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Columbians were fighting for there independence to be free from spain.

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Colombians made street protests against Spanish rule.

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On July 20, 1810, Colombian patriots stirred the population of Bogotá into street protests against Spanish rule. The Viceroy, under pressure, was forced to agree to allow for a limited independence which later became permanent. Today, July 20 is celebrated in Colombia as Independence Day.

An Unhappy Population

The were numerous reasons for independence. The emperor Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Spain in 1808, imprisoned King Ferdinand VII, and put his brother Joseph Bonaparte on the Spanish throne, infuriating most of Spanish America. In 1809, New Granada politician Camilo Torres Tenorio wrote his famous Memorial de Agravios ("Remembrance of Offenses") about repeated Spanish slights against Creoles-native-born descendants of early French, Spanish, and Portuguese settlers-who often could not hold high offices and whose trade was restricted. His sentiments were echoed by many. By 1810, the people of New Granada (now Colombia) were unhappy with Spanish rule.

Pressure for Colombian Independence

By July of 1810, the city of Bogota was a holdout for Spanish rule in the region. To the south, leading citizens of Quito had attempted to wrest control of their government from Spain in August of 1809: this revolt had been put down and the leaders were thrown in a dungeon. To the east, Caracas had declared provisional independence on April 19. Even within New Granada, there was pressure: the important seaside city of Cartagena had declared independence in May and other small towns and regions had followed suit. All eyes turned to Bogota, the seat of the Viceroy.

Conspiracies and Flower Vases

Bogota's patriots had a plan. On the morning of the 20th, they would ask well-known Spanish merchant Joaquín Gonzalez Llorente to borrow a flower vase with which to adorn a table for a celebration in honor of Antonio Villavicencio, a well-known patriot sympathizer. It was assumed that Llorente, who had a reputation for irascibility, would refuse. His refusal would be the excuse to provoke a riot and force the Viceroy to hand power over to the Creoles. Meanwhile, Joaquín Camacho would go to the Viceregal palace and request an open council: the rebel leaders knew that this, too, would be refused.

Camacho proceeded to the home of Viceroy Antonio José Amar y Borbón, where the petition for an open town meeting regarding independence was predictably denied. Meanwhile, Luís Rubio went to ask Llorente for the flower vase. By some accounts, he refused rudely, and by others, he declined politely, forcing the patriots to go to plan B, which was to antagonize him into saying something rude. Either Llorente obliged them or they made it up: it didn't matter. Patriots ran through the streets of Bogota, claiming that both Amar y Borbón and Llorente had been rude. The population, already on edge, was easy to incite.

Riot in Bogota

The people of Bogota took to the streets to protest Spanish arrogance. The intervention of Bogota Mayor José Miguel Pey was necessary to save the skin of the unfortunate Llorente, who was attacked by a mob. Guided by patriots like José María Carbonell, the lower classes of Bogota made their way to the main square, where they loudly demanded an open town meeting to determine the future of the city and New Granada. Once the people were sufficiently stirred up, Carbonell then took some men and surrounded the local cavalry and infantry barracks, where the soldiers did not dare attack the unruly mob.

Meanwhile, patriot leaders returned to Viceroy Amar y Borbón and tried to get him to consent to a peaceful solution: If he agreed to hold a town meeting to elect a local governing council, they would see to it that he would be part of the council. When Amar y Borbón hesitated, José Acevedo y Gómez made an impassioned speech to the angry crowd, directing them to the Royal Audience, where the Viceroy was meeting with the Creoles. With a mob at his doorstep, Amar y Borbón had no choice but to sign the act which permitted a local ruling council and eventually independence.

Legacy of the July 20 Conspiracy

Bogotá, like Quito and Caracas, formed a local ruling council which supposedly would rule until such time as Ferdinand VII was restored to power. In reality, it was the sort of measure that cannot be undone, and as such was the first official step on Colombia's path to freedom which would culminate in 1819 with the Battle of Boyacá and Simón Bolívar's triumphant entry into Bogotá.

Viceroy Amar y Borbón was allowed to sit on the council for a while before being arrested. Even his wife was arrested, mostly to appease the wives of Creole leaders who detested her. Many of the patriots involved in the conspiracy, such as Carbonell, Camacho, and Torres, went on to become important leaders of Colombia over the next few years.

Although Bogotá had followed Cartagena and other cities in rebellion against Spain, they did not unite. The next few years would be marked by such civil strife between the independent regions and cities that the era would become known as the "Patria Boba" which roughly translates as "Idiot Nation" or "Foolish Fatherland." It wasn't until Colombians began fighting the Spanish instead of one another that New Granada would continue on its path to freedom.

Colombians are very patriotic and enjoy celebrating their Independence Day with feasts, traditional food, parades, and parties.

Bushnell, David. The Making of Modern Colombia: A Nation in Spite of Itself. University of California Press, 1993.

Harvey, Robert. Liberators: Latin America's Struggle for Independence Woodstock: The Overlook Press, 2000.

Lynch, John. The Spanish American Revolutions 1808-1826 New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1986.

Santos Molano, Enrique. Colombia día a día: una cronología de 15,000 años. Bogota: Planeta, 2009.

Scheina, Robert L. Latin America's Wars, Volume 1: The Age of the Caudillo 1791-1899 Washington, D.C.: Brassey's Inc., 2003.

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On July 20, 1810, Bogota started a riot which eventually led to the city declaring independence from Spain. The Origins of Colombian independence day.

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Spain kept a stranglehold on the colonies, only permitting them limited trade opportunities.

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Mexico celebrates its independence every September 16 with parades, festivals, feasts, parties and more. Mexican flags are everywhere and the main plaza in Mexico City is packed. But what's the history behind the date of September 16?

Prelude to Independence

Long before 1810, Mexicans had begun to chafe under Spanish rule. Spain kept a stranglehold on her colonies, only permitting them limited trade opportunities and generally appointing Spaniards (as opposed to native-born Creoles) to important colonial posts. To the north, the United States had won its independence decades before, and many Mexicans felt they could, too. In 1808, Creole patriots saw their chance when Napoleon invaded Spain and imprisoned Ferdinand VII. This allowed Mexican and South American rebels to set up their own governments and yet claim loyalty to the imprisoned Spanish King.

Conspiracies

In Mexico, the creoles decided the time had come for independence. It was a dangerous business, however. There might have been chaos in Spain, but the mother country still controlled the colonies. In 1809-1810 there were several conspiracies, most of which were found out and the conspirators harshly punished. In Querétaro, an organized conspiracy including several prominent citizens was preparing to make its move at the end of 1810. The leaders included parish priest Father Miguel Hidalgo, Royal army officer Ignacio Allende , government official Miguel Dominguez, cavalry captain Juan Aldama and others. The date of October 2 was selected for the insurrection against Spain to begin.

In early September, however, the conspiracy began to unravel. The plot had been found out and one by one the conspirators were being rounded up by colonial officials. On September 15, 1810, Father Miguel Hidalgo heard the bad news: the jig was up and the Spanish were coming for him. On the morning of the 16th, Hidalgo took to the pulpit in the town of Dolores and made a shocking announcement: he was taking up arms against the tyrannies of the Spanish government and his parishioners were all invited to join him. This famous speech became known as El Grito de Dolores or the "Cry of Dolores." Within hours Hidalgo had an army: a large, unruly, poorly armed but resolute mob.

March to Mexico City

Hidalgo, assisted by military man Ignacio Allende, led his army towards Mexico City. Along the way, they laid siege to the town of Guanajuato and fought off the Spanish defense at the Battle of Monte de las Cruces. By November he was at the gates of the city itself, with an angry army large enough to take it. Yet Hidalgo inexplicably retreated, perhaps turned aside by fears of a large Spanish army coming to reinforce the city.

Fall of Hidalgo

In January 1811, Hidalgo and Allende were routed at the Battle of Calderon Bridge by a much smaller but better-trained Spanish army. Forced to flee, the rebel leaders, along with some others, were soon captured. Allende and Hidalgo were both put to death in June and July of 1811. The peasant army had disbanded and it looked as if Spain had reasserted control over its unruly colony.

Independence is Won

One of Hidalgo's captains, José María Morelos, took up the banner of independence and fought until his own capture and execution in 1815. He was in turn succeeded by his lieutenant, Vicente Guerrero, and rebel leader Guadalupe Victoria, who fought for six more years. Finally, in 1821, they reached an agreement with turncoat royal officer Agustín de Iturbide which allowed for Mexico's definitive liberation in September of that year.

Independence Celebrations

September 16 is one of Mexico's most important holidays. Every year, local mayors and politicians re-enact the famous Grito de Dolores. In Mexico City, thousands congregate in the Zócalo, or main square, on the night of the 15th to hear the President ring the same bell that Hidalgo did and recite the Grito de Dolores. The crowd roars, cheers and chants, and fireworks light up the sky. On the 16th, every city and town all over Mexico celebrates with parades, dances, and other civic festivals.

Most Mexicans celebrate by hanging flags all over their home and spending time with family. A feast is usually involved. If the food can be made red, white and green (like the Mexican Flag) all the better!

Mexicans that live abroad bring their celebrations with them. In US cities with large Mexican populations, such as Houston or Los Angeles, there are parties and celebrations-you'll probably need a reservation to eat at any popular Mexican restaurant that day!

Some people mistakenly believe that Cinco de Mayo, or May Fifth, is Mexico's independence day. That's not correct. Cinco de Mayo actually celebrates the unlikely Mexican victory over the French at the Battle of Puebla in 1862.

Harvey, Robert. "Liberators: Latin America's Struggle for Independence." 1st Edition, Harry N. Abrams, September 1, 2000.

Lynch, John. "The Spanish American revolutions, 1808-1826." Revolutions in the modern world, Hardcover, Norton, 1973.

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Mexico celebrates its independence every September 16 with parades, festivals, feasts, parties and more. Mexican flags are everywhere and the main plaza in Mexico City is packed. But what's the history behind the date of September 16? Long before 1810, Mexicans had begun to chafe under Spanish rule.

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The entire town is decorated on the day of independence with the colors of the flag.

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Cavour asserted that Rome must become the capital of the new state within a context of separation between secular and religious authority.

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The role of Piedmont

In Piedmont Victor Emmanuel II governed with a parliament whose democratic majority refused to ratify the peace treaty with Austria. This was an exception to the general course of reaction. The skillfully worded Proclamation of Moncalieri (November 20, 1849) favourably contrasted Victor Emmanuel's policies with those of other Italian rulers and permitted elections. The victorious Liberals installed a new cabinet under Massimo d'Azeglio, a moderate trusted by the king. D'Azeglio introduced the Siccardi law, which curtailed the power of ecclesiastical courts. In October 1850 another prominent moderate, Camillo Benso di Cavour, entered the cabinet and directed a laissez-faire economic policy. He formulated international commercial treaties and drew on foreign capital to reduce the public debt, stimulate economic growth, and develop a railroad system. Cavour's dynamism alarmed conservatives and even d'Azeglio. In 1852, through an alliance with centre-left deputies that became known as the connubio ("marriage"), Cavour displaced d'Azeglio as head of the cabinet. Despite disagreements with the king (who favoured the clerical party and occasionally displayed absolutist tendencies), Cavour introduced various ecclesiastical, judicial, and fiscal reforms.

A number of events promoted Piedmont's prestige in Italy and abroad. In March 1854 France and England intervened in support of the Ottoman Empire against Russia in the Crimean War. To obtain Austrian support, they were prepared to guarantee the status quo in Italy. Only Piedmont was in a position to disrupt it at that time, and Cavour negotiated an alliance with the Western powers. In May he sent to Crimea an army that performed brilliantly. As a result, Piedmont was able to assume a place among the victors at the Congress of Paris (February 1856). From this platform Cavour, achieving a diplomatic coup for Piedmont and Italy, declared that the only threat to peace in Italy, and the root cause of subversive plots, was the burdensome Austrian overlordship. Cavour's pronouncements at the congress increased the standing of Piedmont among nationalists.

Meanwhile, Mazzini's democratic and republican movement was crumbling. In February 1853 an insurrection against the Austrians failed in Milan. The discovery and execution at Belfiore (1852-53) of the leaders of a conspiracy in Mantua, as well as abortive insurrections in Cadore and Lunigiana, discredited the democratic movement and discouraged its most dedicated adherents. Mazzini faced complete isolation for his support of an expedition to the southern mainland to incite insurrection, known as the Sapri expedition (June-July 1857), in which the Neapolitan republican and socialist Carlo Pisacane and some 300 companions lost their lives. The democrats were divided and unable to carry on the revolutionary struggle; nothing was to be expected from the restored governments. In Lombardy-Venetia, Austria carried out stern repressive measures. Pius IX, now under the influence of the reactionary Giacomo Cardinal Antonelli, refused to grant any reforms in Rome. Liberal Catholicism could not remain viable without reforms in the Papal States. In Naples and the duchies, reaction became pervasive, although the grand duke of Tuscany sought to make his subjects forget that he owed his throne to Austrian military intervention. Only in Piedmont was there any hope left for the reformers.

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Italy - Unification, Risorgimento, Nation-State

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Italy - Unification, Risorgimento, Nation-State: In Piedmont Victor Emmanuel II governed with a parliament whose democratic majority refused to ratify the peace treaty with Austria. This was an exception to the general course of reaction. The skillfully worded Proclamation of Moncalieri (November 20, 1849) favourably contrasted Victor Emmanuel's policies with those of other Italian rulers and permitted elections.

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Italy was divided into many states for years and they wanted it to be just one state so the attacked the others and made it one.