are the fourth peak of organized work that started over a century ago. We briefly describe the first

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Roe v. Wade recognizes a woman’s constitutional right to privacy in making medical decisions.we discussed how Roe v. Wade represented a significant victory for women’s bodily autonomy but also sparked ongoing political and social debates. The recent overturning decision has led to renewed challenges and disparities in abortion access across states, highlighting how reproductive rights remain a critical issue.

Williams, P., & Gregorian, D. (2022, June 24). Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, doing away with half-century of precedent. NBC News. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/supreme-court-wipes-away-constitutional-guarantee-abortion-rights-over-rcna18718

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WASHINGTON - The Supreme Court on Friday overturned the landmark Roe v. Wade ruling that guaranteed a constitutional right to abortion, a momentous break from a half-century of rulings on one of the nation's most contentious issues. About half the states have already indicated they would move to ban the procedure.

The court ruled 6-3 to uphold a Mississippi abortion ban being challenged in the case and 5-4 to overturn Roe. In the majority opinion, Justice Samuel Alito wrote that the court's decision in Roe "sparked a national controversy that has embittered our political culture for a half century."

Legal scholars said the decision to overrule Roe is one of the few times the Supreme Court has ever invalidated an earlier decision that declared a constitutional right - and the only time it took away a right that had considerable public support.

The ruling came in a dispute over a 2018 law passed by Mississippi's Republican-controlled Legislature that banned abortions after 15 weeks. The law, which made exceptions for medical emergencies or cases of severe fetal abnormality but not for rape or incest, was immediately challenged and put on hold by lower courts.

The law constituted a direct attack on the court's landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade decision as well as a follow-on ruling in 1992, Planned Parenthood v. Casey, under which states could impose some restrictions on abortion before viability, provided they did not constitute an "undue burden" on the right of access to the procedure. But flat-out bans before viability, generally considered to be about 24 weeks into a pregnancy, were deemed to be unconstitutional.

Those rulings are no longer the law of the land, in part because of the court's changed composition. Two members of the court who joined in its earlier abortion decisions, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Anthony Kennedy, were succeeded by justices appointed by then-President Donald Trump: Amy Coney Barrett and Brett Kavanaugh. Trump had declared that he would put "pro-life justices on the court."

"We hold that Roe and Casey must be overruled," Alito wrote in the opinion, which was backed by Justices Clarence Thomas, Neil Gorsuch (also appointed by Trump), Kavanaugh and Barrett. "The Constitution makes no reference to abortion, and no such right is implicitly protected by any constitutional provision, including the one on which the defenders of Roe and Casey now chiefly rely - the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment."

"It is time to heed the Constitution and return the issue of abortion to the people's elected representatives," he wrote, calling the original Roe decision "egregiously wrong and deeply damaging."

In a concurring opinion, Kavanaugh noted that states retained the power to limit or grant the right to an abortion.

"After today's decision, all of the States may evaluate the competing interests and decide how to address this consequential issue," he wrote.

Thomas, meanwhile, called on the court to revisit other decisions, including on contraception and same-sex marriage, in his opinion agreeing with the majority ruling. He wrote that he would do away with the doctrine of "substantive due process" and explicitly called on the court to overrule the rulings in Griswold v. Connecticut, on the right to contraception; Lawrence v. Texas, on the right to same-sex intimacy; and Obergefell v. Hodges, on the right to same-sex marriage.

"As I have previously explained, 'substantive due process' is an oxymoron that 'lack[s] any basis in the Constitution,'" he wrote.

Chief Justice John Roberts joined the other conservative justices in the decision to upholdthe Mississippi law,but he urged in a concurring opinion against going further.

"Surely we should adhere closely to principles of judicial restraint here, where the broader path the Court chooses entails repudiating a constitutional right we have not only previously recognized, but also expressly reaffirmed applying the doctrine of stare decisis," Roberts wrote.

In a furious dissent, liberal Justices Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor said the court "reverses course today for one reason and one reason only: because the composition of this Court has changed."

"Whatever the exact scope of the coming laws, one result of today's decision is certain: the curtailment of women's rights, and of their status as free and equal citizens," the justices added.

"With sorrow - for this Court, but more, for the many millions of American women who have today lost a fundamental constitutional protection - we dissent," they concluded.

Biden, lawmakers press for codifying Roe

The court's ruling does not make abortion illegal, but with access to the procedure no longer deemed a constitutional right, states can now move to ban it.

Supporters of abortion rights were bracing for the loss after an early draft of the opinion was leaked in May, touching off several days of demonstrations in more than two dozen cities. Protesters even showed up outside the homes of some members of the court.

Alarmed by the prospect that Roe would be overturned, Democrats in Congress responded to the leak by holding a Senate vote to advance legislation that would guarantee access to abortion nationwide. The bill was blocked, however, in a largely party-line vote.

President Joe Biden said in remarks from the White House that Friday's ruling was "a tragic error by the Supreme Court" that had put women's health and lives "at risk."

The president vowed to do what he could to keep abortion accessible, but he said the "only way we can secure a woman's right to choose is for Congress to restore the protections of Roe v. Wade as federal law." That can't be accomplished without more Democrats in the House and Senate, Biden said, meaning, "This fall, Roe is on the ballot."

Democratic leaders in Congress swiftly condemned the ruling. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said the decision marked "one of the darkest days our country has ever seen. Millions upon millions of American women are having their rights taken from them by five unelected Justices on the extremist MAGA court."

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., suggested at a news conference that the Trump-appointed justices who joined in the majority decision had lied when they told senators during their confirmation hearings that they respected the precedent of past rulings.

"Today, the Republican-controlled Supreme Court has achieved the GOP's dark and extreme goal of ripping away women's right to make their own reproductive health decisions," she said in a statement after the ruling. "Because of Donald Trump, Mitch McConnell, the Republican Party and their supermajority on the Supreme Court, American women today have less freedom than their mothers."

Centrist Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.V., said he was "deeply disappointed" by the ruling and singled out Kavanaugh and Gorsuch, whom he voted to confirm, for backing the overturning of Roe.

"I trusted Justice Gorsuch and Justice Kavanaugh when they testified under oath that they also believed Roe v. Wade was settled legal precedent and I am alarmed they chose to reject the stability the ruling has provided for two generations of Americans," Manchin said. While he considers himself pro-life, he said he supports "legislation that would codify the rights Roe v. Wade previously protected. I am hopeful Democrats and Republicans will come together to put forward a piece of legislation that would do just that."

Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, a moderate who also voted to confirm Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, called the ruling "ill-considered" and suggested that she, too, had been misled. "This decision is inconsistent with what Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh said in their testimony and their meetings with me, where they both were insistent on the importance of supporting long-standing precedents that the country has relied upon," she said. Collins added that she, too, would continue to push for legislation to codify the rights that had been enshrined by previous court precedent.

In response to the ruling, the Senate Judiciary Committee tweeted that it "will hold a hearing next month to explore the grim reality of a post-Roe America."

Trump and other Republicans praise decision

Former President Donald Trump, who nominated three of the justices who voted to overturn Roe, told Fox News that Friday's decision is "following the Constitution, and giving rights back when they should have been given long ago."

In a statement a short time later, Trump called the ruling "the biggest WIN for LIFE in a generation." He said it was "only made possible because I delivered everything as promised, including nominating and getting three highly respected and strong Constitutionalists confirmed to the United States Supreme Court."

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., also praised the court's action. "Every unborn child is precious, extraordinary, and worthy of protection. I applaud this historic ruling, which will save countless innocent lives," he said. "The Court is right to return the power to protect the unborn to the people's elected representatives in Congress and the states."

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican who reshaped the balance of the court by refusing to hold confirmation hearings for then-President Barack Obama's Supreme Court nominee and later rushed Trump's nomination of Barrett, hailed the ruling as "courageous and correct. This is an historic victory for the Constitution and for the most vulnerable in our society."

The court's decision was a huge victory for supporters of Mississippi's law, who argued that the state measure was intended to regulate "inhumane procedures" and argued that a fetus is capable of detecting and responding to pain by that point in a pregnancy.

But Friday's ruling was a bitter defeat for advocates of abortion rights, who struggled to maintain them while courts narrowed their application over the past five decades.

"Knowing this moment would come does not make it any less devastating," Alexis McGill Johnson, president of the Planned Parenthood Action Fund, said. "The Supreme Court has now officially given politicians permission to control what we do with our bodies, deciding that we can no longer be trusted to determine the course for our own lives."

The Center for Reproductive Rights had urged the court to maintain its earlier abortion rulings that upheld a right of access to abortion.

"Two generations have now relied on this right, and 1 out of every 4 women makes a decision to end a pregnancy," Julie Rikelman, a lawyer for the group, told the justices.

Lawyers for Mississippi, however, said the law would have a minimal impact on women in the state because its only abortion clinic does not perform the procedure after 16 weeks. More than 90 percent of abortions take place before or during the 13th week of pregnancy, they said.

Texas case foreshadowed ruling

The court's decision was the second ruling this term limiting access to abortion. In December, the court allowed a Texas law to remain in force while lower court challenges are underway. The law effectively bans abortion after six weeks of pregnancy by authorizing lawsuits against abortion providers or anyone who assists them.

Its unorthodox method of enforcement was intended to get around the Supreme Court's earlier abortion rulings that prevented states from simply banning abortion directly. But last June, Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, signed a law that would ban abortion in the state within 30 days after a ruling striking down Roe.

In about half the country, abortion is soon likely to be illegal. Texas is one of about two dozen states that were considered certain or likely to ban abortion once the Supreme Court's abortion precedents were overturned. Thirteen of those states already have measures known as trigger laws, intended to take effect when Roe was overturned or shortly after.

But abortion will remain legal in the other half of the nation, including in such populous states as California, New York, Illinois, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania.

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Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, doing away with half-century of precedent

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WASHINGTON - The Supreme Court on Friday overturned the landmark Roe v. Wade ruling that guaranteed a constitutional right to abortion, a momentous break from a half-century of rulings on one of the nation's most contentious issues. About half the states have already indicated they would move to ban the procedure.

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we discussed how the U.S. is one of the only developed countries that does not guarantee paid parental leave at the federal level. Most workers rely on the Family and Medical Leave Act, which only provides unpaid leave, making it inaccessible for many low-income families. This lack of paid leave disproportionately affects women, who are more likely to take time off for caregiving and face career setbacks as a result.

Paid Leave In The US vs. The World - Cheddar Explains. (n.d.). Www.youtube.com. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rv5nJJ_iGPI

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Paid Leave In The US vs. The World - Cheddar Explains

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We learned that VAWA was a landmark piece of legislation that provided funding for shelters, hotlines, and law enforcement training. It also acknowledged that gender-based violence is a systemic issue, not just a private problem. VAWA connects to our class themes by showing how the law can be used to challenge power imbalances and support the rights and safety of marginalized groups, including women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and communities of color.

Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). (2023, January 19). HUD.gov / U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). https://www.hud.gov/VAWA

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The Affordable Care Act helped those special mothers who can't afford proper medical care. We discussed how the ACA expanded access to healthcare for millions, including requiring insurance plans to cover maternity care, birth control, and preventative services like breast and cervical cancer screenings without additional cost. It also prohibited gender-based pricing, where women were previously charged more for the same coverage as men.

Affordable Care Act Remains Popular Among Voters as Health Law Hits New Milestone. (n.d.). Morning Consult Pro. https://pro.morningconsult.com/instant-intel/aca-obamacare-approval-survey-data

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We discussed how gender representation in media often reinforces harmful stereotypes and unrealistic standards, especially for women and LGBTQ+ individuals. Women are frequently portrayed in passive or overly sexualized roles, while men are shown as dominant and emotionally detached. In this video these portrayals shape societal expectations and can influence how people see themselves and others. .

Gender Representation - Search Videos. (2025). Bing.com. https://www.bing.com/videos/riverview/relatedvideo?q=Gender+Representation&mid=17742050C9FA63262CA417742050C9FA63262CA4&FORM=VIRE

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Media Representations of Gender I AQA A-Level Sociology

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Human Trafficking is a severe issue and is sometimes hard to talk about but needs to. Women are hunted and trafficked for awful reasons. 7/10 people who are trafficked are women. Like in this news article we can see just like discussed in class is that it can happen anywhere for a long time.

MSN. (2025). Msn.com. https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/crime/pontiac-man-accused-of-trafficking-woman-for-at-least-a-year-sheriff-says/ar-AA1Exk5Z?ocid=BingNewsSerp

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Pontiac man accused of trafficking woman for at least a year, sheriff says

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A Pontiac, Michigan, man is facing seven charges in connection with the human trafficking of a woman, according to the Oakland County Sheriff’s Office.

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In class we learned that the Me Too movement brought widespread attention to the prevalence of sexual harassment and assault, especially in workplaces. It highlighted how power dynamics often silence survivors and protect perpetrators, particularly in male-dominated environments.The Me Too movement connects to broader class themes of gender inequality, systemic oppression, and the importance of believing and supporting survivors.

#MeToo Movement. (n.d.). Legalserviceindia.com. https://www.legalserviceindia.com/legal/article-1569--metoo-movement.html

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One of the biggest topics that we talked about was partner violence. Especially after witnessing partner violence, it was awful and needs to be prevented. In class, we talked about how intimate partner violence is rooted in power and control, not just physical abuse. We also learned about the barriers survivors face when trying to leave, such as financial dependence and fear, which makes education and support systems even more critical.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). (2024). About intimate partner violence. Intimate Partner Violence Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/intimate-partner-violence/about/index.html

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Intimate partner violence is a significant public health issue.

Intimate partner violence has a profound impact on lifelong health, opportunity, and well-being.

What is intimate partner violence?

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is abuse or aggression that occurs in a romantic relationship. Intimate partner refers to both current and former spouses and dating partners.

IPV can vary in how often it happens and how severe it is. It can range from one episode of violence to chronic and severe episodes over multiple years.

IPV can include any of the following types of behavior:

Physical violence is when a person hurts or tries to hurt a partner by using physical force.

Sexual violence is forcing or attempting to force a partner to take part in a sex act, sexual touching, or a non-physical sexual event (e.g., sexting) when the partner does not or cannot consent.

Stalking is a pattern of repeated, unwanted attention and contact by a partner that causes fear or concern for one's own safety or the safety of someone close to the victim.

Psychological aggression is the use of verbal and non-verbal communication with the intent to harm a partner mentally or emotionally or to exert control over a partner.

Quick facts and stats

IPV is common. It affects millions of people in the United States each year. Data from CDC's National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) indicate:

About 41% of women and 26% of men experienced contact sexual violence, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate partner during their lifetime and reported a related impact.

Over 61 million women and 53 million men have experienced psychological aggression by an intimate partner in their lifetime.

IPV starts early and continues throughout people's lives. When IPV occurs in adolescence, it is called teen dating violence. About 16 million women and 11 million men who reported experiencing intimate partner violence in their lifetime said that they first experienced it before age 18.

While violence impacts all people, some individuals and communities experience inequities in risk for violence due to the social and structural conditions in which they live, work, and play. Youth from groups that have been marginalized are at greater risk of experiencing sexual and physical dating violence.

Outcomes

Intimate partner violence can result in injuries and even death. Data from U.S. crime reports suggest that about one in five homicide victims are killed by an intimate partner. The reports also found that over half of female homicide victims are killed by a current or former male intimate partner.

Many other negative health outcomes are associated with intimate partner violence. These include conditions affecting the heart, muscles and bones, and digestive, reproductive, and nervous systems, many of which are chronic.

Survivors can experience mental health problems such as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms. They are at higher risk for engaging in behaviors such as smoking, binge drinking, and risky sexual activity. People from groups that have been marginalized, such as people from racial and ethnic minority groups, are at higher risk for worse consequences.

Although the personal consequences of intimate partner violence are devastating, there are also many costs to society. The lifetime economic cost associated with medical services for IPV-related injuries, lost productivity from paid work, criminal justice and other costs, is $3.6 trillion. The cost of IPV over a victim's lifetime was $103,767 for women and $23,414 for men.

Prevention

Intimate partner violence can be prevented. Certain factors may increase or decrease the risk of perpetrating or experiencing intimate partner violence.

Preventing intimate partner violence requires understanding and addressing the factors that put people at risk for or protect them from violence.

Promoting healthy, respectful, and nonviolent relationships and communities can help reduce the occurrence of intimate partner violence. It also can prevent the harmful and long-lasting effects of intimate partner violence on individuals, families, and communities.

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This page defines intimate partner violence, presents the latest data and describes outcomes.

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This video highlights that men are studied and used for medical advances not women, so doctors are unable to properly help women. Women’s symptoms are often dismissed or misdiagnosed. Disparities in pain management and mental health care for women and LGBTQ+ individuals. Historic and ongoing abuses such as forced sterilization like we talked about in class.

Gender bias in biomedicine hurts women’s health. (n.d.). Www.youtube.com. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KouyJXgFjUY

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Gender bias in biomedicine hurts women's health

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Access to contraception and abortion is a key issue discussed in our class, as it highlights the intersection of gender, healthcare, and bodily autonomy. These limitations not only restrict personal freedom but also reinforce power structures that control reproductive choices. This journal connects to broader class themes about gender equity, social justice, and the importance of reproductive rights in achieving true equality.

Myers, C. K. (2022). Confidential and legal access to abortion and contraception in the USA, 1960–2020. Journal of Population Economics, 35(4). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00148-022-00902-4

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Confidential and legal access to abortion and contraception in the USA, 1960–2020 - Journal of Population Economics

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An expansive empirical literature estimates the causal effects of policies governing young women’s confidential and legal access to contraception and abortion. I present a new review of changes in the historical policy environment in the USA that serve as the foundation of this literature. I consult primary sources, including annotated statutes, judicial rulings, attorney general opinions, and advisory articles in medical journals, as well as secondary sources including newspaper articles and snapshots of various policy environments prepared by scholars, advocates, and government organizations. Based on this review, I provide a suggested coding of the policy environment over the past 60 years. I also present and compare the legal coding schemes used in the empirical literature and where possible I resolve numerous and substantial discrepancies.

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Reproductive justice goes beyond the pro-choice/pro-life debate to include the right to have children, not have children, and to parent in safe environments. In the picture it shows that no matter what race, size, or situation someone can be in they are able to control it not the government. In class we talked about how the government has different legislations to disrupt a women's reproductive rights.

Reproductive Justice – Fractals. (2015). Blackfeministfuture.org. https://fractals.blackfeministfuture.org/fractal/reproductive-justice/

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This video explains and defines what reproductive justice, and mainly how it is racially motivated even when not intended to be. Women can be overlooked and not cared enough in hospital settings especially when pregnant. In class we talked about how women of color, particularly black women, face significantly higher rates of maternal mortality and inadequate care.

Racial Disparities in Maternal Health. (n.d.). Www.youtube.com. Retrieved February 26, 2024, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lFWmCBscQ0k

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The concepts of the glass ceiling and glass escalator directly relate to our class by illustrating how gender roles and systemic inequalities shape workplace experiences. The glass ceiling refers to the invisible barriers that prevent women from advancing to higher positions, despite having the qualifications. In contrast, the glass escalator describes how men, particularly in female-dominated professions, often rise quickly to higher positions.

Femblog. (2023, July 4). What is glass ceiling? Gender inequality in job positions | Femriot. Dynomite.hu. https://femblog.dynomite.hu/lifestyle/what-is-glass-ceiling-women-and-the-persistence-of-gender-inequality-in-job-positions/

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Men where being sent off to war as women stayed home and worked production line. In class we talked about how women were put in charge to produce war needs. This is good because they were needed but went given as much gratitude. I also want to mention that sometimes women where objectified and just seen as something nice for soldiers to look at.

National Archives. (2016, August 15). Women in the Work Force during World War II. National Archives; The U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/wwii-women.html

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Women in the Work Force during World War II

Background:

Women have always worked outside the home but never before in the numbers or with the same impact as they did in World War II. Prior to the war, most of the women that did work were from the lower working classes and many of these were minorities. There were a variety of attitudes towards women in the work force. Some thought they should only have jobs that men didn't want while others felt women should give up their jobs so unemployed men could have a job, especially during the Great Depression. Still others held the view that women from the middle class or above should never lower themselves to go to work. These and other viewpoints would be challenged with the United States' entry into World War II.

With men off to fight a worldwide war across the Atlantic and the Pacific, women were called to take their place on the production line. The War Manpower Commission, a Federal Agency established to increase the manufacture of war materials, had the task of recruiting women into employment vital to the war effort. Men's attitude towards women in the work force was one challenge to overcome but, surprisingly, women's own ideas about work outside the home had to change as well. Two of the primary sources below deal with arguments to challenge these attitudes.

A number of cities across the nation had a positive economic effect because of the demand for manufactured war materials. In Alabama no city felt a greater impact than did Mobile. An estimated ninety-thousand workers swarmed into the city to work in the local war factories, especially in one of the two shipyards (Gulf Shipbuilding and Alabama Dry Dock and Shipbuilding) or in the ALCOA factory. The ALCOA plant alone would produce 34% of the nation's aluminum, a metal necessary for the production of airplanes. Men still worked at these plants, but without the women, these plants would have never been as productive or as successful as they ultimately were.

After the war, most women returned home, let go from their jobs. Their jobs, again, belonged to men. However, there were lasting effects. Women had proven that they could do the job and within a few decades, women in the workforce became a common sight. An immediate effect is often overlooked. These women had saved much of their wages since there was little to buy during the war. It was this money that helped serve as a down payment for a new home and helped launch the prosperity of the 1950s.

Documents:

Classroom Comments:

Many of the attitudes about women in the workforce in the 1940s were quite different than they are today. Have students consider the following:

Why did the government see a need to convince both men and women about the need for women in the workforce during World War II?

What were some of the attitudes that men had about women working?

What were some of the attitudes that women had about entering the workforce?

If a teacher finds unique and effective ways to use these documents in their classroom and would like to share them with other teachers, please contact joel.walker@nara.gov.

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Women in the Work Force during World War II

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Women in the Work Force during World War II Background: Women have always worked outside the home but never before in the numbers or with the same impact as they did in World War II. Prior to the war, most of the women that did work were from the lower working classes and many of these were minorities.

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In this article it talks about how in "American women typically earned 82 cents for every dollar earned by men." In class we talked about how unfair it can be to be paid unfairly by race even when doing the same job. The article also talks about what to expect and why this is happening, like for example women putting their careers on hold for children.

Kochhar, R. (2023, March 1). The Enduring Grip of the Gender Pay Gap. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2023/03/01/the-enduring-grip-of-the-gender-pay-gap/

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Pew Research Center's Social & Demographic Trends Project

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The gender pay gap - the difference between the earnings of men and women - has barely closed in the United States in the past two decades. In 2022, American women typically earned 82 cents for every dollar earned by men. That was about the same as in 2002, when they earned 80 cents to the dollar. The slow pace at which the gender pay gap has narrowed this century contrasts sharply with the progress in the preceding two decades: In 1982, women earned just 65 cents to each dollar earned by men.

There is no single explanation for why progress toward narrowing the pay gap has all but stalled in the 21st century. Women generally begin their careers closer to wage parity with men, but they lose ground as they age and progress through their work lives, a pattern that has remained consistent over time. The pay gap persists even though women today are more likely than men to have graduated from college. In fact, the pay gap between college-educated women and men is not any narrower than the one between women and men who do not have a college degree. This points to the dominant role of other factors that still set women back or give men an advantage.

One of these factors is parenthood. Mothers ages 25 to 44 are less likely to be in the labor force than women of the same age who do not have children at home, and they tend to work fewer hours each week when employed. This can reduce the earnings of some mothers, although evidence suggests the effect is either modest overall or short-lived for many. On the other hand, fathers are more likely to be in the labor force - and to work more hours each week - than men without children at home. This is linked to an increase in the pay of fathers - a phenomenon referred to as the " fatherhood wage premium " - and tends to widen the gender pay gap.
Related: Gender pay gap in U.S. hasn't changed much in two decades
Family needs can also influence the types of jobs women and men pursue, contributing to gender segregation across occupations. Differential treatment of women, including gender stereotypes and discrimination, may also play a role. And the gender wage gap varies widely by race and ethnicity.

How the gender pay gap increases with age

Younger women - those ages 25 to 34 and early in their work lives - have edged closer to wage parity with men in recent years. Starting in 2007, their earnings have consistently stood at about 90 cents to the dollar or more compared with men of the same age. But even as pay parity might appear in reach for women at the start of their careers, the wage gap tends to increase as they age.

Consider, for example, women who were ages 25 to 34 in 2010. In that year, they earned 92% as much as men their age, compared with 83% for women overall. But by 2022, this group of women, now ages 37 to 46, earned only 84% as much as men of the same age. This pattern repeats itself for groups of women who were ages 25 to 34 in earlier years - say, 2005 or 2000 - and it may well be the future for women entering the workforce now.

A good share of the increase in the gender pay gap takes place when women are between the ages of 35 and 44. In 2022, women ages 25 to 34 earned about 92% as much as men of the same ages, but women ages 35 to 44 and 45 to 54 earned 83% as much. The ratio dropped to 79% among those ages 55 to 64. This general pattern has not changed in at least four decades.

The increase in the pay gap coincides with the age at which women are more likely to have children under 18 at home. In 2022, 40% of employed women ages 25 to 34 had at least one child at home. The same was true for 66% of women ages 35 to 44 but for fewer - 39% - among women ages 45 to 54. Only 6% of employed women ages 55 to 64 had children at home in 2022.

Similarly, the share of employed men with children at home peaks between the ages of 35 to 44, standing at 58% in 2022. This is also when fathers tend to receive higher pay, even as the pay of employed mothers in same age group is unaffected.

Mothers with children at home tend to be less engaged with the workplace, while fathers are more active

Parenthood leads some women to put their careers on hold, whether by choice or necessity, but it has the opposite effect among men. In 2022, 70% of mothers ages 25 to 34 had a job or were looking for one, compared with 84% of women of the same age without children at home. This amounted to the withdrawal of 1.4 million younger mothers from the workforce. Moreover, when they are employed, younger mothers tend to put in a shorter workweek - by two hours per week, on average - than other women their age. Reduced engagement with the workplace among younger mothers is also a long-running phenomenon.

Fathers, however, are more likely to hold a job or be looking for one than men who don't have children at home, and this is true throughout the prime of their working years, from ages 25 to 54. Among those who do have a job, fathers also work a bit more each week, on average, than men who do not have children at home.

As a result, the gender gap in workplace activity is greater among those who have children at home than among those who do not. For example, among those ages 35 to 44, 94% of fathers are active in the workforce, compared with 75% of mothers - a gap of 19 percentage points. But among those with no children at home in this age group, 84% of men and 78% of women are active in the workforce - a gap of 6 points.

These patterns contribute to the gap in workplace activity between men and women overall. As of 2022, 68% of men ages 16 and older - with or without children at home - are either employed or seeking employment. That compares with 57% of women, a difference of 11 percentage points. This gap was as wide as 24 points in 1982, but it narrowed to 14 points by 2002. Men overall also worked about three hours more per week at a job than women in 2022, on average, down from a gap of about six hours per week in 1982.

Employed mothers earn about the same as similarly educated women without children at home; both groups earn less than fathers

Parenthood affects the hourly earnings of employed women and men in unexpected ways. While employed mothers overall appear to earn less than employed women without children at home, the gap is driven mainly by differences in educational attainment between the two groups. Among women with similar levels of education, there is little gap in the earnings of mothers and non-mothers. However, fathers earn more than other workers, including other men without children at home, regardless of education level. This phenomenon - known as the fatherhood wage premium - is one of the main ways that parenthood affects the gender pay gap among employed workers.

Motherhood does have important effects on the potential earnings of women. Women who experience breaks in their careers after becoming mothers sacrifice at least some of their earnings. Some mothers may never work for pay after having children, passing on earnings altogether. But it is difficult to know what the earnings of mothers might have been and, as a result, it is hard to know for certain what the full effect of motherhood is on women's earnings. Estimates suggest that motherhood may account for much of the current shortfall in the earnings potential of women overall.

Among employed men and women, the impact of parenting is felt most among those ages 25 to 54, when they are most likely to have children under 18 at home. In 2022, mothers ages 25 to 34 earned 85% as much as fathers that age, but women without children at home earned 97% as much as fathers. In contrast, employed women ages 35 to 44 - with or without children - both earned about 80% as much as fathers. The table turns for women ages 45 to 54, with mothers earning more than women with no children at home. Among those ages 35 to 44 or 45 to 54, men without children earned only 84% as much as fathers.

But these patterns in the earnings of employed mothers and women with no children at home are influenced greatly by differences in education levels between the two. Among employed women ages 25 to 34, some 61% of women without children at home had a bachelor's degree or higher level of education in 2022, compared with 37% of mothers. It follows that among women ages 25 to 34, those without children at home (a more highly educated group, on average) earned more than women with at least one child at home. Conversely, employed mothers ages 45 to 54 were more likely than other women to have at least a bachelor's degree - 58% vs. 42%. For that reason, mothers ages 45 to 54 earned more than women without children.

When the earnings of mothers are compared with those of women without children at home who have the same level of education, the differences either narrow or go away. Among employed women ages 25 to 34 with at least a bachelor's degree, both mothers and women without children at home earned 80% as much as fathers in 2022. Among women ages 25 to 34 with a high school diploma and no further education, mothers earned 79% as much as fathers and women with no children at home earned 84% as much. The narrowing of the gap in earnings of mothers and women without children at home after controlling for education level also extends to other age groups.

Thus, among the employed, the effect of parenthood on the gender pay gap does not seem to be driven by a decrease in mothers' earnings relative to women without children at home. Instead, the widening of the pay gap with parenthood appears to be driven more by an increase in the earnings of fathers. Fathers ages 25 to 54 not only earn more than mothers the same age, they also earn more than men with no children at home. Nonetheless, men without children at home still earn more than women with or without children at home.

Although there is little gap in the earnings of employed mothers and women with no children at home who have the same level of education, there is a lingering gap in workplace engagement between the two groups. Whether they had at least a bachelor's degree or were high school graduates, mothers ages 25 to 34 are less likely to hold a job or be looking for one. Similarly, younger mothers on average work fewer hours than women without children at home each week, regardless of their education level. The opposite is true for fathers compared with men without children at home.

Progress in closing the gender pay gap has slowed despite gains in women's education

The share of women with at least a bachelor's degree has increased steadily since 1982 - and faster than among men. In 1982, 20% of employed women ages 25 and older had a bachelor's degree or higher level of education, compared with 26% of employed men. By 2022, 48% of employed women had at least a bachelor's degree, compared with 41% of men. Still, women did not see the pay gap close to the same extent from 2002 to 2022 as they did from 1982 to 2002.

In part, this may be linked to how the gains from going to college have changed in recent decades, for women and men alike. The college wage premium - the boost in earnings workers get from a college degree - increased rapidly during the 1980s. But the rise in the premium slowed down over time and came to a halt around 2010. This likely reduced the relative growth in the earnings of women.

Although gains in education have raised the average earnings of women and have narrowed the gender pay gap overall, college-educated women are no closer to wage parity with their male counterparts than other women. In 2022, women with at least a bachelor's degree earned 79% as much as men who were college graduates, and women who were high school graduates earned 81% as much as men with the same level of education. This underscores the challenges faced by women of all education levels in closing the pay gap.

Notably, the gender wage gap has closed more among workers without a four-year college degree than among those who do have a bachelor's degree or more education. For example, the wage gap for women without a high school diploma narrowed from 62% in 1982 to 83% in 2022 relative to men at the same education level. But it closed only from 69% to 79% among bachelor's degree holders over the same period. This is because only men with at least a bachelor's degree experienced positive wage growth from 1982 to 2022; all other men saw their real wages decrease. Meanwhile, the real earnings of women increased regardless of their level of education.

As women have improved their level of education in recent decades, they've also increased their share of employment in higher-paying occupations, such as managerial, business and finance, legal, and computer, science and engineering (STEM) occupations. In 1982, women accounted for only 26% of employment in managerial occupations. By 2022, their share had risen to 40%. Women also substantially increased their presence in social, arts and media occupations. Over the same period, the shares of women in several lower-paying fields, such as administrative support jobs and food preparation and serving occupations, fell significantly.

Even so, women are still underrepresented in managerial and STEM occupations - along with construction, repair and production, and transportation occupations - when compared with their share of employment overall. And there has been virtually no change in the degree to which women are overrepresented in education, health care, and personal care and services occupations - the last of which are lower paying than the average across all occupations. The distribution of women and men across occupations remains one of the drivers of the gender pay gap. But the degree to which this distribution is the result of personal choices or gender stereotypes is not entirely clear.

Gender pay gap differs widely by race and ethnicity

Looking across racial and ethnic groups, a wide gulf separates the earnings of Black and Hispanic women from the earnings of White men. In 2022, Black women earned 70% as much as White men and Hispanic women earned only 65% as much. The ratio for White women stood at 83%, about the same as the earnings gap overall, while Asian women were closer to parity with White men, making 93% as much.

The pay gap narrowed for all groups of women from 1982 to 2022, but more so for White women than for Black and Hispanic women. The earnings gap for Asian women narrowed by about 17 percentage points from 2002 to 2022, but data for this group is not available for 1982.

To some extent, the gender wage gap varies by race and ethnicity because of differences in education, experience, occupation and other factors that drive the gender wage gap for women overall. But researchers have uncovered new evidence of hiring discrimination against various racial and ethnic groups, along with discrimination against other groups, such as LGBTQ and disabled workers. Discrimination in hiring may feed into differences in earnings by shutting out workers from opportunities.

Broader economic forces may impact men's and women's earnings in different ways

Changes in the gender pay gap are also shaped by economic factors that sometimes drive men's and women's earnings in distinctive ways. Because men and women tend to work in different types of jobs and industries, their earnings may respond differently to external pressures.

More specifically, men's earnings essentially didn't change from 1982 to 2002. Potential reasons for that include a more rapid decline in union membership among men, a shift away from jobs calling for more physical skills, and global competition that sharply reduced employment in manufacturing in the 1980s. At the same time, women's earnings increased substantially as they raised their level of education and shifted toward higher-paying occupations.

But in some ways, the economic climate has proved less favorable for women this century. For reasons that are not entirely clear, women's employment was slower to recover from the Great Recession of 2007-2009. More recently, the COVID-19 recession took on the moniker " she-cession" because of the pressure on jobs disproportionately held by women. Amid a broader slowdown in earnings growth from 2000 to 2015, the increase in women's earnings from 2002 to 2022 was not much greater than the increase in men's earnings, limiting the closure in the gender pay gap over the period.

What's next for the gender pay gap?

Higher education, a shift to higher-paying occupations and more labor market experience have helped women narrow the gender pay gap since 1982. But even as women have continued to outpace men in educational attainment, the pay gap has been stuck in a holding pattern since 2002, ranging from 80 to 85 cents to the dollar.

More sustained progress in closing the pay gap may depend on deeper changes in societal and cultural norms and in workplace flexibility that affect how men and women balance their careers and family lives. Even in countries that have taken the lead in implementing family-friendly policies, such as Denmark, parenthood continues to drive a significant wedge in the earnings of men and women. New research suggests that family-friendly policies in the U.S. may be keeping the pay gap from closing. Gender stereotypes and discrimination, though difficult to quantify, also appear to be among the "last-mile" hurdles impeding further progress.

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The pay gap between men and women has barely closed in the past two decades, even as women today are more likely than men to have graduated from college, suggesting other factors are at play.

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The Fair Labor Standards Act highlights the importance of protecting workers' rights, particularly minimum wage, overtime pay, and child labor regulations. In class, we discussed how the FLSA was a landmark piece of legislation passed in 1938 to ensure fair treatment in the workplace and to reduce exploitation, especially during a time of economic hardship. The post demonstrates how these standards continue to influence modern labor practices by setting a baseline for ethical employer behavior. This connection shows an understanding of how federal labor laws aim to create a more just and equitable working environment for all employees.

Paid labor - Search Videos. (2025). Bing.com. https://www.bing.com/videos/riverview/relatedvideo?q=paid+labor&mid=03DC668B9B6F1D57413603DC668B9B6F1D574136&FORM=VIRE