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Educational success of immigrant children viewed through a segmented assimilation lens

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Educational success of immigrant children viewed through a segmented assimilation lens

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By Jennifer Burggraf

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Segmented assimilation - The situation and overall outcome of the new wave of immigrants is dependent upon which segment of society that each enters.

Straight-line assimilation - “Over time and across generations, the descendants of immigrants will become more similar to natives—perhaps becoming indistinguishable from the general population” (Hirschman, 2001, p. 318).

Acculturation - “The process of culture change and adaptation that occurs when individuals with different cultures come into contact” (Gibson, 2001, p. 19).

Dissonant acculturation – This happens when family members acculturate at different rates. When children experience dissonant acculturation, they lose social ties with their ethnic community, parental support, and fall further away from meeting parental expectations (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014).

Additive acculturation - This is where new language and life skills are seen as an addition of proficiencies to those that already exist in the native culture (Gibson, 1997).

Human capital - “The practical knowledge, acquired skills, and learned experiences that make individuals productive at both home and work” (Perreira, Harris, & Lee, 2006, p. 514).

Cultural capital - “family-mediated values and outlooks” (Perreira, Harris, & Lee, 2006, p. 515).

Immigrant optimism hypothesis - Kao and Tienda (1995) and Suárez-Orozco (1995) discovered the immigrant optimism hypothesis, which states that immigrant children born abroad and first-generation children of immigrants perform better in school than those in the second and third generations in the United States.  The major construct of this theory is that “immigrants' attitudes favoring upward mobility are passed along to their children but wash out by the third generation” (Hirschman, 2001, p. 318).

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Most of the studies concerning immigrant success in schools in relationship to segmented assimilation have been done on a very large scale, using Census data. Clearly, the field is in need of other qualitative methods to triangulate the quantitative data that has been collected in previous research. Since most of the previous data has excluded personal immigrant experiences and narratives, qualitative data that points to an individual’s personal history based upon certain immigrants’ experiences must be collected.  It is very difficult to determine if results of quantitative data are accurate concerning assumptions for school success in relationship to immigrant assimilation if one cannot determine how assimilation has emotionally and mentally affected immigrant children.

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1. Which factors of segmented assimilation have a positive impact on an immigrant child's success in public schools?

2. Why are some factors of assimilation more beneficial to immigrant success in schools than others?

3. Do immigrant children who identify as primarily American perform better in school than those that identify with their native culture? What about students that identify as bicultural?

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Most of the studies concerning immigrant success in schools in relationship to segmented assimilation have been done on a very large scale, using Census data. Clearly, the field is in need of other qualitative methods to triangulate the quantitative data that has been collected in previous research. Since most of the previous data has excluded personal immigrant experiences and narratives, qualitative data that points to an individual’s personal history based upon certain immigrants’ experiences must be collected.  It is very difficult to determine if results of quantitative data are accurate concerning assumptions for school success in relationship to immigrant assimilation if one cannot determine how assimilation has emotionally and mentally affected immigrant children.

In addition, research about immigrants has been mostly about adults and their struggle to assimilate in the United States.  However, “much less is known about their children, even though they are already a very visible presence in the schools and in the streets of American communities, and even though they will form an increasingly important component of the American population and society” (Rumbault, 1994, p. 752).   Future research needs to concentrate on immigrant children and their success in school with regard for the factors of segmented assimilation and the effect that they have on school success.  After all, “children from immigrant families represent almost one fifth of the total population of American children” (Fuligni, 1998, p. 99).

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Alba, R., & Nee, V. (1997). Rethinking assimilation theory for a new era of immigration. The International Migration Review, 31(4), 826-874. Retrieved from JSTOR database.

Fuligni, A. (1998). The adjustment of children from immigrant families. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 7(4), 99-103. Retrieved from JSTOR database.

Portes, A., Fernandez-Kelly, P., & Haller, W. (2005). Segmented assimilation on the ground: The new second generation in early adulthood. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28(6), 1000-1040. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870500224117

Portes, A., & Rumbault, R. (2014). Immigrant America: A portrait [PDF e-book]. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/drexel-ebooks/detail.action?docID=1711065.

Portes, A., & Zhou, M. (1993). The new second generation: Segmented assimilation and its variants. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 530, 74-96. Retrieved from JSTOR database.

Rumbaut, R. (1994). The crucible within: Ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants. The International Migration Review, 28(4), 748-794. Retrieved from JSTOR database.

Zhou, M. (1997). Segmented assimilation issues, controversies, and recent research on the new second generation. The International Migration Review, 31(4), 975-1008. Retrieved from JSTOR database.

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Based on segmented assimilation theory, current American immigrants face assimilation into varying segments of society.  The social and cultural capital that they bring with them can contribute to distinct variations in socioeconomic status, perceived discrimination, societal structure, ethnic community and familial support, language proficiency, ethnic identity and intergenerational relationships (Zhou, 1997). The educational success of immigrant children is clearly linked to what segments of society that each is able to enter in the United States, and, what educational supports result from each child’s assimilation process (Alba & Nee, 1997; Portes, Fernandez-Kelly,  & Haller, 2005; Portes & Zhou, 1993; Rumbaut, 1994; Zhou, 1997). It is imperative that schools understand the outside forces of assimilation that affect school success, and, in turn, develop programming to help immigrant students assimilate into American culture and schools in a way that will improve school success among immigrant children.

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Current immigrants into the United States possess varying levels of human, social, and cultural capital when they arrive.  Segmented immigration theory prescribes that the situation and overall outcome of the new wave of immigrants is dependent upon which segment of society that each enters.  The factors of assimilation that play into the acculturation that occurs include socioeconomic status, perceived discrimination, societal structure, ethnic community and familial support, English language proficiency, ethnic identity and intergenerational relationships.  Each of these factors contribute to immigrants being able to achieve upward or downward mobility within the host society.  In turn, the children of immigrant families experience varied success in American school which is clearly linked to the segmented assimilation path that each followed upon arrival.  Schools are in a unique position to counteract some of the negative forces of segmented assimilation that cause a downward trajectory in American society by developing programming to support immigrant children and their assimilation.

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Clearly, more research is needed to determine why children who retain their native culture are more successful in school during the second and third generation in the United States.  Also, no research has been completed on a qualitative level to determine how the emotions and mental state of students affect their educational success.  Obviously, it is necessary to understand through qualitative research how the factors of segmented assimilation affect students on an emotional level, since a student’s mental state undoubtedly has an impact on his or her school attainment.  The following questions should be addressed in future research:

1. Why are some factors of assimilation more beneficial to immigrant success in schools than others?

2. Do immigrant children who identify as primarily American perform better in school than those that identify with their native culture? What about students that identify as bicultural?

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Literature Streams Map

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Research about immigrants has been mostly about adults and their struggle to assimilate in the United States.  However, “much less is known about their children, even though they are already a very visible presence in the schools and in the streets of American communities, and even though they will form an increasingly important component of the American population and society” (Rumbault, 1994, p. 752).   Future research needs to concentrate on immigrant children and their success in school with regard for the factors of segmented assimilation and the effect that they have on school success.  After all, “children from immigrant families represent almost one fifth of the total population of American children” (Fuligni, 1998, p. 99).