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encontros

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Imagem de um momento de roda de conversa com o povo guarani da aldeia- Estiva. - mulheres universitárias

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2 encontro de pesquisa aldeia Guarani.PNG

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The only pearl discovered in Indigenous archaeology was apparently spat into a rubbish pile; the shells, on the other hand, were highly prized and traded across the country.

Pearl shell continues to play an important role in Aboriginal culture in the north-west of Australia, and the history of Indigenous trade may reveal an overlooked continental economy prior to European colonisation.

These are some of the stories uncovered by Curious Kimberley's investigation of traditional Indigenous pearling.

Kerry Holland's mother had visited Broome in the 1950s and recounted how strongly the European-Australian pearling industry had shaped the town.

"In the light of our increasing insights into Indigenous culture, it made me think back to that time and wonder," Ms Holland said.

"What did the Indigenous people know about the pearls already, and how were they incorporated into their own story and life?"

This pearl from the Kimberley is 2,000 years old.(ABC News: Natalie Jones )

Prized catch

The large Pinctada maxima shell was not just more highly valued than pearls, it was one of the most commonly traded items in pre-European Australia, according to WA Museum archaeologist and assistant curator Annie Carson.

"People who have researched pearl shell, and tracking where Kimberley pearl shell has ended up, have argued that they were the most widely traded class of cultural objects in Australia," she said.

Despite not preserving well in many archaeological sites, pearl shell from the Kimberley region has been found in western Queensland, South Australia, central Australia and southern parts of WA.

But there is only one archaeological record of the pearl itself.

"We only know in Australia of one dated pearl," Ms Carson said.

"A tiny, tiny Pinctada albina pearl - it's only about five millimetres in diameter."

It was found in a layer of discarded shells in a north Kimberley coastal rock shelter dated to be 2,000 years old.

"This bed of refuse is most likely from collecting the shell for meat," Ms Carson said.

"This little, tiny pearl was probably spat out by someone chewing away on their meat."

Continuous culture

The Indigenous cultural value of pearl shell is not restricted to the archaeological record.

It continues to be an important cultural and religious artefact in Terry Hunter's everyday life.

Mr Hunter is a Bardi man who grew up on the Dampier Peninsula north of Broome and where he works for the Cygnet Bay pearl farm as a tour guide.

He learnt as a child about the cultural practice of carving pearl shell, known as riji, for ceremony and trade.

"When I was a young fella growing up, I was very lucky to see my father shape the riji the traditional way.

"Also going to initiation ceremonies and seeing all the men dressed in all their mother-of-pearl shells.

"I knew one day I was going to be dressed in a riji as well, so that was something I was looking forward to when I was growing up."

Terry Hunter with two shaped pearl shells, known as riji.(ABC Kimberley: Ben Collins )

Now as an initiated Bardi man, Mr Hunter travels to communities along the Pilbara and Kimberley coasts, where he has family connections, to take part in initiation ceremonies of young men.

"Each family group throughout the Kimberley and Pilbara coast has their own individual story," he said.

"I can identify what part of the coastline that riji came from just by the designs."

Mr Hunter keeps the riji given to him by his grandfather at his initiation in a safe place, only bringing it out for ceremonies.

Although it was made by his grandfather, Mr Hunter said the design had been handed down the generations for thousands of years.

His ancestors have lived in north-west Australia long enough to have tracked the rise and fall of the sea level with the last ice age.

"A lot of my people saw the ocean move in, especially along the Pilbara coast for my mother's people.

"They were inland people and the saltwater came in, and they became saltwater people."

As well as using pearl shell for riji, Mr Hunter said blank shells were traded with inland groups which used them for their own ceremonial purposes.

"It was a tool for making rain, is my knowledge of the mother-of-pearl shell for the people in the desert," he said.

"We would take the large mother-of-pearl shell inland and trade it for raw material like red ochre, spearheads, spears, boomerangs."

Mr Hunter said he agreed with what the archaeological record suggested was the traditional lack of value of pearls themselves.

"If the old people were to find a natural pearl, it's got no significance to us.

"They'd probably hand it on to the kids, kids would play with it for a while, and it would just get lost in the sand."

Indigenous economy

Writer Bruce Pascoe is a Kulin man from the south coast of New South Wales whose book Dark Emu challenged the perception that Aboriginal people did not farm the land.

Mr Pascoe said there was a similarly incorrect perception that Aboriginal people lived in isolated groups that only engaged through sporadic conflict.

Bruce Pascoe says Indigenous trade helped shape culture, including songlines.(Matthew Newton, courtesy of Magabala Books )

He said trade, not just of pearl shell, was evidence of another aspect of Indigenous culture overlooked by colonisers and historians.

"In Victoria we have a green stone which was a terrific material to make axes," Mr Pascoe said.

"Those axes have been found around Alice Springs, so they've obviously been transferred from hand to hand along that songline."

Mr Pascoe said songlines could be traced across every part of Australia where language, stories and traded items were passed between Aboriginal groups.

"The North Stradbroke story of the whale and the dolphin and the shark is very, very similar to the story we hear at Broome," Mr Pascoe said.

"It's obvious there's been some transmission across the country of that cultural information."

Mr Pascoe's current research focuses on how Aboriginal people cooperated across the continent - a practice that he believes holds some valuable lessons for the modern world.

"Aboriginal people had a physical economy, a well-managed economy, good government, a pan-national government.

"I'm not saying that Aboriginal people are the wizards of the world, but I'm saying we had a system that lasted 100,000 years - it's worth looking at."

Who asked the question?

Stories of Broome were part of Kerry Holland's childhood. Her mother had travelled there by ship from Fremantle as a young teacher and been struck by the multicultural pearling community that was unlike any other Australian town.

"Mum talked about the pearl fishers there," she said.

But the stories Kerry heard were about non-Indigenous pearling, and it left her wondering how Indigenous Australians used such a valuable resource.

"With thousands and thousands of years of lived experience in this land, there's bound to be something about the pearls."

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When pearls were rubbish and shells were the prize

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The only pearl discovered in Indigenous archaeology was apparently spat into a rubbish pile; the shells, on the other hand, were highly prized and traded across the country. Pearl shell continues to play an important role in Aboriginal culture in the north-west of Australia, and the history of Indigenous trade may reveal an overlooked continental economy prior to European colonisation.

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Pueblos indígenas, siendo violentados por la policía en el marco de las manifestaciones del 2021. 

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Pueblo Misak, derribando estatua del colonizador Sebastián de Belalcazar. Bogotá, Colombia, 2021.

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El 24 de enero de 2022, hombres armados ingresan al territorio del resguardo indígena del Cauca, los sacan de su territorio y hacen un ataque armado que acaba con la vida del coordinador regional de la guardia indígena, lo que evidencia que estos pueblos siempre han estado en medio de conflicto armado y de las pretencioones de los gobiernos de turno.

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Ambivalence and Contradiction: Biomythology as a process of justice 

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Ambivalence and Contradiction: Biomythology as a process of justice 

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I make the claim that biomythmaking is an emancipatory tool for all people.  I see biomythology as creating possibilities to respect the questions that arise from First Nations’ and decolonial scholars such as Linda Tuhiwai Smith,[1] Ambellin Kwaymullina,[2] Gary Foley,[3] and many others regarding people with power scrutinising themselves in their practice. It allows people to reconcile with their histories and in doing so creates new possibilities of justice. In my identity, I am both an oppressed person and an oppressor: I am a Muslim, Afghan-Iranian-Australian, cis-gendered male, who lives on stolen land as a settler. I experience daily encounters of racism and I feel the psychological pressure of epistemic violence, but I also own property in the Torrens Title system, my passport allows me to cross borders with ease, I walk city alleyways at night with a relative ease that only men have and my education and opportunities have allowed material and influential power. I am a liminal identity, but it is both my experiences of power and dispower, and the interaction between them, that offer possibilities of re-imagining justice. The ambivalence of my situation, “signifies that a person can experience oppositional emotions that co-exist and can remain in fluctuating opposition to each other. … Contradictory ideas / emotions / wishes transgress and disrupt polar opposites that idealize fixity and closure.”[4] Ambivalence is not a call to the inaction that is so central to those with power in modernity.  Rather what’s powerful about this state of ambivalence is that it’s an invitation to dialogue, engagement, and social action.

[1] L T Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. London; New York: Dunedin: New York: Zed Books; University of Otago Press; distributed in the USA exclusively by St Martin's Press, 1999.
[2] A Kwaymullina, ‘Research, Ethics, and Indigenous Peoples: An Australian Indigenous perspective on three threshold considerations for respectful engagement’, AlterNative, 2016, 12(4), 440.
[3] G Foley, Decolonising Activism, Deactivating Colonialism: Maysar Forum Discussion, 31 August 2010, video available at: https://commonslibrary.org/advice-for-pro-indigenous-white-activists-in-australia/
[4] V Burrows. Whiteness and Trauma: The Mother-Daughter Knot in the Fiction of Jean Rhys, Jamaica Kincaid and Toni Morrison. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004, pp 11-12
[5] M Milatovic, above n6, p3.

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"Todos los días nos están asesinando y desplazando, estamos a merced de diferentes banderas ilegales y nadie dice nada, ni siquiera los acuerdos más básicos. La minga indígena seguirá caminando por la vida".
- Minga Nacional, social, popular y comunitaria por la defensa de la vida.

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En concordancia con lo expuesto sobre los discursos de odio, colonizadores y el cuestionamiento sobre el "verdadero" indígena, en Colombia, os indígenas han sido vistos como “venidos a menos”, incluso, para la derecha política colombiana, los indígenas son llamados: “índios”, “indigentes”, “aprovechados”, “brujos” y hasta “guerrilleros” por defender sus causas y las causas del pueblo colombiano más pobre.

En el marco de las últimas protestas y manifestaciones sociales (2019 y 2021), los grupos indígenas han sido protagonistas de momentos históricos como derribar estatuas como la de Sebastián De Belalcazar, colono que hizo parte de la invasión y colonización.

Durante las protestas, los indígenas fueron reprimidos, asesinados y señalados, tildados de guerrilleros y ladrones del espacio público.

También es importante preguntarse sobre ¿quién es un indígena? ¿qué hace a una persona indígena? ¿cuál es el concepto que tenemos de un indígena y cómo se forma ese concepto?

Así que remontándonos a nuestro primer contacto con la escuela, las cartillas para enseñar a leer o dibujar, las propagandas en la televisión, algunos productos del supermercado, contribuyen al imaginario colectivo sobre “indígena”. La cuestión es, ¿y si eso que nos han dicho que es un indígena (acciones, formas de vestir, vivienda, costumbres) no encaja con lo que podemos encontrar hoy en día?

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A long pre-colonial history of relations between Islam and Aboriginal Australia 

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A long pre-colonial history of relations between Islam and Aboriginal Australia 

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Trade and transformation

From at least 1700 until 1907, hundreds of fishermen sailed each year from Makassar on the island of Sulawesi (now Indonesia) to the northern Australian coast, an area they called 'Marege'.

The fishermen arrived each December and camped along the Arnhem Land coast, catching, boiling and drying trepang. They met, traded and worked with local Aboriginal people.

The months that the Makasar spent harvesting in the coastal waters of northern Australia were busy ones. Fishermen speared the trepang from their praus (boats) or dived down to spike them with weighted harpoons.

On shore, trepang were gutted and boiled in sea water in iron cauldrons, then buried in hot sand to cool slowly. After some time, they were dug up and their chalky skin washed away with salt water.

Finally, the trepang were dried in the sun or smoked over a slow fire in temporary huts made of bamboo and mats.

Then, each April, as the monsoon winds began to blow, the fishermen departed, returning to Makassar with the holds of their boats holds carrying trepang to be traded north to China.

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About 1700: Beginning of trade links between Aboriginal people of northern Australia and Makasar from Sulawesi

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Other worlds have always existed. Subaltern perhaps, but complete, vivid, creative, and sacred ones. 

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Other worlds have always existed. Subaltern perhaps, but complete, vivid, creative, and sacred ones. 

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Historian and museum ethnographer Dr Philip Jones, author of the book, 'Afghan Muslim Cameleers', says it is very interesting how cameleers encountered the Aboriginal culture and became part of Australian history.

Talking to SBS Urdu, Dr Jones says that there were several young men who came to Australia with the cameleers during the 19th century.

“We had young men coming to Australia mostly with their brothers [as cameleers]. But a lot of them were not married or attached [to women back home].

“Many of these men formed relationships with Aboriginal women.

“There are several examples of men forming deeper and long-lasting relationships with Aboriginal women and from these unions came children."

Who were the cameleers?

In the nineteenth century, Australia witnessed a large influx of the ‘ships of the deserts’ (or camels) in their outback.

These camels provided a great alternative for the transportation of goods between several states, cities, and towns in Australia.

Although requiring lower maintenance than horses, the desert animal required special care and handling,  and was managed by the ‘cameleers’.

These cameleers came from the Afghan (now Afghanistan) and North Indian region which is now called Pakistan.

Dr Jones has researched and written extensively on camel expeditions that later became businesses in the 19th century.

“Till the 1840s the Europeans weren’t able to reach the centre of Australia or anywhere near it.

“One of the reasons was the fact that horses required watering at least once a day which was the case with bullocks too. So the main reason was the lack of water. Plus they were unable to survive summer months or in some cases winter.

“The camels were ideal for these conditions.

Many of the Europeans came via the Middle East or Indian region at that time. What they realised was that the camels were ideal in the Afghan and Pakistan region’s arid lands.

“In 1850s, there were several expeditions to bring camels to Australia.

“When the camels arrived in Australia, it was realised that it was a highly skilled operation. You needed the skills and knowledge to look after the camels and see their welfare day after day during the long trip of the bush.

"Therefore for every 8 to 9 camels, one cameleer was required.

“I worked with an elderly Aboriginal man whose father was an Afghan cameleer. He also took up the camel business, as they called it.

"They used to take supplies from Marree, which then ahead of the railway line in Central Australia, in the 1890s to Cooper Creek. That was 300 kilometres to the north and used to take him about three weeks.”

An undated handout photo of a cameleer and camel, c1900. - Australia's Muslim Cameleers exhibition, Dec. 12, 2007,Canberra. (AAP /State Library of Queensland)

STATE LIBRARY OF QUEENSLAND

Islam and the Aboriginal community

Dr Jones says the children out of the unions between the cameleers and Aboriginal women formed a new generation with knowledge about Islam.

“This was a new generation of young men and women who grew up, knowing more or less, about the Quran and Islam.

“They certainly went to Quranic schools and hanged on to that religion probably most of their lives, until now till mid-20th century; some not, but some more than others.

“What I meant was that Islam had a foothold in Australia from that point, and the very first mosque in Australia was built in Adelaide around 1889 – 90 and opened in 1891." Dr Jones said.

“There is evidence that Aboriginal people were certainly curious about Islam. But because of the strength of their mythological traditions and spiritual forms, was such that Islam really never took off in that period.”

An undated handout photo of a small Koran, part of the exhibition, Australia's Muslim Cameleers, Dec 12, 2007, in Canberra. (AAP Image/Justice & Police Museum)

JUSTICE AND POLICE MUSEUM

Sabah Rind - Fourth generation descendant of a Baluch Afghan cameleer.

SBS Dari

A Baluch Afghan cameleer came to Australia and set up a sheep station in the outback.

In December 1917, Goolam Badoola(in his 40s)  married a 16-year-old Badimaya-Yamatji Aboriginal woman whose name was Marium Martin.

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How the Cameleers and Aboriginal culture connected in Australia

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Several Cameleers who came to Australia settled in the outback with Aboriginal peoples.

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Mapping Racial Violence in the Australian settler state: from torturing Afghan refugees to Aboriginal deaths in custody

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Mapping Racial Violence in the Australian settler state: from torturing Afghan refugees to Aboriginal deaths in custody

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https://www.deathscapes.org/

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Deathscapes seeks new ways to document, understand, and respond to contemporary racialized violence.

Deathscapes

Latest Case Studies

Fifty people, fifteen of them children, died in the wreckage of a small boat, the Janga on December 15, 2010, at Rocky Point, off the coast of Christmas Island in Australia's Indian Ocean Territory. Twenty of the dead remain unknown.

'Migrants do not only die at sea, but through a strategic use of the sea ... [E]ven when they drown following a shipwreck or starve while drifting in currents, there is nothing "natural" about their deaths.' 'I believe that Australia's intelligence-based and still largely secret border protection system must itself carry a large share of responsibility when people die at sea whose lives could have been saved under different BPC [Border Protection Command] operational doctrines and protocols.'
Charles Heller and Lorenzo Pezzani, Liquid Traces
'Over the past 14 years Australia has emerged as one of the vanguard sites in the globalizing transformation of power that is the embrace of border security; Australia's story is not only an Australian story. We see analogous processes taking shape and burrowing into the socius across the world: the USA, Europe, and Israel are three conspicuous cases.'
Tony Kevin, Submission to 'Expert Panel on Asylum Seekers'

Peter Chambers, Shipwreck with Spectator

Sarah Lee Circle Bear was a 25-year old Native American mother who died while in custody at the Brown County Jail in Aberdeen, South Dakota. On July 3rd, Circle Bear was arrested following a traffic accident and placed in Roberts County Jail. Later, she was moved to Brown County. Throughout her stay in jail, Circle Bear demonstrated signs of detrimental physical health as she was shuffled between jail cells. No one really bothered to help her. On July 5th, she was found unresponsive in her jail cell.

This case study documents the spaces and contexts in which Indigenous women die outside the formal custody of the state: on the streets; on the open road; in their own homes or at the edges of communities. In these spaces, although outside of its carceral confines, the violence of the settler state is enacted through diverse practices that render Indigenous women's lives unsafe and produce their deaths.

We use the term femicide to underline that the incidence of Indigenous women's deaths in these disparate places is not accidental or random, but a systematic outcome of the logic of settler colonialism.

Show All Case Studies

Deathscapes

Acknowledgments

The research on this website is primarily funded by the Australian Research Council, for the project 'Deathscapes: Mapping Race and State Violence in Settler Societies' under its Discovery Projects Scheme (DP 160100303) from 2016-2020.

In year 1 and 2 partial funding was received from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, Canada, for the project 'Racial Violence in Settler Societies: An Interactive Multi-Media Site of State Violence Against Indigenous and Racialized Peoples' under its Partnership Development Grants scheme (890-2014-002). CI: Professor Sherene Razack; Community partners: Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto (Christa Big Canoe, Director); African Canadian Legal Clinic (Margaret Parsons, Director); Centre for Aboriginal Health Education at University of Manitoba (Dr Barry Lavallee, Director); Indigenous Social Justice Association, Sydney (the late Ray Jackson, founding Director).

We thank the School of Media, Culture & Creative Arts and the Australia-Asia-Pacific Institute at Curtin University for early development funding.

Thanks also to our design and development team (Tommy Segoro, Deanne Bowen and Claude De Lucia at Diversus and Jeffrey Effendi at DrawHistory) for their care, creativity and meticulous attention to detail.

Special thanks to Mike Sowerby of the Centre for Aboriginal Studies at Curtin University for his invaluable insights and advice in developing the courtyard garden.

We are grateful to the artists, photographers and poets who have generously allowed us to feature their work on this site. All copyright for their work remains with them. All efforts have been made to contact each artist whose work is reproduced here. We ask anyone we have not yet managed to reach to please contact us at deathscapes@curtin.edu.au.

All other content on the site is licensed under the Creative Commons Licence CC BY-NC-ND which allows for non-commercial sharing of the material as long as it is not changed in any way and the source is attributed to Deathscapes.org. See Copyright, Permissions and Conditions of Use for more information.

Details of images on our Home page are in the Galleries section.

Please Read

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander viewers are respectfully advised that this website contains images of and references to deceased persons.

All viewers are respectfully advised that the site contains images of and references to the deaths in custody of Indigenous peoples, Black people and refugees that may cause distress.

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Deathscapes seeks new ways to document, understand, and respond to contemporary racialized violence. Deathscapes Fifty people, fifteen of them children, died in the wreckage of a small boat, the Janga on December 15, 2010, at Rocky Point, off the coast of Christmas Island in Australia's Indian Ocean Territory.

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ainda sobre o conceito indígena:

“Indígena” e “índio” são termos genéricos. Conforme expressa Baniwa (2006 p.31), não existe nenhum povo, tribo ou clã com a denominação “índio”. Na verdade, cada “índio” 85 pertence a um povo, a uma etnia identificada por uma denominação própria, ou seja, a autodenominação, como o Guarani, o Kaingang, o Yanomami, o Charrua, o Funi- o, o Juruna, o Quechua, o Bororo, etc. Continua esclarecendo que, a partir do movimento indígena iniciado na década de 1970, esses povos chegaram à conclusão de que era importante manter, aceitar e promover a denominação genérica de “índio” ou “indígena” como uma identidade que une, articula, visibiliza e fortalece todos os povos originários do atual território brasileiro e, principalmente, para demarcar a fronteira étnica e identitária entre eles, enquanto habitantes nativos e originários destas terras, e aqueles com procedência de outros continentes, como os europeus, os africanos e os asiáticos. Com essa concepção, esses povos se mantêm unidos na luta por interesses comuns. Contudo, é imperioso ressaltar que a aceitação do termo genérico não significa que esses povos sejam semelhantes, muito antes pelo contrário: cada povo constitui uma forma única de se organizar. Eis que “A principal marca do mundo indígena é a diversidade de povos, culturas, civilizações, religiões, economias, enfim, uma multiplicidade de formas de vida coletiva e individual” (Baniwa, 2006, p.31). Nesse sentido, Bergamaschi (2008) corrobora a ideia ao dizer que cada um dos mais de 230 povos brasileiros gosta de ser reconhecido pelo seu nome próprio, entretanto todos reconhecem a importância de uma denominação que os identifique e os una nas lutas comuns como povos originários do Brasil e da América.

LUCIANO, Gersem dos Santos; HOFFMANN, Maria Barroso; OLIVEIRA, João Cardoso de. Olhares indígenas contemporâneos. Brasília: Centro Indígena de Pesquisas, 2010.

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Apresentação de mulher Guarani, colaboradora na pesquisa: INDÍGENA-MULHER-MÃE-UNIVERSITÁRIA o estar-sendo estudante na UFRGS

SANDRA: Mulher Guarani, prima de Araci e Ivanilde, também moradora da TI Tekoa

Nhundy. Fora aprovada em curso de Biologia no ano de 2011, em 2014 conseguiu transferência, em processo específico para indígena, para o curso de Odontologia. Nesse período engravidou e deu à luz a sua única filha. Diferente das suas primas, Sandra faz trajetos diários de Viamão a Porto Alegre. Sua fala ainda revela algo que é valorizado na sua cultura, que é o respeito aos sonhos – o pensar e agir a partir deles. Isso revela algo abordado por Viveiros de Castro (2002 p. 193), que é determinante no ser indígena: “as sociedades indígenas transpiram religiosidade por todos os poros, sendo verdadeiras teodicéias em estado prático”.

Fala de Sandra - Vou e volto todos os dias, vou de manhã e volto à noite. Saio cedo no ônibus das 6h. Às vezes não vou quando tenho algum sonho. Acordo com aquele sonho e fico pensando, aí é melhor não sair de casa.

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No Brasil, há muitos dizeres de ódio para branquear os indígenas, dentre eles se destaca um como método do etnocídio e do branqueamento cultural. A frase em questão é "esse/essa não é índio de verdade". Se o indígena está na universidade, se usa celular, se dirige, se usa roupas ocidentais… é dito deste sujeito que ele não é mais índio "de verdade". Esta frase traz, primeiramente, uma questão de ideia mítica de índigena, como se houvesse de fato um ser indigena, um jeito verdadeiro, materializável, de ser perdido e real da era pré invasão, pré colonização. Também implica uma unificação dos povos da floresta como este ser indigena, como se todas as etnias fossem ou devessem ser iguais. O que significaria uma impossibilidade lógica em vários âmbitos. Coloca, perversamente, a impossibilidade como imperativo para que o sujeito não perca a ideia de ser. Como seria possível pessoas e grupos não mudarem em mais de 500 anos de colonização? E como elas se manteriam "puras" (na ideia colonialista) pós invasão colonial que não cessa de não cessar no Brasil?Mas isso não é ignorância, é método. Em poucas palavras, o método de branqueamento indígena para que, aculturados, desenraizados, sem saber mais de suas línguas, culturas etc. possam vender suas terras para devastação predatória.

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"The Mobius strip is a metaphor for magic and mystery, and a perpetual icon that stimulates us to dream new dreams and look for depths even in seemingly shallow waters."

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Vídeo Dialogo de Saberes: www.geenf.fe.usp.br

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Vídeo Dialogo de Saberes produzidos pelo GEENF

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Vídeo Dialogo de Saberes produzidos pelo GEENF

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Reunindo diferentes atores e atrizes sociais, o vídeo revela a opinião dos e das participantes a partir de suas histórias de vida, profissões e experiências. Suas posições se complementam, mas também se contrapõem e geram tensões, com a intenção de provocar novos debates e posicionamentos sobre o tema.

Todos os depoimentos que aparecem no vídeo foram gravados em 2020, de modo remoto em razão da Pandemia do Covid-19. Os alunos e alunas de ensino médio e de graduação foram convidados para um debate on-line sobre o tema, que resultou nas gravações. Os demais participantes foram convidados a dar seus depoimentos a partir de sua experiência profissional e de vida.

O vídeo pode ser utilizado para o desenvolvimento de atividades educativas em escolas e em outros espaços educativos, em formato on-line ou presencial. Com ele pretende-se promover a reflexão, a participação e o engajamento de professores/as, divulgadores/as, crianças e jovens, buscando o diálogo entre as diferentes opiniões e saberes sobre o tema.A relação entre a ciência e as outras formas de conhecimento é um tema atual e controverso. É necessário reconhecer a importância da ciência, mas também a sua forma de hierarquizar outras maneiras de conhecer e estar no mundo. O diálogo entre os variados saberes é fundamental no processo de aprendizagem, de análise crítica de respeito à diversidade.

Neste vídeo estão reunidos relatos de vários atores sociais sobre o tema “Diálogo de Saberes”. Suas opiniões se complementam, se contrapõem e geram tensões. Abordar temas controversos em contextos educativos tem potencial de ampliar a percepção sobre o mundo, levando a reflexão sobre a complexidade e os desafios envolvidos.

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Neste romance embebido de lirismo, Micheliny Verunschk joga luz sobre a história de duas crianças indígenas raptadas no Brasil do século XIX.

Em 1817, Spix e Martius desembarcaram no Brasil com a missão de registrar suas impressões sobre o país. Três anos e 10 mil quilômetros depois, os exploradores voltaram a Munique trazendo consigo não apenas um extenso relato da viagem, mas também um menino e uma menina indígenas, que morreriam pouco tempo depois de chegar em solo europeu.
Em seu quinto romance, Micheliny Verunschk constrói uma poderosa narrativa que deixa de lado a historiografia hegemônica para dar protagonismo às crianças — batizadas aqui de Iñe-e e Juri — arrancadas de sua terra natal. Entrelaçando a trama do século XIX ao Brasil contemporâneo, somos apresentados também a Josefa, jovem que reconhece as lacunas de seu passado ao ver a imagem de Iñe-e em uma exposição.
Com uma prosa embebida de lirismo, este é um livro sem paralelos na literatura brasileira ao tratar de temas como memória, colonialismo e pertencimento.

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Sobre racismos no sul brasileiro/norte global

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Sobre racismos no sul brasileiro/norte global

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O avesso da pele é a história de Pedro, que, após a morte do pai, assassinado numa desastrosa abordagem policial, sai em busca de resgatar o passado da família e refazer os caminhos paternos. Com uma narrativa sensível e por vezes brutal, Jeferson Tenório traz à superfície um país marcado pelo racismo e por um sistema educacional falido, e um denso relato sobre as relações entre pais e filhos.
O que está em jogo é a vida de um homem abalado pelas inevitáveis fraturas existenciais da sua condição de negro em um país racista, um processo de dor, de acerto de contas, mas também de redenção, superação e liberdade. Com habilidade incomum para conceber e estruturar personagens e de lidar com as complexidades e pequenas tragédias das relações familiares, Jeferson Tenório se consolida como uma das vozes mais potentes e estilisticamente corajosas da literatura brasileira contemporânea.

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Um romance sobre identidade e as complexas relações raciais, sobre violência e negritude, O avesso da pele é uma obra contundente no panorama da nova ficção literária brasileira. Vencedor do Prêmio Jabuti na categoria "Romance Literário".

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Chico César maravilhoso cantando sobre/com as periferias

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Chico César maravilhoso cantando sobre/com as periferias

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sou tu sou ele e muitos que nem conheço

pelas fronteiras do mundo e no medo em seus olhos , jogado à própria sorte e à ambição de poucos

soy tu soy él y muchos que aqui no llegan desperdigados del hambre despojados de la tierra olvidados del destino heridos en tantas guerras

sou tu sou ele nós todos e todos eles escravos do novo século obrigados ao desterro desterrados pela vida condenados ao inferno

soy tu soy él sou tu sou ele soy tu soy él mano de obra barata sin contrato sin papeles sin trabajo e sin casa ilegales sin derechos o legales sin palabra

sou tu sou ele e uma foto na carteira de onde te olham os olhos três meninos e uma velha que esperam poder salvar-se com o dinheiro que não chega

soy tu soy él en el nuevo paraíso horizonte de grandeza de los que serán más ricos construyendo su fortuna con la sangre de tus hijos

sou tu sou ele aquarela de mil cores humano de muitas raças caldo de muitos sabores nas portas de um futuro que nos nega seus favores

soy tu soy él sou tu sou ele soy tu sou ele sou tu soy él

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Chico César - 08. Nas Fronteiras do Mundo