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1. Origin: West Sumatra, Indonesia

2. Population in Malaysia: 931,000

3. Largest religion: Islam

4. Language spoken: Malay

5. Origin of the word Minangkabau:

minang (victorious)

kabau (buffalo)

The name derived from a territorial dispute between the Minangkabau and a neigboring prince

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Video: Dialect Minang Negeri Sembilan and Minang West Sumatra

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Video: Dialect Minang Negeri Sembilan and Minang West Sumatra

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Dialek Minang Negeri Sembilan dan dialek Minang Sumatera Barat di Radio Negeri.FM

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Website: Minangkabau, Orang Negeri in Malaysia

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Website: Minangkabau, Orang Negeri in Malaysia

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Key points on the issue of religion from the website:

1. The Minang are mostly noted for their adherence to matrilineal inheritance (adat perpatih)

2. Despite being a strong upholder of matrilineal heritage, they are devoted Muslims

3. Polygamy are rare within Minang culture as it conflicts with a pure inheritance line

4. The Minang practice the five pillars of Islam and wear Muslim clothing that is consistent with other Malay groups throughout Malaysia

5.  A large majority of Minang women wear a head covering (hijab)

6. Marriage ceremonies and funerals are in keeping with Islamic tradition and both male and female children are circumcised: boys when they are twelve years old and girls when they are still babies (only the circumcision of male is celebrated)

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Introduction / History

The Minangkabau, or Minang, comprise a majority of the state of Negeri Sembilan in Peninsular Malaysia. As descendants from the Minangkabau people from West Sumatra, Indonesia, the Minang of Malaysia have a distinct culture and their own royal line that dates back several centuries. The Minang speak the national language of Malaysia, but they have their own dialect that reflects lingual roots in the language of their Indonesian heritage. Within Malaysia, the Minang refer to themselves as Orang Negeri or person from Negeri.

What Are Their Lives Like?

The Minang are most noted for their adherence to adat pepatih (matrilineal inheritance). Certain areas of Negeri Sembilan have moved away from this tradition due to the complexities of the matrimonial ceremonies and the blending of communities with peoples from different Malay groups who use traditional male inheritance. However, the areas of Kuala Pilah, Tampin, Seri Menanti, and Jelebu are still strong in their unique culture and consistently practice this tradition. The Minang place great emphasis on their women. In order to protect the rights of the female, the name and property are passed down through the line of the mother. Daughters are strongly encouraged to marry within the same people group or else they are not allowed to live on family land. Sons are allowed to marry outside of the people group, but they, too, forfeit their right to live on family land since the wife would have no land inheritance of her own. Newlyweds either live on their own or with the family of the bride.

Clan leaders within the Minang estimate that there are approximately 35,000 square kilometers of clan land in the region. This land is in the name of the female, but male clan leaders balance the scales of power. Clan leaders have their own titles within their suku (clan group) and strict hierarchy designates how many leaders each clan group is allowed.

Housing and architecture for the Minang have become more modern over the past generation though older, more traditional homes are still being occupied. The roof of a traditional home is peeked at both ends to represent the horns of a water buffalo. These roofs along with spicy food are two trademarks of the Minangkabau.

Malaysia does not provide easy access for Christian workers, and the Minangkabau are devout Muslims.

What Are Their Beliefs?

The Minang are devout Muslims in spite of their matrilineal heritage. Polygamy is rare within the Minang culture because it conflicts with a pure inheritance line. The aspect of female inheritance and men being unable to take a second wife draws criticism from more fundamental Islamic people groups.

The Minang practice the five pillars of Islam and wear Muslim clothing that is consistent with other Malay groups throughout Malaysia. A large majority of Minang women wear a head covering and the percentage that do not are of the younger generation.

Marriage ceremonies and funerals are in keeping with Islamic tradition and both male and female children are circumcised: boys when they are twelve years old and girls when they are still babies. Only the circumcision of the male is celebrated.

The Minang feel the need to protect their culture from future assimilation. As other areas of Negeri Sembilan have shown, mixing with other Malay groups results in a loss of their unique matrilineal customs. As a result, the Minang feel a sense of loss of identity. May the unique culture of the Minang be preserved and blessed as a culture designed by the All-Compassionate One.

Scripture Prayers for the Minangkabau, Orang Negeri in Malaysia.

Profile Source: Southeast Asia Link - SEALINK Copyrighted © Used with permission

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Learn about the Minangkabau, Orang Negeri in Malaysia people group. Profiles include statistics, text, photo, map, progress indicator and language resources.

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1. Origin: India

2. Population in Malaysia: 50,000

3. Largest religion: Hindu

4. Language spoken: Malay patois, infused with Tamil and Mandarin

5. The word Chetti means merchant

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Key points pertaining religion in this website:

1. The Minang has a complex social structure, in which in follows female lineage in terms of distribution of property, but the religious and political affairs are the province of men

2. The present relationship between Islam and adat (tradition) Minangkabau is described in the saying "Tradition founded upon Islamic law, Islamic law founded upon the upon the Qur`an (adat basandi syara`, syara` basandi Kitabullah)

3. The penetration of Islam into Minangkabau society in the 16th century did not extinguish animistic beliefs, as it is an important part of them

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Minangkabau

Minangkabau woman dressed in traditional clothes

Total population

circa 8 million

Regions with significant populations

Languages

Minangkabau, Indonesian and Malay.

Religions

Sunni Islam[1]

The Minangkabau ethnic group (also known as Minang or Padang) is indigenous to the highlands of West Sumatra, in Indonesia. The Minangs are the world's largest matrilineal society, with a complex social structure based on matrilineal clans, and property, such as land and houses, inherited through female lineage. Religious and political affairs are the province of men; each village (nagari) is governed autonomously according to adat (ethnic traditions). The Minangkabau are strongly Islamic, but still follow adat, which was derived from animistic beliefs before the arrival of Islam. From 1821 to 1837, their West Sumatran homelands were the location of the Padri War, a conflict between Islamic reformists and traditionalists. The present relationship between Islam and is described in the saying "tradition [ adat] founded upon Islamic law, Islamic law founded upon the Qur'an" ( adat basandi syara', syara' basandi Kitabullah).

A cultural tradition of seeking education outside the community has extended the influence of the Minangkabau throughout the Indonesian archipelago. Due to this emphasis on education, Minangkabau are over-represented, in proportion to their numbers, in the public life of Indonesia. In addition to being renowned as merchants, the Minangs have produced some of Indonesia's most influential poets, writers, statesmen, scholars, and religious scholars.

Geographic location

The Minangkabau ethnic group (also known as Minang or Padang) is indigenous to the central highlands of West Sumatra, in Indonesia. The Minangkabau call their homeland the Alum Minangkabau or "the world of the Minangkabau." The alum includes darat, territories in the high plateaus of central Sumatra, and rantau, frontier regions stretching down to the coasts of east and west Sumatra.

The darek (highlands) is comprised of three luhak (territories): Limapuluh Koto, Tanah Datar and Agam. These three highland valleys lie around two large lakes, Lake Maninjau and Lake Singkarak, located to the north and south of the volcanoes Gunung Merapi and Gunung Singgalang.

A process called merantau, in which young Minangkabau men travel to frontier territories and even overseas to educate themselves, has resulted in the expansion of Minang influence to many parts of the archipelago. Today four million Minangs live in West Sumatra, while about three million more are scattered throughout many Indonesian and Malay peninsula cities and towns.

The name Minangkabau is thought to be a conjunction of two words, minang ("victorious") and kabau ("buffalo"). A legend says that the name is derived from a territorial dispute between the Minangkabau and a neighboring prince. To avoid a battle, the local people proposed that the dispute be settled by a fight to the death between two water buffalo. The prince agreed, and produced his largest, meanest, most aggressive buffalo. The Minangkabau produced a hungry baby buffalo with its small horns ground to make them as sharp as knives. Seeing the adult buffalo across the field, the baby ran to it, hoping for milk. The big buffalo saw no threat in the baby buffalo and ignored it, looking around for a worthy opponent. When the baby thrust his head under the big bull's belly, looking for an udder, the sharpened horns punctured and killed the bull, and the Minangkabau won the contest and the dispute.

The roofline of traditional houses in West Sumatra, called rumah gadang (Minangkabau, "big house"), curve upward from the middle and end in points, in imitation of the water buffalo's upward-curving horns.

People who spoke Austronesian languages first arrived in Sumatra around 500 B.C.E., as part of the Austronesian expansion from Taiwan to Southeast Asia. The Minangkabau language is a member of the Austronesian language family, and is closest to the Malay language, though it is not known when the two languages split from a common ancestor. The precise historical relationship between Malay and Minangkabau culture is unclear.

Until the twentieth century, the majority of the Sumatran population lived in the highlands. The highlands are well suited for human habitation, with plentiful fresh water, fertile volcanic soil, a cool climate, and valuable commodities such as gold and ivory. It is probable that wet rice cultivation evolved in the Minangkabau highlands long before it appeared in other parts of Sumatra, and predates significant foreign contact.

Menhirs (megalithic standing stones), some with elaborate pre-Islamic carvings, found in some of the highland districts, are evidence of an early connection with Negeri Simbilan, on the Malay peninsula, where similar monuments and close cultural parallels are found. It is generally believed that Minangkabau peoples migrated to Negeri Simbilan sometime before the arrival of Islam in Sumatra during the sixteenth century.

The earliest written records of the Minangkabau, stone inscriptions referring to a ruler named Adityawarman, date to the fourteenth century. Adityawarman, a follower of Tantric Buddhism with ties to the Singhasari and Majapahit kingdoms of Java, is believed to have founded a kingdom in the Minangkabau highlands at Pagaruyung, possibly to gain control over the local gold trade, and ruled there between 1347 and 1375. The establishment of a royal system seems to have involved conflict and violence, eventually leading to a division of villages into one of two systems of tradition (laras): Bodi Caniago adhering to the tradition of autonomous rule; and Koto Piliang exhibiting overt allegiances to royalty. The next historical record after the reign of Adityawarman dates from the sixteenth century, and indicates that royal power had been divided among three recognized reigning kings. They were the King of the World (Raja Alam), the King of Adat (Raja Adat), and the King of Religion (Raja Ibadat), and collectively they were known as the Kings of the Three Seats (Rajo Tigo Selo). The Minangkabau kings were charismatic or magical figures, who received a percentage of gold mining and trading profits, but did not have much authority over the conduct of village affairs.

In the mid-sixteenth century, the Aceh Sultanate invaded the Minangkabau coast, occupying port outlets in order to acquire gold. Around the sixteenth century the Minangkabau also began to adopt Islam. The first contact between the Minangkabau and Western nations occurred with the 1529 voyage of Jean Parmentier to Sumatra. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) first acquired gold at Pariaman in 1651, but later moved south to Padang to avoid interference from the Acehnese occupiers. In 1663 the Dutch agreed to protect and liberate local villages from the Acehnese in return for a trading monopoly, and set up trading posts at Painan and Padang. The VOC was able to negotiate for gold, but soon found that the Minangkabau rulers in the highlands were highly revered by the people of the coastal regions, who used their authority to assert themselves against the Europeans. In the early eighteenth century, representatives of the Minangkabau royal families helped to lead a holy war against the Dutch.

Until early in the nineteenth century the Dutch remained content with their coastal trade of gold and produce, and made no attempt to visit the Minangkabau highlands. As a result of conflict in Europe, the British occupied Padang from 1781 to 1784 during the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War, and again from 1795 to 1819 during the Napoleonic Wars.

Late in the eighteenth century, the gold supply which provided the economic base for Minangkabau royalty began to be exhausted. Around the same period, other parts of the Minangkabau economy expanded as new opportunities arose for the export of agricultural commodities such as coffee and the herb gambier used for dyeing and traditional medicine, stimulating social and religious change and bringing new groups into prominence. Tensions had existed for almost two centuries between the two laras, Koto Piliang which upheld the authority of the royal family, and Bodi Caniago, which sympathized with the Wahabbi Islamic reform movement in Mecca and had come into prominence through the coffee trade. A civil war started in 1803 between the Padri fundamentalist Islamic group and the traditional syncretic groups, elite families and Pagaruyung royals. A large part of the Minangkabau royal family was massacred by the Padri in 1815, and their court was burned. The Dutch took this opportunity to assert their military authority. After negotiating a treaty with a number of penghulu (village headmen) and representatives of the murdered Minangkabau royal family, Dutch forces made their first attack on a Padri village in April, 1821. The first phase of the war ended in 1825 when the Dutch signed an agreement with the Padri leader Tuanku Imam Bonjol to halt hostilities, allowing them to redeploy their forces to fight the Java War. When fighting resumed in 1832, the reinforced Dutch troops were able to more effectively attack the Padri. The main center of resistance was captured in 1837, Tuanku Imam Bonjol was captured and exiled soon after, and by the end of the next year the war was effectively over.

With the Minangkabau territories now under the control of the Dutch, colonial administration began to control the darat, right down to nagari (village) level, in order to secure profits from coffee production. Roads and railways were built to facilitate the transportation of agricultural produce, and economic exploitation was intensified. New forms of education were introduced, allowing some Minangkabau to take advantage of a modern education system. The twentieth century marked a rise in cultural and political nationalism, culminating in the demand for Indonesian independence. Later rebellions against the Dutch occupation included the 1908 Anti-Tax Rebellion and the 1927 Communist Uprising. During World War II the Minangkabau territories were occupied by the Japanese, and when the Japanese surrendered in August, 1945, Indonesia proclaimed its independence. Dutch attempts to regain control of the area were ultimately unsuccessful, and in 1949 the Minangkabau territories became part of Indonesia as the province of Central Sumatra.

In February, 1958, dissatisfaction with the centralist and communist-leaning policies of the Sukarno administration triggered a revolt which was centered in the Minangkabau region of Sumatra, where rebels proclaimed the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI) in Bukittinggi. The Indonesian military invaded West Sumatra in April, 1958, and within a month had recaptured major towns. A period of guerrilla warfare ensued, but most rebels had surrendered by August 1961. West Sumatra became like an occupied territory, with Javanese officials occupying most senior civilian, military and police positions. The policies of centralization continued under the Suharto regime. The national government legislated to apply the Javanese desa village system throughout Indonesia, and in 1983 the traditional Minangkabau nagari village units were split into smaller jorong units, thereby destroying the traditional village social and cultural institutions. In the years following the downfall of the Suharto regime, decentralization policies were implemented, giving more autonomy to provinces, and allowing West Sumatra to reinstitute the nagari system.

Historiography

The traditional historiography or tambo of the Minangkabau tells of the development of the Minangkabau World (alam Minangkabau) and its adat. These stories are derived from an oral history which was transmitted between generations before the Minangkabau had a written language. The first Minangkabau are said to have arrived by ship and landed on Mount Marapi when it was no bigger than the size of an egg, which protruded from a surrounding body of water. After the waters receded the Minangkabau proliferated and dispersed to the slopes and valleys surrounding the volcano, a region called the darek. The tambo claims the ship was sailed by a descendant of Alexander the Great (Iskandar Zulkarnain).

A division in Minangkabau adat into two systems is said to be the result of conflict between two half-brothers Datuk Ketemanggungan and Datuk Perpatih nan Sabatang, the leaders who formulated the foundations of Minangkabau adat. The former accepted Adityawarman, a prince from Majapahit, as a king, while the latter considered him a minister, and a civil war ensued. The Bodi Caniago system formulated by Datuk Perpatih nan Sabatang was based upon egalitarian principles with all panghulu (clan chiefs) being equal, while the Koto Piliang system was more autocratic, with a hierarchy of panghulu. Each village (nagari) in the darek was an autonomous "republic," governed independently of the Minangkabau kings using one of the two adat systems. After the darek was settled, new outside settlements were created and ruled using the Koto Piliang system by rajas who were representatives of the king.

The culture of the Minangkabau has been the subject of intensive study by modern anthropologists. The Minangs are the world's largest matrilineal society, in which properties such as land and houses are inherited through female lineage. Some scholars suggest that this might have caused the diaspora (Minangkabau, merantau) of Minangkabau males throughout the Malay Archipelago to become scholars or to seek their fortunes as merchants. As early as the age of seven, boys traditionally leave their homes to live in a surau (a prayer house and community center) where they learn religious and cultural (adat) teachings. When boys become teenagers, they are encouraged to leave their hometowns to study in schools or gain experiences that will contribute to their wisdom and usefulness as adults. They return with this wisdom to help administer the affairs of their family or nagari (hometown), sitting as members of a 'council of uncles.'

This tradition has created Minang communities in many Indonesian cities and towns, which nevertheless are still tied closely to their homeland; a state in Malaysia named Negeri Sembilan is heavily influenced by Minang culture.

Due to their cultural emphasis on education, Minang people are over-represented, in proportion to their numbers, in the public life of Indonesia. In addition to being renowned as merchants, the Minangs have produced some of Indonesia's most influential poets, writers, statesmen, scholars, and religious scholars. The presence of these intellectuals, combined with the people's basically proud character, made the Minangkabau homeland (the province of West Sumatra) one of the powerhouses in the Indonesian struggle for independence.

Today both natural and cultural tourism have become important economic activities in West Sumatra.

Ceremonies and festivals

Minangkabau ceremonies and festivals include:

Turun mandi - baby blessing ceremony

Sunat rasul - circumcision ceremony

Baralek - wedding ceremony

Batagak pangulu - inauguration ceremony for a clan leader. Other clan leaders, all relatives in the same clan and all villagers in the region are invited. The ceremony lasts for seven days or longer.

Turun ka sawah - community work ceremony

Manyabik - harvesting ceremony

Hari Rayo - Islamic festivals

Adoption ceremony

Adat ceremony

Funeral ceremony

Wild boar hunt ceremony

Maanta pabukoan - sending food to mother-in-law for Ramadhan

Tabuik - Muslim celebration in the coastal village of Pariaman

Tanah Ta Sirah- inauguration of a new clan leader (Datuk), when the inauguration is performed within a few hours of the previous leader's death. In these circumstances the Batagak pangulu is not required, but the clan must invite all clan leaders in the region.

Mambangkik Batang Tarandam, inauguration of a new leader (Datuk) after a long period of ten to 50 years has passed since the death of the previous leader; the Batagak Pangulu must be performed.

Performing arts

Traditional Minangkabau music includes saluang jo dendang which consists of singing to the accompaniment of a saluang bamboo flute, and talempong gong-chime music. Dances include the tari piring (plate dance), tari payung (umbrella dance) and tari indang. Demonstrations of the silat martial art are performed. Pidato adat are ceremonial orations performed at formal occasions.

Randai, a folk theater tradition incorporating music, singing, dance, drama and the silat martial art, originated early in the twentieth century as a synthesis of local martial arts and story-telling. Randai is usually performed for traditional ceremonies and festivals, and complex stories may span a number of nights. It is performed as a theatre-in-the-round to achieve an equality and unity between audience members and the performers. Randai performances alternate martial arts dances, songs, and acted scenes. The stories are developed by both the acting and the singing, and are mostly based upon Minangkabau legends and folktales. Men originally played both the male and female characters in the stories, but since the 1960s women have also participated.

Particular Minangkabau villages specialize in cottage industries producing handicrafts such as woven sugarcane and reed purses, gold and silver jewelry using filigree and granulation techniques, woven songket textiles, wood carving, embroidery, pottery, and metallurgy.

The staple ingredients of the Minangkabau diet are rice, fish, coconut, green leafy vegetables and chili. The preparation of meat is limited mostly to special occasions, and beef and chicken are most commonly used. Pork is not halal and therefore not consumed, while lamb, goat and game are rarely used because of their scarcity and for reasons of taste. Spiciness is a characteristic of Minangkabau food, and the most commonly used herbs and spices are chili, turmeric, ginger and galangal. Vegetables are consumed two or three times a day. Fruits are mainly seasonal, although fruits such as banana, papaya and citrus are continually available.

Three meals a day are typical, with the mid-day meal being the most important meal, except during the fasting month of Ramadan when it is not eaten. Meals commonly consist of steamed rice, a hot fried dish and a coconut milk dish, with a little variation from breakfast to dinner. Meals are generally eaten from a plate using the fingers of the right hand. Snacks are more frequently eaten by people in urban areas than in villages. Western food has had little impact upon Minangkabau consumption and preference.

Rendang, a curry dish using coconut milk, which is considered to be characteristic of Minangkabau culture, is cooked four to five times a year. Other characteristic dishes include Asem Padeh, Soto Padang, Sate Padang, Dendeng Balado (beef with chili sauce).

Food has a central role in the Minangkabau ceremonies which honor religious and life cycle rites.

Minangkabau food is popular among Indonesians, and restaurants are present throughout Indonesia. Nasi Padang restaurants, named after the capital of West Sumatra, are known for placing a variety of Minangkabau dishes on a customer's table along with rice and billing only for what is taken. Nasi Kapau is another restaurant variant which specializes in dishes using offal, and uses tamarind to add a sourness to the spicy flavor.

Architecture

Rumah gadang (Minangkabau: 'big house') are the traditional matriarchal homes (Indonesian: rumah adat) of the Minangkabau. The architecture, construction, internal and external decoration, and the functions of the house reflect the culture and values of the Minangkabau. A rumah gadang serves as a residence, as well as a hall for family meetings and ceremonial activities. The rumah gadang is owned by the women of the family who live there; ownership is passed from mother to daughter.

The houses have dramatic curved roof structures with multi-tiered, upswept gables. Shuttered windows are built into walls incised with profuse painted floral carvings. The term rumah gadang usually refers to the larger communal homes; however, smaller single residences share many of the same architectural elements.

Oral traditions and literature

Minangkabau culture has a long history of oral traditions. One oral tradition is the pidato adat (ceremonial orations) performed by panghulu (clan chiefs) at formal occasions such as weddings, funerals, adoption ceremonies, and panghulu inaugurations. These ceremonial orations consist of many forms including pantun, aphorisms (papatah-patiti), proverbs (pameo), religious advice (petuah), parables (tamsia), two-line aphorisms (gurindam), and similes (ibarat).

Minangkabau traditional folktales (kaba) are narratives which present the social and personal consequences of either ignoring or observing the ethical teachings and the norms embedded in the adat. The storyteller (tukang kaba) recites the story in poetic or lyrical prose while accompanying himself on a rebab.

A theme in Minangkabau folktales is the central role of mothers and motherhood in Minangkabau society. Two examples are Rancak diLabueh and Malin Kundang. Rancak diLabueh tells about a mother who acts as teacher and adviser to her two growing children. Initially her son is vain and headstrong, and only after her perseverance does he become a good son who listens to his mother. Malin Kundang is about the dangers of treating your mother badly. A sailor from a poor family voyages to seek his fortune, becomes rich and marries a prestigious wife. On his return home, he refuses to recognize his elderly mother because he is ashamed of his humble origins. He is cursed and dies soon afterwards when his ship is flung against rocks by a storm.

Other popular folktales also relate to the important role of the woman in Minangkabau society. In the Cindua Mato (Staring Eye) epic about the traditions of Minangkabau royalty, woman is the source of wisdom. The story involves a mythical Minangkabau queen, Bundo Kanduang, who embodies the behaviors prescribed by adat. Cindua Mato, a servant of the queen, uses magic to defeat hostile outside forces and save the kingdom. Sabai nan Aluih is about a young girl named Sabai who avenges the murder of her father by a powerful and evil ruler from a neighboring village. When her cowardly elder brother refuses to confront the murderer, Sabai takes matters into her own hands, seeks out the murderer and shoots him for revenge.

The Minangkabau language (Baso Minangkabau) is an Austronesian language belonging to the Malayic linguistic subgroup, which in turns belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian branch. The Minangkabau language shares many similar words with Malay, yet it has a distinctive pronunciation and some grammatical differences rendering it unintelligible to Malay speakers. The Minangkabau language is closely related to the Negeri Sembilan Malay language used by the people of Negeri Sembilan, many of whom are descendants of Minangkabau immigrants.

The language has a number of dialects and sub-dialects, which native Minangkabau speakers generally have no difficultly understanding. The differences between dialects are mainly at the phonological level, though some lexical differences also exist. Minangkabau dialects are regional, spoken by one or more villages (nagari), and usually correspond to differences in customs and traditions. Each sub-village (jorong) has its own sub-dialect consisting of subtle differences which can be detected by native speakers. The Padang dialect has become the lingua franca for people of different language regions.

The Minangkabau use their native language for everyday conversation, while the Indonesian language is used for most formal occasions, in education, and in writing, even to relatives and friends. The Minangkabau language was originally written using the Jawi script, an adapted Arabic alphabet. Romanization of the language dates from the nineteenth century, and a standardized official orthography of the language was published in 1976.

Adat and religion

Animism has always been important to Minangkabau culture, and the penetration of Islam into Minangkabau society in the sixteenth century did not extinguish animistic beliefs. According to the traditional Minangkabau belief system, people have two souls, a real soul and a soul which can disappear, called the semangat. Semangat represents the vitality of life and is said to be possessed by all animals and plants. An illness is sometimes explained as the capture of the semangat by an evil spirit, and a shaman (pawang) may be consulted to conjure invisible forces and bring comfort to the family. Sacrificial offerings can be made to placate the spirits, and certain objects such as amulets are used as protection.

Until the rise of the Padri movement late in the eighteenth century, Islamic practices such as prayers, fasting and attendance at mosques were weakly observed in the Minangkabau highlands. The Padri, inspired by the Wahhabi movement in Mecca, sought to eliminate societal problems such tobacco and opium smoking, gambling and general anarchy by ensuring that the tenets of the Koran were strictly observed. All Minangkabau customs perceived to be in conflict with the Koran were to be abolished. Although the Padri were eventually defeated by the Dutch, during this period the relationship between adat and religion was reformulated. Adat, which had previously been based upon appropriateness and propriety, was altered to correspond more closely with Islamic precepts.The present relationship between Islam and adat is described in the saying "tradition [ adat] founded upon Islamic law, Islamic law founded upon the Qur'an" ( adat basandi syara', syara' basandi Kitabullah).

During the 1920s, the Kaum Muda movement to reform Islam initiated widespread debate within Minangkabau over the relationship between adat and Islam. A common Minangkabau saying, adat manurun, syarak mandaki ('custom descended, religion ascended'), refers to the perception that the Minangkabau highlands are the heartland of their culture, and that Islam entered the region from the coast.

Achievements of the Minangkabau people

Beginning in the fourteenth century, Minangkabau people settled outside West Sumatra, spreading their influence to Java, Sulawesi, the Malay peninsula, Thailand, Brunei, and the Philippines. Raja Bagindo migrated to the south Philippines and founded the Sultanate of Sulu in 1390. In the eighteenth century, Raja Melewar was appointed the first head of state of Negeri Sembilan. Minangkabau ulama (learned men of Islam) taught Islam in Sulawesi, Borneo, and Nusa Tenggara island.

The Minangkabau tradition of actively pursuing education has resulted in Minangkabau people reaching a prominence out of proportion to their small numbers in Indonesia. Many Minangkabau are politicians, writers, ulama, scientists, film producers, and businessmen. In the special Millenia edition of Tempo magazine (2000) , six of the top ten influential Indonesians of the twentieth century were Minangkabau.

Many Minangkabau people held prominent positions in the Indonesian and Malay nationalist movement. From 1920 to 1960, political leadership in Indonesia was dominated by Minangkabau such as Mohammad Hatta, a former Indonesian Prime Minister and Vice President; Muhammad Yamin, a former Indonesian government minister; Tan Malaka, international communist leader and a founder of PARI and Murba; Indonesian diplomat Agus Salim, a former Indonesian government minister; Sutan Sjahrir, a former Indonesian Prime Minister and a founder of the Socialist Party of Indonesia; and Muhammad Natsir, a former Indonesian Prime Minister and a leader of Masyumi, a major Islamic political party. Rasuna Said, an Indonesian nationalist political leader, became the first female minister in the Indonesian government.

Minangkabau writers Marah Roesli, Abdul Muis, Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana, Idrus, and Hamka, and poets Muhammad Yamin, Chairil Anwar, and Taufik Ismail have made significant contributions to modern Indonesian literature.

During the sixteenth century, Minangkabau traders were active in the medieval Malay kingdom, traveling to Aceh, Kedah, Siak, Johor, and Malacca. Today, Minangkabau businessmen are prominent in the restaurant, media, healthcare, and textile industries.

People of Minangkabau descent who made significant contributions outside of Indonesia include Yusof bin Ishak, the first President of Singapore; Zubir Said, composer of the national anthem of Singapore, Majulah Singapura; Tan Sri Abdul Samad Idris, a former Malaysian Minister of Sports and Culture during the 1970s, who was also a historian of the Minang culture and a leader of the Malaysian independence movement; and World War II hero Lieutenant Adnan Bin Saidi.

1. Evelyn Blackwood, Webs of Power: Women, Kin, and Community in a Sumatran Village (Rowman & Littlefield, 2000, ISBN 0847699110).

2. Jane Drakard, Minangkabau in Keat Gin Ooi (ed.) Southeast Asia: A historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2004, ISBN 1576077705), 887-889.

3. John Miksic, "From megaliths to tombstones: the transition from pre-history to early Islamic period in highland West Sumatra." Indonesia and the Malay World 32(93) 2004: 191.

4. Christine Dobbin, "Economic change in Minangkabau as a factor in the rise of the Padri movement, 1784-1830." Indonesia 23(1) (1977): 1-38.

5. Taufik Abdullah, "Adat and Islam: An Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau." Indonesia 2 (October 1966): 1-24.

6. Anne Summerfield and John Summerfield (eds.), Walk in Splendor: Ceremonial Dress and the Minangkabau (Berkeley: University of California, Los Angeles, 1999, ISBN 0930741730), 48-49.

7. Matthew Isaac Cohen, "Look at the Clouds: Migration and West Sumatran 'Popular' Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 19(3) (2003): 214-229.

8. Kirstin Pauka, "Umbuik Mudo and the Magic Flute: A Randai Dance-Drama." Asian Theatre Journal 20(2) (2003).

9. Nur I Lipoeto, Zulkarnain Agus, Fadil Oenzil, Mukhtar Masrul, Naiyana Wattanapenpaiboon, Mark L. Wahlqvist, "Contemporary Minangkabau food culture in West Sumatra, Indonesia." Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition 10(1) (February 2001): 10.

10. Carol Davis, "Hierarchy or complementarity? Gendered expressions of Minangkabau adat." Indonesia and the Malay World 23(67) (1995): 273-292.

11. Taufik Abdullah, "Some Notes on the Kaba Tjindua Mato: An Example of Minangkabau Traditional Literature." Indonesia 9 (Apr 1970): 1-22.

12. Anwar Khaidir, "Language use in Minangkabau society." Indonesia and the Malay World 8(22) (June 1980):55-63.

13. George L. Campbell, Compendium of the World's Languages (Routledge, 2000, ISBN 0415202981).

14. Christine Dobbin, "Tuanku Imam Bondjol, (1772-1864)" Indonesia 13 (April 1972): 4-35

References

Blackwood, Evelyn. Webs of Power: Women, Kin, and Community in a Sumatran Village. Rowman & Littlefield, 2000. ISBN 0847699110

Campbell, George L. Compendium of the World's Languages. Routledge, 2000. ISBN 0415202981

Dobbin, Christine. Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy: Central Sumatra, 1784-1847. Curzon Press, 1983. ISBN 0700701559

Dobbin, Christine. "Tuanku Imam Bondjol, (1772-1864)" Indonesia 13 (April 1972): 4-35

Drakard, Jane. 1999. A kingdom of words: language and power in Sumatera. South-East Asian historical monographs. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. ISBN 983560035X

de Josselin de Jong, P.E. Minangkabau and Negri Sembilan: socio-political structure in Indonesia. New York: AMS Press, 1980. ISBN 0404167322

Kahin, Audrey. Rebellion to Integration: West Sumatra and the Indonesian Polity. Amsterdam University Press, 1999. ISBN 9053563954

Kahn, Joel S. Constituting the Minangkabau: Peasants, culture, and modernity in colonial Indonesia. Explorations in anthropology. Providence, RI: Berg, 1993. ISBN 0854963162

Ooi Keat Gin (ed.). Southeast Asia: a historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor, Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2004. ISBN 1576077705

Owen, Sri. Indonesian Regional Food and Cookery. London: Frances Lincoln Ltd, 1999. ISBN 0711212732

Reid, Anthony. An Indonesian Frontier: Acehnese and Other Histories of Sumatra. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2005. ISBN 9971692988

Sanday, Peggy Reeves. Women at the Center: Life in a Modern Matriarchy. Cornell University Press, 2004. ISBN 0801489067

Summerfield, Anne, and John Summerfield (eds.). Walk in Splendor: Ceremonial Dress and the Minangkabau. Berkeley: University of California, Los Angeles, 1999. ISBN 0930741730

Witton, Patrick. World Food: Indonesia. Melbourne: Lonely Planet, 2002. ISBN 1740590090

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Minangkabau Minangkabau woman dressed in traditional clothes Total population circa 8 million Regions with significant populations Languages Minangkabau, Indonesian and Malay. Religions Sunni Islam [1] The Minangkabau ethnic group (also known as Minang or Padang) is indigenous to the highlands of West Sumatra, in Indonesia.

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1. Origin: Banjarmasin, South   Kalimantan

2. Population in Malaysia: 26,000

3. Largest religion: Islam

4. Language spoken: a dialect of Malay and standard Bahasa Indonesia

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1. Origin: Central Java, Indonesia

2. Population in Malaysia: 661,000

3. Largest religion: Islam

4. Language spoken: Javanese Language

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1. Origin: Sulawesi, Indonesia

2. Population in Malaysia: 143,000

3. Largest religion: Islam

4. Language spoken: Malay

5. The Bugis or Buginese are one of the three major cultures of South Sulawesi, in with the other two are the Makassar and the Torajan

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Key points from the website:
1) Religious beliefs

The Minang are the Muslims of the Sunni sect and under the Shafie`s jurisprudence

They follow the five pillars of Islam, which is first of all the confession of faith

Most Minangs are born Muslims, so most of them simply follow the practices of their parents

A few individuals knew a great deal about Islam, having studies with local madrasah schools, or with religious scholars

Death is viewed in Islamic terms and burials are carried out according to Islamic law

2) Religious practitioners:
- religious officials which includes;

Imam (head of the mosque)

Khatib (the preacher)

Kadi (religious judge)

Bilal (caller to prayer)

Urang siak and Ulama (religious people who know about religion)

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Religious Beliefs. Minangkabau are Muslims of the Sunni sect and the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence. The requirements of Islamic faith are simple: confession of faith, five daily prayers, fasting during the month of Ramadan, giving alms, and pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) if possible. Because Minangkabau are born Muslims, many do not follow all of these practices; nor are they aware of the technical aspects of their religious belief and practice, Sunni or Shafi'i. Most simply follow the practices of their parents. A few individuals know a great deal about Islam, having studied in local madrasah schools or with religious scholars who have studied in Mecca or Medina.

Religious Practitioners. Religious officials include the imam (head of the mosque), khatib (the preacher), kadi (religious judge), and bilal (caller to prayer). Additionally, there are urang siak and ulama (pious persons who know about religion).

Ceremonies. Important ceremonial occasions include the weekly Friday sermon, beginning and ending the fast each day during the month of Ramadan to honor the Holy Quran, the feast days at the end of Ramadan, the feast days before the month for going on the hajj, the birthday of the Prophet Mohammed, and khenduri (ritual feasts) to celebrate any sort of change in social status.

Arts. Poetry, music, architectural decoration, and portraiture are notable art forms practised by Minangkabau.

Medicine. Herbal remedies ( jamuan ) and word charms ( jampi ) are used.

Death and Afterlife. Death is viewed in Islamic terms and burials are carried out according to Islamic law. Deaths of married persons involve changes in relationships between lineage segments of different clans, which are reflected in the series of funeral ceremonies that occurs after a death.

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Religion and expressive culture - Minangkabau

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Religious Beliefs. Minangkabau are Muslims of the Sunni sect and the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence. The requirements of Islamic faith are simple: confession of faith, five daily prayers, fasting during the month of Ramadan, giving alms, and pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) if possible.

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Key points in regards to religion in this article:

1. It talks about before the advent of Islam in Minangkabau (16th century), The Minang, similar to the ancient Malay people, they believed in the dualism of soul/animistic beliefs

2. Minangkabau had been integrated in a global trade network for centuries which explains how Islam spread through foreign influences and trading. Such traders are:

From the west: Gujarati and Acehnese

From the east: The influence of Malacca

During early Islamic times, Several surau became progressively teaching places for various Muslim Sufi brotherhoods and were placed under the leadership of religious teachers

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This article is the first half of my attempt to summarize the culture of the Minangkabau. This part focuses on the history and the geography of their homeland of West Sumatra.

In the popular Indonesian culture, Minang people are primarily famous for their traditional food. Any Indonesian town will have at least one rumah makan Padang (Padang restaurant, from the administrative capital of West Sumatra Padang).

They are also commonly considered as a people keen of emigrating. The Indonesian word merantau 'leave one's homeland to seek better fortune elsewhere' has been indeed taken directly from the Minangkabau language.

Yet, the Minangkabau culture is first and foremost closely tied to their homeland of West Sumatra.

Alam Minangkabau : the Minangkabau world

In the Minangkabau mythology, men arrived in the region landing on boat on top of Mount Marapi. Then they populated the surrounding valleys that constitute the Minangkabau heartland :

Agam : the valley between Mount Marapi and Mount Singgalang (around the town of Bukittinggi today)

Tanah Datar : the valley south of Marapi to lake Singkarak (around the town of Pagaruyung today)

Limapuluh Kota is the valley east of Agam (around the town of Payakumbuh today)

Agam, Tanah Datar and Limapuluh Kota were refered under the Minangkabau kingdom as the 3 luhak (districts). Together they form what is called the darat (heartland), which is the plateau region of West Sumatra highlands.

These 3 valleys are rice-producing region. Actually the darat has some of the most fertile lands of West Sumatra.

Outside the heartland, it's the rantau or the frontier area of the Minangkabau world.

If the darat is the traditional home of the Minangkabau, the rantau is its window to the world. The adat (tradition) comes from the darat and the agama (religion, here Islam) came from the rantau. Hence the saying agama mendaki, adat menurun ("religion climbs, tradition descends").

The darat is where the adat is the strongest, while the region of the rantau were subject to more external influence.

The rantau

The plateau of West Sumatra is the core of the Minangkabau world. Yet, neighbouring regions, although out of the darat, have been largely influenced and settled by Minangkabau through the centuries.

The immediate neighbours of the heartlands, such as the Maninjau region or the Solok plain are clearly Minangkabau areas today.

The eastern frontier

From the highlands of Central Sumatra, home of the Minangkabau, flows major Sumatran rivers that snakes through swampy forests to finally reach the east coast of Sumatra and the Strait of Malacca : the Siak, the Kampar, the Indragiri and the Batanghari rivers.

Those rivers constituted important trade routes in the history and Minangkabau traders have settled along them for centuries. As the settlers established themselves further east, they mixed with the local populations (mostly Malay settlers).

This is through this process that Minangkabau settled in some parts of peninsular Malaysia. Today, descendents of Minangkabau form the main ethnic group in the Malaysian state of Negeri Sembilan.

Sumatra's west coast

It is only in 1841 that the first actual road from the highlands to the coast was opened through the Anai Gorge (near the modern town of Padang Panjang).

Previously, the only way to reach the coast from the highland was through perilous paths in the forest (which by then were populated by elephants, rhinos and tigers). Porters could reach the harbor on the coast in about 10 days (Colombijn). Buffalo could take this road but not horses.

These paths were also nearly impossible to use in the rainy season. In time of peace in the Strait of Malacca, most of the trade was undertaken via the rivers flowing east.

The climate of the west coast is also less favorable to agriculture than in the highlands. The coast is battered by the monsoon and little land can be converted in ricefields.

Outside the main harbors, villagers west of the moutains were usually focused on fishing and salt making. They were generally poorer than those of the highlands, yet their organization and culture was influenced by their more prosperous neighbours.

Minangkabau mythology

The cosmogony of Minangkabau has been transmitted through the traditional tambo (chronicles). The version below is taken from T.Abdullah basing himself on a 19th century manuscript (see C.Holt in sources).

God created the universe from the Light of Muhammad ( Nur Muhammad), a recurrent concept in Islamic mysticism. From the Light, angels and the first man Adam emerged.

At this time, the Earth was still in the process of perfection, but God forced Adam ans his offspring to live there.

The story of Minangkabau starts with the descent of Iskandar Zulkarnain ("Iskandar with the Two Horns", believed to be Alexander the Great) on Earth. The face of the world is then expanding as the hills and moutains start to emerge.

Iskandar founds the first kingdom, takes a wife (a nymph sent by God from paradise) and later has 3 sons. The princes marry 3 princesses from the kingdom under the sea that has emerged from the water.

One the prince, Maharadja Diradja, establishes his supremacy over its 2 brothers before the 3 princes part. Maharadja Diradja sails with his followers to the Land between Sunset and Sunrise.

At the end of their journey, they land on the island of Pertja, which is the top of Mount Marapi.

Gradually, the water surrounding Mount Marapi recedes and men settle the freshly emerged lands.

Their first settlement is Pariangan, a village of Tanah Datar, south of Mount Marapi. But over the time, men populates the region of Tanah Datar, Agam and Limapuluh Kota.

An ethymology of the word "Minangkabau"

The most famous explanation is provided by a popular legend.

According to the story, the Minangkabau heartland was facing an invasion by the Javanese army. But instead of a battle, the chiefs on both sides decided to hold a fight between two buffaloes.

Shall the Javanese's buffalo win, and the Minangkabau land would surrender, otherwise the Javanese army would retreat without fighting.

The Javanese brought a huge buffalo while the Minangkabau picked a small calf. In secret, they had starved the calf beforehand and tied a sharp iron point to its nose (other versions mention ground horns as sharp as knives). Once set free, the calf ran straight towards the opposing buffalo who did not considered the calf a threat. The calf tried to suck the buffalo's milk and injured its belly, eventually killing it.

To commemorate this event, the West Sumatran named their land and people " Manang Kabau" (winning buffalo).

Despite being fully accredited among the Minang people, this myth is probably just a folk's tale.

From the 13th century, the Javanese through Singosari and then Majapahit did indeed tried to conquer Minangkabau. But in the end, it's the prince coming from Java (Adityawarman, son of a Sumatran mother though) that became the most famous king of Minangkabau.

Linguists such as the Dutch Van der Tuuk derived the name instead from the ancient Malay " pinang kabhu ", an archaic expression meaning "original home" (Loeb).

Minangkabau history

The buddhist era ( - 14th century)

For centuries, what would become the Minangkabau land is a rice-growing region, ruled by more or less distant Buddhist kings.

The most ancient kingdom we know about is probably Melayu that flourished in the 7th century AD.

Historical materials from this era are pretty scarce but the current most popular theory describes Melayu as a kingdom founded around the Batanghari river, with its capital in present-day Jambi province.

Melayu probably had an influence on the future Minangkabau heartland, which is already an important gold producing region. The Minang language is closely related to Malay (which was originally the language of Melayu. Modern Malaysia was originally settled by a Melayu prince from Sumatra).

In the late 7th century, the kingdom of Melayu is absorbed by the rising Srivijaya kingdom, which center was near present-day Palembang on the Musi river. From the 7th to the 11th century, Srivajaya dominates most of Sumatra but the west coast.

It is important to keep in mind that by then, Sumatra is mostly covered by forests and kingdoms actually control a few population centers as well as strategic harbors.

In the 11th century, Srivajaya and the Sailendra dynasty decline primarily due to raids led by the Chola kings from South India. The center of Srivijaya likely shifts from Palembang to Muaro Jambi.

Gradually, the empire of Srivijaya dislocates and new power emerges, like the kingdom of Dharmasraya, which more or less fits the ancient core of Melayu kingdom ie. Jambi and West Sumatra. Dharmasraya is led by the Mauli dynasty, whose members are Mahayana-Vajrayana Buddhists.

In the late 13th century, the king Kertanegara of Singhasari kingdom (center modern day Malang in East Java), launches the Pemalayu expedition to conquer the Malayu land. The immediate results of this expedition is not very clear, but for sure Javanese influence have increased over time.

Archeological evidence and oral tradition also indicates that around the 12th or 13th century, traders from South India, chettis, entered Tanah Datar and established themselves near Pariangan.

The foundation of the Minangkabau kingdom (1347)

In 1347, king Adityawarman from Dharmasraya moves the capital of its kingdom from the upper Batang Hari river to a new site near Suruaso and founds Pagaruyung (not the same as modern Pagaruyung, the ancient one was near Kumanis).

This move is probably a way to ensure a tighter control on the gold mines of the region (mainly the valleys and hills of the Selo, Sinamar and Sumpur rivers).

Adityawarman's mother is a princess from Dharmasraya and his father a noble from Majaphit (the great Javanese empire from the 14th to 16th century). He was raised in Majapahit court (near modern day Trowulan in East Java).

This date is the foundation of the classical Minangkabau kingdom, which is thus the heir of the old Melayu kingdom and has ties to the Majapahit kingdom of Java.

Adityawarman is a devotee of Tantric Buddhism.

His reign lasts until at least 1375 and is better known that most of the other kingdoms we have discussed previously because he left many stone inscriptions.

According to Dobbins : " the Minangkabau element in the kingdom remained extremely important and it is under the rule of Adityawarman hat Minangkabau began to develop its own higher culture, with its own art, language and script in which Javanese and Malay elements were synthetized ".

The establishment of the adat (15th - 18th century)

The history following the reign of Adityawarman is almost entirely unknown until the 16th century.

The main source for this period is the Minangkabau oral tradition, passed down in the tambo (traditional chronicles). Of course, many versions exist but all of them refer to 2 half brothers : Datuk Ketamanggungan and Datuk Perpatih nan Sabatang. They are the adat-givers of Minangkabau. The main points of the Minangkabau adat (customary law) are :

The old settlements are transformed into nagari (Minang language, in Indonesian the word is negari) with their independent political and judicial authority.

Nagari are divided into several suku (clans, more exactly lineages).

Suku are headed by a penghulu (community leader)

The next significant episode is the division of the Minangkabau nagari between 2 political traditions (the 2 laras).

Dobbins propose the following theory : at Adityawarman's death, there was a schism in the society, that led to a civil war.

One side followed the tumanggung (a high functionary) and identified themselves with the royal family, the hierarchy in the village and the gold trade.

Another followed the patih (the chief minister) and identified themselves more with pre-Javanized Minangkabau and the matriliny (the royal dynasty was patrilinear as opposed to the peasants).

After the conflict (that was won by the royal followers), all the nagari adhered to one of the two traditions ( laras) :

The Koto Piliang tradition (that had recognized the royal status) established a hierarchy between the clan leaders (penghulu). Its center was Sungai Tarab. For instance, they recognized the position of a puncak (chief).

The Bodi Taniago tradition (that refused the new king) was more equalitarian (all penghulu considered equal). Its main center was Lima Kaum in Agam.

The main gold villages and the villages on the gold exporting routes were adherent of Koto Piliang. Official offices appeared along this route, like the Tuang Gedang of Batipuh (between Tanah Datar and the harbor of Pariaman).

The royal family retained an influence mostly on the regions east of the Minangkabau heartland : in the valley of the Sinamar river (near Buo) and Sumpur river (near Sumpur Kudus). This position is strategic to access the rivers (especially the Indragiri) flowing east to the coast of Sumatra.

From the 15th and the rise of the Sultanate of Malacca, the Minangkabau royalty established itself as an important trading partner for gold with what was then the main power in the region.

At one point, the reason why being not very clear, the royal function was split in 3, between members of the royal family :

The Raja Ibadat ('King of Religion') at Sumpur Kudus

The Raja Adat ('King of Tradition') at Buo

The Raja Alam ('King of the World') at the ancient Pagaruyung (near Kalimanis).

Very little is actually known on the royal courts of this time. A Portuguese emissary of the Dutch called Thomas Dias visited the old Pagaruyung in 1684. He described the court ceremonial as largely inspired by those of the Malacca's court.

In Tanah Datar, the royal family was likely superseded by the tumanggung who became a Bendhara (a title inspired by the Muslim Sultanates). Sungai Tarab and Lima Kaum, each leaded by a Bendhara, competed for the supremacy in the area.

When the Dutch VOC started to trade for gold in the 17th, they dealt directly with the Bendhara of Sungai Tarab and not with the Raja Alam. The king was regarded as a kind of sacral figure, with some magical powers though.

In the late 17th century, it seems that the royal family returned to Tanah Datar and eventually replaced the Bendhara of Sungai Tarab. A new Pagaruyung was founded near Suruaso : this is the modern Pagaruyung.

A new triumvirat was established :

Raja Ibadat is the Raja Suruaso

Raja Alam is the Raja Pagaruyung

Rajat Adat is a title given alternativaly to one of the first two rajas' wife.

This system lasted until the fall of the royal dynasty in the hands of the Islamic revivalists (the Padri movements) in 1815. Given that most of the royal family was slaughtered and its palaces burnt, very few is known from the new Pagaruyung when it was the kingdom's capital.

It is important to note that the fate of the royal family had been closely tied to that of the gold trade, from which they extracted their, relative, wealth. The Padri only dealt the final blow to a royalty that was already severely declining in the late 18th century with the depletion of the gold sources.

So if we try to summarize :
- 1347-1375 (14th century) foundation of the classical Minangkabau kingdom by Adityawarman

- 15th-17th century : the heartland is divided between independent nagari headed by penhulu. The royalty center is east of Tanah Datar and mostly focused on the gold trade.

- Late 17th century : the royalty moves back to Tanah Datar, but the region is still mostly under the control of the nagari.

- 1815 (early 19th century) : end of the Minangkabau kingdom.

The advent of Islam (16th century)

Despite the presence of Buddhist kings, " in Minangkabau, peasant culture rested on a substratum of animistic beliefs which were still flourishing in the 19th century" (Dobbins). The key religious figure was that of the shaman called pawang.

As other ancient Malay people, Minangkabau believed in the dualism of the soul. Each person had a part of its soul, the semangat, that could disappear or be captured by evil spirits. Most objects of the environment were believed to harbour spirits, and sacrificial offerings were made to placate evil spirits.

As we have seen, Minangkabau had been integrated in a global trade network for centuries. It is through these foreign influences that Islam (as had Buddhist and Hindu influence earlier) will establish from the 16th century).

From the west : Gujarati and Acehnese

Tiku harbor was Islamized in the early 16th century under the influence of Indian Muslim Gujarati traders

Gradually, the Acehnese came to dominate the harbors on the west coast. Pariaman and Ulukan (that will become the first known Islamic center in Minangkabau) are converted.

In 1575, the son of the sultan of Aceh is appointed panglima (governor) of the port of Pariaman. Under the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda (1607-1636) Aceh fought to channel all the pepper trade of Sumatra in its capital of Kotaraja. To do so, they tried to maintain an absolute control and monopoly on the main harbors of Sumatra.

Acehnese control on the main western harbor started to decline in the 1640s, but their place was soon taken back by the Indian traders of the Gujarat, also Muslim.

According to Dobbins " as late as 1761 Islam was largely confined to the leading broker families of the ports ; Islamic law, particularly that connected with inheritance, proved suited to their needs, providing them with an alternative to the matrilineal system of inheritance of the uplands. The coastal peasants, however, remained attached to their animistic beliefs and to their own religious specialists ".

From the east : the influence of Malacca

In the highland, Minangkabau traders (which were closely tied to the royal family) have sailed down the rivers of Sumatra to sell gold and pepper and buy clothes in the Strait of Malacca for centuries.

As the Sultanate of Malacca emerged as the leading regional power, its trading partners gradually adopted Islam. This process was well documented for the states of Kampar and Indragiri (that were established on the estuary of the river Kampar and Indragiri, directly facing Malacca across the strait).

It is likely that the Minangkabau elements involved in the gold trade had followed the same path. In 1684, a Dutch mission in the highland reported that the raja and his family had converted to Islam from the 16th century.

According to Dobbins : " yet there can be no doubt that this conversion to Islam by members of the Minangkabau royal family - and by other officials of the realm - did not cause them to abandon many of their earlier beliefs and practices ".

As in several other places of Indonesia (for instance Java), Islam was added to the existing beliefs. Hence it was a syncretic form of Islam, arrived by the mean of trade and not war that thrived in the Minangkabau world.

For instance, in 1825 a Dutch inquirer that had met the Raja Alam of Pagaruyung reported that the Raja still claimed to detain magical power he could use against his opponents : for instance cause a crop failure or epidemics.

According to Dobbins, in the early 19th century there were still whole village left untouched by Islam. This claim is confirmed by the accounts of the Dutch writer Willinck that claimed that large parts of the highlands were still unconverted by the late 18th century (Loeb).

Early Islamic times

In the highlands, Islam expanded mostly through the existing network of the surau (men houses).

Several surau became progressively teaching places for various Muslim Sufi brotherhoods ( tarekat) and were placed under the leadership of a tuanku (religious teacher).

In the ancient tradition, the Alam Minangkabau was a harmonious world of Islam and adat. Hence the aphorism " adat is based on sjarak (religious law), sjarak is based on adat.

Adat was supposed to maintain the harmony of society, while sjarak was intended to achieve harmony between the self and the cosmic order. The unity of the nagari was symbolized by the existence of one balai and one mosque.

The VOC and the development of Padang

Dutch merchants from the VOC were first attracted by Central Sumatra for its pepper, but soon they grew aware the flourishing gold trade in the highlands.

As Europe becomes saturated with pepper in the late 17th century, it's the gold that will motivate the Dutch. Minangkabau gold will be very useful to the Dutch when they came to mint their own currency.

The Dutch VOC first bought Minangkabau gold in 1651 in Pariaman but the harbor was still controlled by the Acehnese who refused their presence.

So the Dutch were pushed further south and they established themselves in Padang from 1663, which was then only a small fishing village.

With the growth of commerce, Padang will be settled first by people from the other parts of the coast and then by people from the Singkarak-Solok region.

Padang is almost entirely destroyed by an earthquake in 1797.

The Padri War (19th century)

The economic turnaround

Late 18th century is a time of profound economic upheaval in Minangkabau.

Traditionally, the economic power was in the hands of the villages of the plains, rich in ricefields ; as well as the gold traders, associated with the king of Pagaruyung in Tanah Datar.

But by the late 18th century, gold supply was rapidly depleting while new outside demand for crops well suited for the previously poorer hill villages increased.

The district of Agam and Limapuluh Kota are transformed by the impact of the trade, first in cotton, gambier and cassia and then in coffee.

Soon, Agam and Limapuluh outstriped Tanah Datar as the main trading region of the Minangkabau heartland.

These new revenues allow several Minangkabau Muslim traders to undertake the pilgrimage in Mecca.

First Islamic revivalist movement (1784 - 1803)

Prior to the actual Padri movement, a first Islamic revivalist movement emerged in Kota Tua in Agam, a stronghold of the Suatarriyah tarekat.

This region had experienced fully the economic changes I had described above. It has grown rich thanks to cassia and coffee.

But the developing trades brought along increasing commercial disputes between traders from different villages. And the traditional method of arbitration through a council of representative was not very efficient to deal with them.

Besides that, the society seemed unable to organize a secured trading network as banditry was widespread. Markets were also places prone to cockfighting, gambling, tuak (palm wine) drinking and opium smoking.

In short, the new economic paradigm had brought disturbances to the society and the traditional mode of government seemed now unfit.

A religious leader from Kota Tua, Tuanku Nan Tua proposed to implement the Islamic law, which is quite comprehensive on trade matters. Along with his disciples, he started to promote his teaching in the neighbouring villages and alongside advocated for conversion to Islam.

The campaing was rife with clashes, especially as he targeted in priority bandit villages, but his method seemed to brought some success to pacify the area.

They were especially successful in the hill villages, in which the traditional village code, devised for a society of rice growers, in which the most precious thing was the ricefields, was deemed unfit as the main activity has become trade in coffee and cassia.

The Padri movement (1803 - 1819) - 1 - Inception

Successful Minangkabau coffee traders kept on undertaking the pilgrimage to Mecca. In 1803, some witnessed the arrival of the Wahhabis in Mecca.

3 of them were especially impressed both by their message (the return to the Islam of the time of the Prophet and its Companions) and their violence.

Latter they became known as the Padri, "the men of Pedir", from the harbor of Pedir in Aceh from where pilgrims set off for Mecca. Upon their return, they launched a large revival movement in Agam.

The best known of the 3 Padri is Haji Miskin, a former student of Tuanku Nan Tua (the leader of the previous revivalist movement). He soon started to preach reform in the village of Pandai Sikat.

After some times, he ended up burning the balai (council hall) of the village.

Yet this arson shall be interpreted cautiously. " The notion of the movement solely as an uncompromising attack on the penghulu system is quite misleading, although this interpretation still holds sway in even the most recent literature " (Dobbins).

From the very beginning, Padri associated themselves with some of local leaders (the penghulu).

At some point, the Padri movement turned much more violent especially under the influence of a leader called Tuanku Nan Rinceh from Bukit Kamang.

Tuanku Nan Rinceh started to turn villages against others that refused to submit to the Padri teachings. This strategy was especially effective in the hill villages, traditionally poorer because their land was less suitable for rice and generally adherent to the egalitarian Bodi Caniago tradition. Now rich with coffee, such villages often saw the occasion to take revenge on the plain villages (usually from the Koto Piliang tradition) that formerly looked down on them.

This is how you can explain the attack of the villages of Tilatang, Kurai and Padang Tarab (the latter being reduced to ashes) by Bukit Kamang, Sala, Magek and Kota Baru (that were freshly converted Padri villages).

Soon, the Padri movement turned into a real civil war, with villages fighting other villages but also poor members attacking the richer families of their own village. At some points, different Padri leaders waged war against each others.

The Padri movement (1803 - 1819) - 2 - Padri apogee and the Dutch intervention

The Padri movement started in Agam and despite local resistance it seems that by 1821, all Agam was solidly Padri.

In Limapuluh Kota, the Padri movement development is not well known but it seems that villagers embraced Padri without much fuss and little internal warfare was recorded. The same things appears to be true for Maninjau and Solok area.

In Tanah Datar, the Padri faced much more resistance.

The main figure of the Padri in Tanah Datar was Tuanku Lintau, that returns to his home village of Lintau in 1813 to reform the morals of the valley. He was especially critical of the royal family that leads an unislamic way of life.

If Tuanku Lintau managed to convert his home village of Lintau and several villages in the hills, almost all the main ricefield villages were hostile to him. Disorder rapidly spread in the valley.

Eventually Tuanku Lintau lured the royal family into a trap and attacked them in 1815. The two sons of the Raja Alam were killed but the 70 years old Raja and his grandson escaped.

Tuanku Lintau attempted to gain legitimacy by marrying a daughter of the late Raja Ibadat (who had died in 1817) and assumed the consolidated office of Raja Adat (who had fled) and Raja Ibadat.

But resistance to him persisted in the plains. Despite successful raids, the Padri never gain full control over Tanah Datar and Batipuh remained a haven for the Padri opponents. By 1818, Pagaruyung had been torched 3 times.

At this point the Padri, if they don't fully control the Minangkabau heartland, dominate it.

Yet Padri movement was a collection of local leaders. None of them ever had unchallenged dominance over a large territory. Most of the leaders control only a handful of villages

The Padri imposed in the village they controlled the appointment of a kadi (judge) to settle religious matters and of an imam. The penghulu councils were not abolished though.

The other aspect of the Padri rule was a strong Wahhabi-inspired puritanism : cockfighting, gambling, alcohol, opium and sirih (arecca nut) were banned. Whites clothes had to be worn, silk clothing and gold jewelry were prohibited. Women had to cover their face and men grow their beard.

From 1818, colonial officials started to fear an upcoming attack of the Padri to Padang. Eventually in 1821, they signed a treaty of assistance with the survivors of the royal family.

By March 1822, Dutch soldiers occupied Pagaruyung and by July Pandai Sikat was taken.

But many pockets of resistance subsisted like the eastern part of Tanah Datar or the Empat Angkat region of Agam. Tension gradually decreased and in November 1825 a peace treaty was signed between the Dutch and emissaries of Tuanku Nan Rinceh and Tuanku Lintau.

By then, virtually all the Dutch troops had been removed from West Sumatra anyway as a large rebellion had broken out in Java.

Until 1831, Minangkabau were relatively at peace and the original puritanism faded out even in strongly Padri villages.

In 1831, as the rebellion in Java had been smashed, a new resident was appointed in Padang and military operations resumed in the highland. Agam was in full control of the Dutch by July 1832 and Limapuluh Kota by October.

In 1833, Tuanku Lintau is murdered and Tuanku Nan Rinceh died. This was the end of the Padri movement in the heartland.

Yet, the Padri movement had blossomed north of Agam in the valley of Alahan Panjang. The center of the Padri movement there was the village of Bonjol leaded by Tuanku Imam Bonjol. Bonjol will be taken only in 1837, and Imam Bonjol exiled. His face ornated the old 5'000Rp bill.

The figure of Imam Bonjol would latter become a national hero and his face was on the 5'000Rp bill, prior to the emission of new bills in 2016 somethings.

The Padri consequences

Padri were eventually overpowered by the Dutch, but their movement had deep consequences on the Minangkabau society.

First of all the monarchy of Tanah Datar had been destroyed.

Second, the ancient division between the two laras of Kota Piliang and Bodi Caniago was virtually erased.

" One of the chief claims of the movement was to blot out past prestige systems, reorganize groupings and equalize the balance of power inside Minangkabau. In this respect, they were so successful that Dutch anthropologists working in the area after the end of the Padri War found few differences that were significant in the systems of the two laras " (Dobbins).

The expansion of the state of Bonjol north of Agam led to the conversion to Islam of the southern Batak tribes of Mandailing and Angkola.

According to Abdulah, when the war ended," it was obvious that the Padri leaders had not substantially changed Minangkabau political and social structure. They did not completely reform the heterodoxy of the Minangkabau religious system. They did however strengthen the social force of religion and enlarge its scope throughout the social system ".

The colonial era (1832 - 1945)

Despite having supported the 'Tanah Datar side' during the Padri war, the Dutch established their commercial center for the highlands in Agam in Fort de Kock (now known as Bukkitinggi) from 1827.

In parralel, Dutch seeked to implement a system of administration similar to the one they had set in Java.

The highlands were first divided in two regencies (Tanah Datar and Agam first then in 1832 Limapuluh Kota got its own regent).

The nephew of the last Raja Alam (who died in 1825) was appointed regent of Tanah Datar in 1823, but he had then lost all power and he was in essence a colonial functionnary.

The Dutch nonethelss rebuilt the royal residence at Pagaruyung.

Debates about the proper practice of Islam in regars to the adat continued after the Dutch takeover.

West Sumatra will be in the frontline of the modernist Islamic movements of the 20th century, especially advocating better education.

Minangkabau independence leaders will play a major role in the constitution of the modern state of Indonesia. The first vice-president, Hatta, was Minangkabau.

Sources

Edwin Loeb, 1934, "Patrilineal and matrilineal organization in Sumatra - Part 2 The Minangkabau", American Anthropologist, Volume 34.

Taufik Abdulah, 1966, "Adat and Islam : An Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau", Indonesia No.2, Cornell University Press.

Taufik Abdulah "Modernization in the Minangkabau World: West Sumatra in the Early Decaes of the Twentieth Century" in Claire Holt, Culture and Politics in Indonesia, 1972, Cornell University Press.

Christine Dobbin, 1977, "Economic Change in Minangkabau as a Factor in the Rise of the Padri Movement, 1784-1830", Indonesia No.23, Cornell University Press.

Christine Dobbin. 1983. Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy: Central Sumatra, 1784-1847. Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies.

Freek Colombijn, 2005, "A Moving History of Middle Sumatra 1600-1870", Modern Asian Studies 39.

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Minangkabau Culture (West Sumatra) : History And Geography

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This article is the first half of my attempt to summarize the culture of the Minangkabau. This part focuses on the history and the geography of their homeland of West Sumatra. In the popular Indonesian culture, Minang people are primarily famous for their traditional food.

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Article: Indonesia`s Minangkabau culture promotes empowered Muslim women

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Article: Indonesia`s Minangkabau culture promotes empowered Muslim women

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Key points in relation to religion in this article:

1. This article emphasized on how women are being uplifted into a higher standard in Minangkabau society, and considered noble, as they are matrilineal society and in line with Islamic practices that values women

2. This article gave a clear comparison on how in the Western world, the image of Muslim women are often distorted, represented as being helpless and oppressed, while in Minangkabau society, women always have the upper hand and being respected well

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Though music and dancing are contentious topics in Islam, the Minang people cherish their traditional performing arts in their ceremonies and festivals. Sadiq Bhanbhro, Author provided

In most of the Western world, the image of Muslim women is often distorted. Muslim women have been represented as homogeneous, veiled, submissive, helpless, oppressed and powerless victims.

Across Europe, countries are placing bans on veils on the grounds that they are symbols of oppression against Muslim women.

The construction and representation of Muslim women as being in need of saving, according to Lila Abu-Lughod in her book Do Muslim Women Need Saving?, is problematic. Western media often gloss over the wealth of diversity Muslim women possess with regard to cultures, languages, opinions and the spectrum of faith.

There are 1.6 billion Muslims in the world, half of them women. While many would think of oppressive regimes of Middle Eastern countries such as Saudi Arabia when thinking about Muslim communities, the majority of Muslims live in the Asia-Pacific. And here there are places where Muslim women exercise much power, if not more than men.

Anyone visiting West Sumatra, Indonesia, would be amazed - not so much by the beauty of its lakes and mountains, but by the prominent role women play in almost all spheres of life in the Minangkabau community. From the household to the marketplace, Minangkabau women hold pride of place.

The Minangkabau community provides empirical evidence and a case in point to understand the cultural diversity and integrative cultural patterns of Muslim communities.

Woman boss

"In your house, who is the boss?" asked a man while travelling from Jakarta to Padang. I was surprised by the question and paused to think of a response. "You see, I am a Minang and for a Minang woman is the boss," said the man. The man belonged to Minangkabau - an indigenous ethnic group of Indonesia, which is famous for their long-held matrilineal tradition, or matriarchaat (from the Dutch).

The Minangkabau (in short Minang) are also known for their devotion to Islam. A dominant majority of both males and females pray five times a day, fast during the month of Ramadan, and express the desire to make the holy pilgrimage ( Hajj) to Mecca at least once in their lifetime.

Each Minangkabau neighbourhood has a Musalla, which means "a temporary place of prayer" in Arabic but in Indonesia simply means a mosque. In the neighbourhood Musalla, men and women pray together, although separated into their respective gender-designated sections. A high percentage of women and girls wear the headscarf but do not wear the veil.

I did research in Padang and visited Batusangkar and Bukittinggi. These are three major cities of West Sumatra province, the home of Minangkabau people.

Minangkabau matriarchaat

Minangkabau matriarchaat is an established social system that appears to be drawn largely from the customary practice ( adat) that involves tracing inheritance through the matrilineal line and giving prominent roles to women in public ceremonies.

Minang women uphold these pre-Islamic adat customs, which not only trace ancestry through the female line but also involve a complex social system in which women and men share power and control based on the principle of interdependence and mutual responsibility.

Inheritance - Minang women have the upper hand

In Minangkabau, gender is a major factor in inheritance.

The ownership of property (such as land, house or livestock), for instance, must pass from mother to daughter; however, a father can pass earnings from a business or profession to son. The former follows principles of adat and the latter Islamic law.

Sadiq Bhanbhro, Author provided

When couples marry, the groom moves to the bride's house. Nearly all household decisions are made only after being deliberated by both husband and wife.

Since the Minangkabau are also devout Muslims, it is interesting to observe how this community integrates the tenets of adat with those of Islam.

" Adat does not contradict but [rather] complements [the] values of Islam- such as, Islam gives the right of inheritance to women, [the] same [as] does adat," said a woman respondent.

Day-to-day decisions - Minang women lead

State policies and the increasing influence of Islam have escalated men's claim to power and authority in Minangkabau society. Men assume religious leadership, titled positions and roles in public life.

"Yes, men have public power. But think of them as front men, representing the community to the state or to the mosque," said Evelyn Blackwood an anthropologist who published ethnography on Minangkabau, Webs of Power: Women, Kin, and Community in a Sumatran Village.

Indeed, a closer look at various aspects of Minangkabau life shows that women exercise real power. They hold central roles in community ceremonies and ownership of resources - land, water and rice paddies. They also carry the lineage line.

Having actual power impacts Minang women's daily lives. "I can buy whatever I like from the market for eating, drinking and wearing - my husband can't interfere in it," said a woman respondent.

Women's ownership of land assures their power and position alongside men, said Blackwood. Minang women have the upper hand in daily decisions involving household running - they decide on the budgeting, shopping, and kids' education.

The Minang ceremonies led by women - like a wedding ( Baralek), harvesting ( Manyabik), clan leader inauguration ( Batagak pangulu) - are not only displays of women power but also play an important role in reminding young men of their cultural roots and responsibilities, according to anthropologist Peggy Sanday, who studied Minangkabau people.

Minang women value their central role

Minang women value their significant role in social and public life, especially during adat ceremonies and festivals when they sing and dance. Tari Piriang is one of the most famous traditional Minangkabau dances performed by both young men and women together.

"I feel Tari Piriang is an emancipatory art, which is not only about happiness but freedom," said a medical student and member of a dance group.

Though music and dancing are contentious topics in Islam - fundamentalist versions of Islam such as Salafists and Wahhabis generally view music and dancing as forbidden ( haram), while moderate believers regard them as permissible ( halal) - the Minang people cherish their traditional performing art music, singing, dance and drama, and adore their ceremonies and festivals.

Although Islam may be generally thought to subordinate women and girls and to put men and boys in a dominant societal position, this devout Muslim Minangkabau community in Indonesia puts women at the centre of household and the community, presenting a very different picture of Muslim women.

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Indonesia's Minangkabau culture promotes empowered Muslim women

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In most of the Western world, the image of Muslim women is often distorted. Muslim women have been represented as homogeneous, veiled, submissive, helpless, oppressed and powerless victims. Across Europe, countries are placing bans on veils on the grounds that they are symbols of oppression against Muslim women.

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Video: A Funny Story of Banjar Language in Malaysia

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Video: A Funny Story of Banjar Language in Malaysia

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Video: Malaysia in a Minute-Kampung Chetti/Chitty, Melaka

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Video: Malaysia in a Minute-Kampung Chetti/Chitty, Melaka

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Malaysia In A Minute - Kampung Chetti/Chitty, Melaka

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Video: The Minangkabau-The World`s Largest Matrilineal Society

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Video: The Minangkabau-The World`s Largest Matrilineal Society

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This video acts as a visual documentation on how The Minang acts towards Muslim women and women in general, in relation to the previous article

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The Minangkabau : the world’s largest matrilineal society

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Website: Banjarese, Banjar Malay in Malaysia

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Website: Banjarese, Banjar Malay in Malaysia

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Key points on the issue of religion from the website:

1. After converted to Islam around the 15th century, The Banjarese now are mostly completely Muslims

2.  A few Hindu-based ideas still linger, such as the belief in "spirits of the soil"

3. Islamic rituals are predominant, but many practices are actually Hindu-Buddhist, especially wedding customs

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Introduction / History

The Banjar of Malaysia live in the region of Sabah, which is in the northernmost part of the island of Borneo. Their area was once notorious for smuggling with the peoples of the Philippines and of neighboring Kalimantan, Indonesia. Today, it is a developing agricultural district.
The origin of the Banjar resulted from the mixing of Javanese and Malay cultures. Long ago, they were united by a ruler who followed Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam. It was then that the Banjar kingdom grew, and the tribe of the Banjar originated. Originally located in Kalimantan, the Banjar gradually expanded to Borneo, probably as a result of their trading and seafaring way of life. Today, Malaysia keeps close cultural ties with Indonesia.
Traditionally, the Banjar were organized into a somewhat feudal social structure, with a distinct division between the common people and nobility. The chief of each district was a nobleman. Class distinctions do still exist today, but the nobility has now been replaced by appointed and elected officials who are subject to the Malaysian parliament.
In general, the Banjar are friendly and non-threatening. They speak a local Malay language called Banjar, and they easily understand the Malay language.
The majority of them live on Kalimantan, Indonesia, but that island is shared with Malaysia. A small number live on the Malaysian side of the island.

What Are Their Lives Like?

The Banjar traditionally made a living from seafaring and trading, but now they are primarily farmers and fishermen. Plantation agriculture began early in the twentieth century, and the port of Tawau grew to be a center for such agricultural products as coconuts, rubber, cocoa, oil palm, and abaca (a plantain grown for its fiber). The port also exports timber and copra (dried coconut meat yielding coconut oil). The Banjar have access to an airport and a small road network.
The staple food of the Banjar is rice, and side dishes consist of all kinds of fish and vegetable curry soups. In everyday life, lunch is the most important meal. Although wet rice farming is predominant, rice must still be imported, usually from Thailand.
The Banjar are mostly rural people, living in villages located either along the coasts or along roads. They build their houses on stilts four to eight feet off the ground, with roofs made of thatch. Houses of the wealthier Banjar have plank floors and tile roofs.
The typical Banjar household consists of a husband and wife and their children. Marriage and inheritance are governed by Islamic law. Although a man is permitted to have as many as four wives (according to Islamic law), the majority of the Banjar practice monogamy (one husband, one wife). Couples are married by registering with the local imam (local Islamic leader). Marriages have traditionally been arranged by the parents.

The Banjar people do not look positively upon modern methods and technologies, nor do they mix socially with other people groups.

What Are Their Beliefs?

The Banjar are now almost completely Muslim, having converted to Islam around the fifteenth century. They regularly observe all Muslim holidays. However, a few Hindu-based ideas still linger, such as the belief in "spirits of the soil." Many also look to the medicine men to find relief from illnesses. Islamic rites are predominant, but many practices are actually Hindu-Buddhist, especially wedding customs.
The first major outreach to this people group was conducted by the Dutch during their colonization of Indonesia. As the Banjar moved from Indonesia to Malaysia, however, the influence of Muslim missionaries converted them to Islam.

The Banjar are in desperate need of the gospel of Christ. Pray for the Holy Spirit to empower those trying to take Christ to them.

Pray for spiritual hunger among the Banjar that will give them the will to embrace Jesus Christ, and him crucified.
Pray for a powerful movement to Christ among the Banjar people.
Pray for more workers to go to the Banjar people in Malaysia.
Pray for an abundant harvest for the Banjar people in Malaysia this year as a testimony of God's lovingkindness and provisions.

Scripture Prayers for the Banjarese, Banjar Malay in Malaysia.

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Learn about the Banjarese, Banjar Malay in Malaysia people group. Profiles include statistics, text, photo, map, progress indicator and language resources.

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Case Study: The Birth and Evolution of Malacca`s Indian Peranakan- A Research Documentation of Its Identity, Tradition & Cultural Heritage 

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Case Study: The Birth and Evolution of Malacca`s Indian Peranakan- A Research Documentation of Its Identity, Tradition & Cultural Heritage 

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Key points on the issue of religion from the study:

They are staunch followers of Hindu faith particularly the Saivite

The Peranakan Hindus’ Saivitism faith and life centre around one of the oldest Hindu temples in Malaysia and those temples are:

1. Sri Poyatha Vinayagar Moorthy Temple, Jalan Tukang Emas, Melaka

2. Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple, Jalan Gajah Berang, Melaka (the community`s main temple) for the purpose of annual religious festivals

The main temple are also called as `Datuk Chacar`/Chicken Pox Temple as it is believed that it`s holy ash could cure those who suffer from chicken pox

Although they assimilate into Malay way of life and other large number of religions, they still held steadfastly onto their Hindu beliefs

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THE BIRTH AND EVOLUTION OF MALACCA'S (MELAKA) INDIAN PERANAKAN (THE CHITTY) - A RESEARCH DOCUMENTATION ON ITS IDENTITY, TRADITION & CULTURAL HERITAGE

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The Chittys or known locally as the Hindu 'Peranakan' of Malacca (or Melaka as spelled in

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Video: Unique Tradition of Bugis Ethnic for Ramadhan 

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Video: Unique Tradition of Bugis Ethnic for Ramadhan 

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Orang Kata Unik & Rare, Bagaimana Kehidupan ‘Orang Jowo’ Di Malaysia?

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Website: Javanese, Orang Jawa in Malaysia

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Website: Javanese, Orang Jawa in Malaysia

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Key points on the issue of religion from the website:

1. Javanese are predominantly Sunni Muslims and have a strong Islamic background

2. They perform the jedur (songs praising Prophet Muhammad) during events such as weddings and circumcision rituals

3. They also perform kempling (a type of dance giving praise to Allah) during religious occasions

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Joshua Project profile for the Javanese, Orang Jawa in Malaysia

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Key points on the issue of religion from the website:

1. The Bugis have a strong belief in superstition

2. They were among the early believers of Buddhism, but later converted to Islam in the early 1600s

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Introduction / History

The Bugis people are acclaimed sea traders and legendary warriors from Indonesia. They first came to Malaysia in the 16th century and settled in various parts of Malaysia in the states of Johor, Selangor, and Pulau Pinang. Francis Light once called them "the best merchants" among the eastern islands. By the 1700s, they dominated Selangor's politics and economy and eventually established the Sultanate of Selangor; the current Sultan traces his roots back to the Bugis Empire. The 18th century has been called the "Age of the Bugis." There are several Bugis communities scattered along Sabah's southeast coast.

What Are Their Lives Like?

The Bugis people are cultured and well-mannered, but acknowledged also as aggressive warriors. In the past, Malay princes hired them as mercenaries due to their renowned war dances and chants. In Johor today, many Bugis are landlords of large coconut and coffee plantations, while some are smallholders and fishermen. Bugis people are also known to be excellent craftsmen, for example, building houses without using nails. Their architectural influence is evident in some of today's Malay houses.

Being proud of their self-image, many Bugis people are active in reviving their culture, language, and heritage, though many younger Bugis cannot speak the language anymore due to assimilation into the Malay community through intermarriage. However, some customs remain highly esteemed; for example, those who serve should not turn their backs on those who eat, and no one should leave the dining area until the entire meal is finished.

In marriages, courtship begins through subtle overtures by the potential groom's family. To woo the woman, they will send her family a tepak sirih (a gift box with food or betel nut) as a sign of interest. Eating this food means acceptance; otherwise, they need more time to consider. Once the match is agreed upon, the girl will live in the loft area of her house to preserve her chastity until the wedding day. The groom is blindfolded on the eve of the wedding and must find his bride among the women in the room. After the ceremony, he grabs her and brings her into the bridal chamber. This signifies the warrior instinct of the Bugis. This practice is still carried out today, especially among traditional families.

The Bugis were among the early converts to Buddhism, but later converted to Islam in the early 1600s. Superstition is strong in daily life: there are many do's and don'ts associated with pregnancy, childbirth, eating, fishing, planting, and opening windows. For instance, the whole skeleton of the fish must be removed and thrown away before they can eat the other side of it. Not to do so brings bad luck. When dressing, buttons are fastened beginning at the bottom, but unfastened from the top to the bottom, signifying a proper ordering of events. Windows are likewise opened with the bottom latches undone first while praying to drive away evil and bad luck.

The Bugis have a rich cultural heritage in the region that is under pressure to conform to the majority Malay culture. Pray for doors of opportunity to bless the Bugis people by helping them preserve their unique culture designed by their Creator.

* Scripture Prayers for the Buginese in Malaysia.

Profile Source: Southeast Asia Link - SEALINK Copyrighted © Used with permission

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Introduction / History The Bugis people are acclaimed sea traders and legendary warriors from Indonesia. They first came to Malaysia in the 16th century and settled in various parts of Malaysia in the states of Johor, Selangor, and Pulau Pinang. Francis Light once called them "the best merchants" among the eastern islands.

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Journal Article: Badingsanak Banjar-Dayak; Religious Identity and Ethnic Economy in South Kalimantan

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Journal Article: Badingsanak Banjar-Dayak; Religious Identity and Ethnic Economy in South Kalimantan

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Key points in relation to religion from the journal article:

Religious differences are suspected to be the main cause that makes the two ethnic groups which are Banjar and Meratus to call themselves with different names depsite having similarities in some respects:

1. Banjar: generally convert to Islam

2. Meratus: still adhere to the beliefs of their ancestors, or embrace Christianity

Another reason that segregates these two is, if Meratus embraces Islam, they are considered to be a Banjar

The myth of badingsanak (a close relationship) between the two prophets which are Isa and Muhammad, can be used as a way to resolve the differences of origins between the two ethnic groups

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Journal Article: The Islamization of Southern Kalimantan; Sufi Spiritualism, Ethnic Identity, Political Activism 

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Journal Article: The Islamization of Southern Kalimantan; Sufi Spiritualism, Ethnic Identity, Political Activism 

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Key points pertaining religion from the journal article:

Sufism was the first form of Islam to be brought to Kalimantan, as well as the case throughout most of Southeast Asia

The local popularity of Sufism has direct political implications which causes the aggression of Banjar rebellions that raises questions on the relationship between Sufism and religious identity in Southern Kalimantan

Banjarese are pious Muslims who perform their ritual religious obligations devoutly and for whom important decisions in life are determined by their faith

South Kalimantan is notable for a outstandingly close correlation between ethnicity and religion

It is believed that there are three sources of Banjar mystical belief system:

1. The teaching of Islam itself

2. Social structure of the Banjarese

3. Belief system of their Dayak ancestors

Global movement towards the renewal of Islam (modernism/reformation)

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Journal Article: Spritual Culture of Banjar Sultanate 

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Journal Article: Spritual Culture of Banjar Sultanate 

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Key points concerning religion from this journal article:

The Banjarese culture is now mainly Islamic and inspired by Islam in spite its Hindu past

Manifestations of Banjarese spiritual culture in relation to Islamic faith can be seen through:

1. Traditional Banjarese houses

2. The cycle of life of the Banjarese

3. Daily activity of the Banjarese

The infiltration of secular and pragmatic culture into the Banjar society

Banjarese have their own scholars (ulama`) and educators that are responsible in enlightening and educating the public

At the Sultanate of Banjar, various position of religious affairs was formalized and the Sultan acts as the top-most authority of all religious officials

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Key points in regards to religion from the website:

1. If people wanted to be considered a Banjarese, they need to profess Islam

2. Has produced famous Islamic scholars throughout the archipelago, the most distinguished being, Sheikh Muhammad Arsyad al-Banjari (1710-1812)

3. In the early 20th century, conflicts arose between conservative and modernizing Muslims

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PRONUNCIATION: BAHN-jar-eez
LOCATION: Indonesia (Borneo)
POPULATION: 3.5 million
LANGUAGE: Banjarese
RELIGION: Islam
RELATED ARTICLES: Vol. 3: Indonesians; Javanese; Vol. 4: Malays

INTRODUCTION

The modern Banjarese people are the product of the mixing of four Dayak groups (Ma'anyan, Lawangan, Bukit, and Ngaju) with Sumatran Malays, Javanese, Sundanese, Arabs, Chinese, and Buginese. What distinguishes them from their upriver and highland neighbors is their use of the Banjarese language, a dialect of Malay, and their adherence to Islam, both reflecting connections to the maritime world beyond Borneo. Their identity focuses on the now defunct sultanate of Banjarmasin, whose origins go back to the Hinduized kingdom of Negara Dipa. The city of Banjarmasin itself was founded at the end of the 13th century by Ampujatamaka, the son of a merchant from the Coromandel coast of southeastern India. In 1377, a Majapahit prince married the daughter and sole heir of the Negara Dipa king; thus, Banjarmasin became a vassal of the great Javanese realm and experienced strong Javanese influences, still reflected in the language and various local art forms. In 1526, one side in an internal power struggle triumphed, thanks to aid from the north Javanese state of Demak; conversion to Islam was the price for this aid.

The 17th century was the Golden Age of Banjarmasin when it flourished in the pepper trade, enjoyed vigorous commerce with Java and Gujerat in India, and exercised influence along the Borneo coast from Sambas and Sukadana in the west to Kutai and Berau in the east. Dutch attempts at extending its monopoly over Banjarmasin's pepper trade (including once destroying the city and expelling their British East India Company rivals) failed, due largely to competition from Chinese merchants.

From the late 18th to the mid-19th centuries, Banjarese internal struggles encouraged Dutch intervention. In 1817, one sultan with a less-than-solid claim to legitimacy obtained Dutch aid in exchange for ceding the rights to suzerainty over most of Banjarmasin's traditional sphere along the Borneo coast. The Dutch also demanded the right to name the sultan's successor. In 1857, their installation of their own candidate on the throne enraged the Banjarese and started a short but vicious and costly war. The Dutch dissolved the sultanate in 1860 but faced resistance mounted by Pangeran Antasari, a royal descendant, and Sultan Kuning (despite the title, a peasant) until 1864. Islamic leaders were to stage sporadic uprisings until as late as 1905.

With the exploitation of Kalimantan's timber and fossil fuel wealth, as well as the development of the immediate region's agricultural potential, Banjarmasin and South Kalimantan as a whole are developing rapidly. This is accelerating the forces of integration (Malayification and Islamization) through which the Banjarese community has always expanded.

LOCATION AND HOMELAND

Banjarese are the majority population of the province of South Kalimantan on Indonesian Borneo. The Meratus mountains, a long, broad range with no peak higher than 1,900 m (6,235 ft), run north-south through the province. The great Barito River and the Martapura, a tributary meeting it close to the sea, provide access to the interior of the province and beyond into Central Kalimantan. A vast tidal swamp occupies the coast. Over the last six decades, part of the swamp has been reclaimed for the cultivation of wet-rice and other crops; this area constitutes one of the major rice bowls in the Outer Islands(i.e.,outside Java-Bali-Lombok).

According to the 2000 census, Banjarese numbered 3.5 million (Indonesia's tenth largest ethnic group), up from 2,755,000 in 1990. The 1990 figure represented a 55% increase over the 1980 level, the fastest growth rate for an Indonesian linguistic group during that period. As they have become integrated into wider society through conversion to Islam, increased economic activity, and cross-ethnic marriage, speakers of smaller regional languages in South Kalimantan have adopted Banjarese as their primary language in recent years (an acceleration of the process that created the Banjarese identity in the first place). Between 1980 and 1990, the Banjarese-speaking proportion of the province's population rose from 62.8% to 81.7%; in Central Kalimantan, the proportion nearly doubled over the same period, going from 17.5% to 32.3%. By 2000, the Banjarese proportion of the South Kalimantan and Central Kalimantan populations had declined slightly, to 76% and 24% respectively (probably due to the immigration of other ethnic groups, such as the Javanese who accounted for 13% and 18% respectively). At 14%, Banjarese were the third largest ethnic group in East Kalimantan, between the Javanese (30%) and the Bugis (18%), all immigrant groups.

LANGUAGE

Although popularly regarded as a separate language (and counted as such in Indonesian government usage), the speech of Banjar is essentially a dialect of Malay, although one which differs considerably from other dialects such as standard Bahasa Indonesia. Banjarese itself divides into two dialects: Banjar Hulu (upriver or interior) and Banjar Kuala (downriver or estuarine). The language is rich in words of Javanese origin, such as pitu ("seven"), banyu ("water"), and lawang ("door"), which correspond to Malay tujuh, air, and pintu. Under the influence of Javanese, a special bahasa keraton or "palace language," expressing respect to social superiors, developed and spread to the upper and middle classes. When speaking to someone younger, a person uses aku and ikam for "I" and "you," respectively. The younger, however, will say to the older, ulun and sampiyan in the Hulu dialect, and unda and nyawa in the Kuala dialect.

Banjarese is an oral language: writing (traditionally in the Arabic script) and formal speech-making are in standard Malay. In Islamic rites, Banjarese naturally use Arabic chants. In customary rites, however, incantations are in a mixture of Arabic and Kawi (Old Javanese) or will begin with "Bismillah..." ("In the name of Allah..."), go on to express the main content in Malay or Banjarese, and end with "La ila ha ilallha, Muhammadaddar Rasulullah" ("There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is His Prophet").

FOLKLORE

According to the foundation myth of the Banjar kingdom, the first raja's wife emerged from a gigantic mass of white foam (or, alternatively, mud) with the assistance of the vizier Lambung Mangkurat, who would live for three generations to oversee the new realm. Other mythological or historical figures are regularly invoked in traditional rituals, e.g., various sultans, other aristocrats, such as Pangeran Surianata and Puteri Jun-jung Buih, and the muwakkal Datu Baduk a "good" (literally, "Muslim") spirit who came with Sheikh Banjari from Mecca.

Banjarese recognize a variety of spirits or ghosts. One such is the takau, which appears as a black cat that can grow to the size of a water buffalo. A woman who has employed black magic to control her husband becomes a penjadian after death; smelling of pus, it visits its family to ask for food. Tabib (traditional healers) have the power to take spirit form while still alive, transforming themselves into grass or animals or becoming invisible so they can cause mishaps for persons to whom their clients have directed them. A woman who has drunk minyak kuyang (a kind of oil) becomes a monster capable of severing its head from its body. With the ears as wings and the heart, lungs, and stomach dangling as a tail, the monster flies about in search of pregnant women whose blood it can suck. The monster leaves the body hidden behind a door and returns to it before daybreak.

One type of amulet is the jimat tambang liring, used to enhance beauty and gain popularity. This consists of a paper with Qur'anic verses; a picture of the wayang clown-servants, Semar with his children; and one of the wayang heror Arjuna as Batara Kamajaya, the guardian of the heavenly nymphs (bidadari), with seven bidadari. The ink used in the amulet has been mixed with the blood of a killed person, whose spirit must continually be honored.

The Islamic texts Syair Tajulmuluk and Syair Siti Zubaidah are used to predict the future: one opens such a book to a random page, turns three or seven pages ahead, then interprets the content of the fourth or eighth page. One can diagnose diseases and ascertain cures by turning to the fourth page before looking at the random page. A man can similarly employ the surat "Yasin" from the Quran to make a woman fall in love with him or to harm an enemy.

RELIGION

Being Banjarese by definition includes professing Islam. The region has produced Islamic scholars famous throughout the archipelago, the most renowned being Sheikh Muhammad Arsyad Al-Banjari (1710-1812), sent by the sultan to study in Mecca (his book, the Sabilal Muhtadin, gives its name to Banjarmasin's great mosque, resplendent with the finest marble and calligraphic decoration). Islamic mystical sects, some of which assert (heretically) the identity of God and self, have long been active. Mystics meditate in large buildings raised in the forest near villages, each man sitting within his own kelambu (mosquito net) and leaving only to defecate. In the early 20th century, conflicts arose between conservative and modernizing Muslims (respectively, the "older" and "younger" generations). If a modernizer came to pay respects to an older kinsman of the conservative group, the latter would receive him, but, after the modernizer left, the chair upon which he had sat would be wiped clean as if a leper had been there. Currently, both the conservative Nahdatul Ulama and modernizing Muhammadiyah organizations have strong constituencies among the Banjarese.

Families of topeng (masked dance) performers and dalang (shadow puppeteers) venerate Hindu gods, respectively Batara Kelana (the Ramayana's Dasamuka) and Batara Kala, chief of the spirits and Lord of Time. A dalang cannot perform without receiving the bisik wayang ("whisper of the shadow puppet"), i.e., without being possessed by Arjuna and Semar [ see ]

MAJOR HOLIDAYS

Aruh are ritual celebrations that community tradition obliges a village to hold at regular intervals. Of the various types of aruh, the most elaborate is the aruh menyanggar banua, held right before the Islamic New Year, or at any other time deemed appropriate or necessary. Led by older people versed in ritual, this aruh serves to purify the village of the evil of the previous year, ward off disaster in the next, and call on the aid of ancestors and Batara Kala. Prayers are recited and offerings made, including great quantities of uncooked rice, thread, old Chinese coins (picis), incense, and 41 kinds of traditional foods prepared by postmenopausal women. Various forms of entertainment complete the celebration: wayang (shadow plays); topeng (masked dance); kuda kepang (hobby-horse dances); and gamelan (music).

Another important aruh is the aruh terbang besar, celebrating the birth of Muhammad during the month of Maulud. Its highlight is the performance of hadrah, a combination of Islamic changing and rhythmic movements.

RITES OF PASSAGE

Rites of passage generally resemble those of the Malays. Aspects of the wedding process specific to the Banjarese include the following: parents discuss the choice of a partner for their child with their closest kin and also consult a fortune-teller to learn the fate of the proposed union; and the man's family sends an old woman to make the initial inquiries of the woman's family and chooses a well-spoken and influential person to deliver the proposal. Included in the rites are ceremonial baths of purification. The bride and groom present each other with palimbaian, an arrangement of betel leaves and flowers; afterwards these are thrown to the unmarried women among the guests and the ones who catch the palimbaian are believed soon to find a partner. Clans bring out heirloom naga-naga (the carved heads of dragon-serpents) to escort the bride and groom in a procession around the village.

INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS

Traditional Banjarese society distinguished two strata: the tutus and the jaba. Possessing titles such as pangeran, ratu, gusti, antung, nanang, andin, and rama, the tutus were the aristocrats, descendants of the Banjar rulers. The jaba were commoners, including various office-holders, such as kiai adipati, patih, tumenggung, ronggo, demang, mangku, and kiai. While society once divided into aristocrats, ulama (Islamic scholars), merchants, and peasants, nowadays the main distinction is between educated people and "ordinary" people, with ulama remaining as a special category.

Etiquette within the family requires that, while eating, older individuals sit with other older folk, and younger sit with younger; older people also sit on a physically higher spot on the floor. Moreover, the younger walk behind the older and assume the heavier tasks.

The only occasion sanctioned by custom for young men and women to meet is during the communal preparation of food for large celebrations.

LIVING CONDITIONS

Villages (kampung) usually extend along rivers or roads. Houses line up along a riverside, with their backs facing the water and their fronts facing the road, if there is one. After pacifying the region in 1865, the Dutch forced the inhabitants of scattered interior villages to relocate along a newly built post road. A village includes one or more prayer-halls ( langgar, or a mosque if the settlement is big enough), a bathing place (usually riverside), and an area for a once- or twice-weekly market.

The most characteristic Banjar house is the rumah bubungan tinggi, so called for its "high roof" that rises at a 45o angle, high indeed given the total area of the house. All types of houses are raised on piles. Roofs were once made of dried leaves, but now more often they are made of shingles. Wall materials range from palm leaf to tree bark to bamboo plaiting to wooden planks; beams are of long-lasting ironwood or other hardwoods. The front most section is the palataran, an open veranda where the family relaxes in the afternoon and where it receives guests. Deeper into the house on successively higher levels are the chambers panampik kecil, panampik tengah, panampik besar, and palidangan. The wall between the panampik besar and the palidangan, called the tawing halat, is decorated with intricate carvings; in front of it are seated the most esteemed guests during celebrations. On both sides of the palidangan are anjung, lofts for sleeping. Behind the palidangan at a lower level is the panampik dalam. Behind that and lower still is the padapuran, the kitchen; above the door to the kitchen is the katil, the sleeping area for the family's unmarried daughters.

South Kalimantan has a Human Development Index (combining measures of income, health, and education) of 67.4 (2005 score), significantly lower than the national HDI of 69.6 and dramatically lower than that of the neighboring provinces, Central Kalimantan (73.2) and East Kalimantan (72.9), which are now attracting Banjarese transmigrants. South Kalimantan's GDP per capita is US$8,644, relatively high for Indonesia (cf. US$9,784 for West Sumatra and US$8,360 for North Sulawesi, but US$6,293 for Central Java and US$6,151 for West Nusa Tenggara), though much lower than that in the contiguous provinces (East Kalimantan's is US$23,253 even minus income from petroleum and gas). In 2000, the rate of infant mortality stood at 69.6 deaths per 1,000 live births, the third highest in the country, surpassed only by North Maluku (74.59) and West Nusa Tenggara (88.55).

FAMILY LIFE

The principal productive and property-holding unit is the nuclear family: a man, his wife or wives (polygyny is not uncommon), and their unmarried children.

A newly married couple sometimes remains for a time in the wife's parents' house. This results in parents, their unmarried children, and their married daughters with their husbands and children sharing the same roof (though sleeping in separate annexes and keeping their own kitchens). Married daughters usually, however, move out to a small house they have built themselves or which the parents have given them.

Parents usually choose their children's marriage partners. A young man who already has an eye on a girl other than that selected by his parents may use magic to undermine the arranged engagement. Young women who meet their husbands for the first time only at the wedding ceremony itself often refuse to sleep with their husbands; the family will do everything in their power, including resorting to spells, to persuade the woman to accept her man.

Kin relations are traced through both paternal and maternal sides, but the father or, if he is dead, one of his brothers will represent the bride in the wedding ceremony. Terminology distinguishes a parent's eldest sibling (julak) from the second eldest (gulu), from the third eldest (angah), and from the youngest ( pakacil for uncles and makacil for aunts). Relatives are almost always addressed with abbreviated kin-terms: datu (great-grandparents); kaye (grandfather); ni ( nini, grandmother); bah ( abah, father); ma ( uma, mother); lak (julak, eldest uncle or aunt); ngah (angah, middle uncle or aunt); cil (pakacil/ makacil, youngest uncle or aunt); anak (child); and cu ( cucu, grandchild); or yut ( buyut, grandchild).

CLOTHING

Everyday wear for men consists at its most simple of the salawar culuk, trousers of unbleached cloth that reach down to the calf; the top of the trousers is folded over and rolled tight at the waist. Shirts and the laung head cloth are rarely worn with it. Alternatively, men may wear salawar panjang (long trousers), baju taluk balanga (an open-collared, long-sleeved tunic), and a peci cap. Women wear the tapih kurung (sarong), kebaya (long-sleeved blouse), and kakamban head covers; nowadays, the favored fabrics are from Pekalongan in Java.

Aristocratic styles can still be seen as ceremonial wear. A man will put on a baju pokok pria, a white sleeveless under-shirt whose sides remain unsewn, secured by ties; and over this a baju miskat, a black or red long-sleeved shirt, tapering down to the waist and sporting a wide, stiff collar and buttons (always uneven in number). In addition, he will wear the salawar pidandang, trousers that taper towards the bottom to hug the lower leg, and a laung head cloth (differing in style according to rank). Women wear the baju kurung basisit, an open-collared, long-sleeved shirt of blue or black satin or silk, extending down to the knees. Ceremonial clothing for both sexes is decorated with motifs (plants, naga snakes, etc.), embroidered in gold thread.

FOOD

Meals consist of rice and side dishes. The latter could be fish (dried or fried) from rivers or flooded rice-fields, vegetables, and curries (e.g., preparations with squash, jackfruit, or taro). Supplementary foods include cassava, sweet potato, sago, pati panguning (a kind of tuber whose plant resembles turmeric), and a variety of bananas. One specialty available throughout Indonesia is soto Banjar, a rich soup of chicken meat and duck eggs eaten with lontong (rice steamed in banana-leaf wrappers).

Rice provides the basis of local sweets, such as apam, which is rice flour, palm or granulated sugar, and coconut milk blended into a batter, poured into molds, and steamed; dodol, a taffy made from glutinous rice flour, palm sugar, and lots of coconut milk, which is eaten with coconut meat, durian, or peanuts; and kalapon, green-dyed, ping-pong-size balls of rice flour filled with a chunk of brown sugar, steamed, and sprinkled with grated coconut before eating. Amping are chips made from newly harvested rice that has been pounded; they are eaten with grated coconut or sugar. One local drink of note is banyu tipikan, water in which ginger and brown sugar have been boiled.

EDUCATION

In 2005, South Kalimantan's level of literacy stood at 94.47%, relatively high by Indonesian national standards, comparable to provinces with higher HDIs, such as West Java and Jambi ( see also the article entitled Indonesians ).

CULTURAL HERITAGE

An accompaniment for celebrations, such as weddings, hadrah is a performing art of Arab origin that combines Islamic chanting, the striking of the rebana tambourine, the waving of multicolored pennants, and the spinning of decorated umbrellas.

Mumenggung is an elegant step- dance welcoming spectators to all-male mamada plays (dramatizing tales from the Thou-sand and One Nights). The Banjarese also perform Javanese-style dances, topeng (masked dances), wayang (shadow plays), and gamelan music.

WORK

Agriculture is the most common occupation among the Banjarese. Since 1939, from the vast tidal swamp between Banjarmasin and the Java Sea, 100,000 hectares (247,100 acres) of land have been reclaimed for wet-rice fields, tangerine and orange groves, and vegetable gardens. Varieties of rice are cultivated that can grow in as much as 2 m (6.5 ft) of water; farmers harvest these from boats. Less and less by the swidden (shifting-cultivation) methods of the past, Banjarese also grow crops in dry-fields: dry rice, oil palm (kelapa sawit), rosela (a plant yielding fiber for sacks and ropes), sugarcane, and fruits. Traditionally, pepper was the primary cash crop, but cacao, illipe nuts, and especially rubber have taken its place.

Livestock includes water buffalo, horses, cattle, goats, sheep, ducks, and chicken. Some 160,000 people make a living fishing in the province's inland waters, and another 5,000 from the sea; large quantities of dried fish are exported to Java.

Although Banjarese shun work in the local lumber mills that process wood from the Kalimantan interior (leaving it to Javanese migrants), many do work in factories where upriver rattan is transformed into mats and furniture. Another alternative to agriculture is small-scale mining for gems (including diamonds) and panning for gold. Many Banjarese engage in commerce, such as the women of Banjarmasin's pasar terapung ("floating market"), who sell vegetables and other produce from boats. The region has long been the source of various "exotica": frog legs, snake and lizard skins, and roots for jamu (traditional herbal remedies).

SPORTS

Kite-flying and top-spinning are popular pastimes and form an integral part of post-harvest festivals.

ENTERTAINMENT AND RECREATION

See the article entitled Indonesians.

FOLK ART, CRAFTS, AND HOBBIES

Traditional crafts include the weaving of baskets and mats, the carving of house walls and furniture, and the working of metal and gems. One regional specialty is batik sasirangan, a tie-dyed cloth of many designs, once believed to ward off evil spirits and cure disease.

SOCIAL PROBLEMS

See the article entitled Indonesians.

GENDER ISSUES

South Kalimantan's Gender-Related Development Index (combining measures of women's health, education, and income relative to men's) is 61, slightly above Indonesia's national GDI of 59.2. The province's Gender Empowerment Measure (reflecting women's participation and power in political and economic life relative to men's), however, is 51.8, lower than the national GEM of 54.6.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Badan Pusat Statistik: Statistik Indonesia. http://demografi.bps.go.id (November 9, 2008).

Muller, Kal. Borneo: Journey into the Tropical Rainforest. Lincolnwood, IL: Passport Books, 1990.

Profil Propinsi Republik Indonesia. Vol. 11, Kalimantan Selatan. Jakarta: Yayasan Bhakti Wawasan Nusantara, 1992.

Rosantini, Triana. "Banjar, suku bangsa." In Ensiklopedi Nasional Indonesia, Vol. 3. Jakarta: Cipta Adi Pustaka, 1989.

Steinhauer, Hein. "The Indonesian Language Situation and Linguistics." Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land en Volkenkunde 150-IV (1994).

Tobing, Nelly, ed. Adat Istiadat Daerah Kalimantan Selatan [Customs of South Kalimantan]. Jakarta: Department of Education and Culture, 1978.

-revised by A. J. Abalahin

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banjaresepronunciation:   bahn-jar-eezlocation:   indonesia (borneo)population:   3.5 millionlanguage:   banjaresereligion:   islamrelated articles:   vol. 3: indonesians; javanese; vol. 4: malays

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PRONUNCIATION: BAHN-jar-eez LOCATION: Indonesia (Borneo) POPULATION: 3.5 million LANGUAGE: Banjarese RELIGION: Islam RELATED ARTICLES: Vol. 3: Indonesians; Javanese; Vol. 4: Malays The modern Banjarese people are the product of the mixing of four Dayak groups (Ma'anyan, Lawangan, Bukit, and Ngaju) with Sumatran Malays, Javanese, Sundanese, Arabs, Chinese, and Buginese.

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Key points from the website:

Virtually all Javanese are Muslims

However, Javanese religion is an attempted fusion of different religions, with Islam being laid over spiritual and mystical beliefs of Hindu-Buddhist and indigenous origins

There are several types of religious practitioner in Islam, in which there are factions of a guru/kijaji (teacher) and murid (disciple) that study on Islamic doctrines and laws

In addition to the dominance of Islam, magic and sorcery are widely practiced among the Javanese which are performed by varieties of dukun

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Religious Beliefs. Virtually all Javanese are Muslims. In reality, the religion of the Javanese is syncretic, with Islam being laid over spiritual and mystical beliefs of Hindu-Buddhist and indigenous origins. The difference in degree of adherence to the doctrines of Islam constitutes a dichotomy that pervades Javanese culture. The santri are strict in their adherence to Islam while the abangan are not. This dichotomy has class and political-party implications.

The peasant abangan knows the general structure of Islam but does not follow it to the letter. The abangan religion is a blend of indigenous beliefs, Hinduism-Buddhism, and Islam. In addition to Allah, abangan believe in several Hindu deities and numerous spirits that inhabit the environment. Abangan also believe in a form of magical power that is possessed by the dukun, who is a specialist in magical practices, a curer, and/or a sorcerer.

The prijaji abangan religious practice is similar to that of the peasant abangan but it is somewhat more sophisticated. It has an elaborate philosophy of fate and is quite mystical. Asceticism and the practice of meditation are characteristic of prijaji abangan religion. Sects under the leadership of gurus are typical.

The santri are present among all social levels but they predominate in the commercial classes. The santri diligently comply with Islamic doctrine. They perform the required prayers five times a day, attend communal prayers at the mosque every Friday, fast during the month of Ramadan (Pasa), do not eat pork, and make every effort to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca at least once.

Religious Practitioners. There are several types of religious practitioner in Islam. There are sects consisting of a guru or kijaji (teacher) and murid (disciple) dyads that are hierarchically organized. Individual kijaji attract students to their pondoks or pesantren (monasterylike schools) to teach Muslim doctrines and laws. In addition to the dominance of Islam, magic and sorcery are widely practiced among the Javanese. There are many varieties of dukun, each one dealing with specialized kinds of ritual such as agricultural rituals, fertility rituals, etc. Dukun also perform divination and curing.

Ceremonies. The communal meal, the slametan, is central to abangan practice and is sometimes also performed by santri. The function of the slametan is to promote slamet, a state of calmness and serenity. The slametan is performed within a household and it is usually attended by one's closest neighbors. Occasions for a slametan include important lifecycle events and certain points in the Muslim ceremonial calendar; otherwise it is performed for the well-being of the village.

Arts. Geertz (1964) describes three art "complexes," each involving different forms of music, drama, dance, and literature. The Javanese shadow play, the wajang, is known worldwide and is central to the alus (refined) art complex. The wajang uses puppets to dramatize stories from the Indian epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, or from Java's precolonial past. Wajang performances are accompanied by gamelan (percussion orchestras), which also have achieved worldwide fame. Another art form associated with the alus complex is batik textile dyeing. The alus art complex is classical and traditional and is largely the domain of the prijaji. The other two art complexes are more popular, nationally shared, and Western-influenced.

Medicine. Doctors practicing scientific medicine are present and are consulted in Java, especially in urban areas, but curers and diviners continue to be important in all of Javanese culture. In addition to the dukun who perform magic rites, there are many dukun who cure illnesses. These latter dukun include curers who use magic spells, herbalists, midwives, and masseurs. It is said that even urban prijaji who regularly consult medical doctors may also consult dukun for particular illnesses and psychosomatic complaints.

Death and Afterlife. Funerals are held within hours of death and they are attended by neighbors and close relatives who are able to arrive in time. A coffin is built and a grave is dug quickly while a village official performs rituals. A simple ceremony is held at the home of the deceased followed by a procession to the graveyard and burial. A slametan is held with food provided by neighbors. Javanese funerals are marked with the same emotional restraint that characterizes other social interactions. Graves are visited regularly, espedaily at the beginning and end of the fasting month, and they are tended by relatives. The Javanese believe in continuing ties with the dead and especially ties between parents and children. Children hold a number of slametans at intervals after death with the last held 1,000 days after the death. There are varying beliefs about life after death, including the standard Islamic concepts of eternal retribution, beliefs in spirits or ghosts who continue to influence events, and belief in reincarnation, the last sternly condemned by the orthodox Muslims.

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Religion and expressive culture - Javanese

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Religious Beliefs. Virtually all Javanese are Muslims. In reality, the religion of the Javanese is syncretic, with Islam being laid over spiritual and mystical beliefs of Hindu-Buddhist and indigenous origins. The difference in degree of adherence to the doctrines of Islam constitutes a dichotomy that pervades Javanese culture.

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Website: Overview of World Religions-Javanese Religion

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Website: Overview of World Religions-Javanese Religion

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Key points from the website:

Muslim Javanese are divided into two doctrines which are Agami Jawi and Agami Islam Santri

The early religion of Java was based on ancestor worship, spirits, magical power in natural phenomena, and sacred objects used by man

Proof that Indian civilisation has been in Java for centuries are reflected through the Buddhist and Hindu symbols that can be found all over Java

97.3% of the population in Java are officially Muslims, and the rest are either Roman Catholics, Protestants, or Buddhists (In South Central Java, there are recent converts to Hinduism)

Each of the religions had their own religious movements/society

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Doctrines
&nbsp

"It is particularly true that in describing the religion of such a complex civilisation as the Javanese any simple unitary view is certain to be inadequate" and there is "much variation in ritual, contrast in belief, and conflict in values... behind the simple statement that Java is more than 90 per cent Moslem" (Geertz 1960, 7).
There are two types of Javanese Islam. The most popular is Agami Jawi, "Javanese religion," which Geertz calls Abangan. The second type is a puritanical Islam known as Agami Islam Santri, "Santri Islam religion," called Islam Santri by Geertz. Sufism or mystical Islam has been of great doctrinal importance in Javanese religion.
Agami Jawi is a complex blending of doctrines and practices. It has a wide range of concepts, views, and values, many being Muslim in origin, such as the belief in God Almighty (Gusti Allah), the prophet Muhammad (kanjeng nabi Muhammad), and other prophets (para ambiya). All actions and decisions are done "in the name of God" (bismillah).
The wali sanga, the nine semihistorical first missionaries of Islam, religious teachers, and some semihistorical figures have their sacred graves (pepundhen) venerated. Religious leaders, healers, wayang puppeteers, and village leaders can become saints while still alive.
The most important Javanese work on the nature of God and man is the seventeenth century Dewaruci, which has a mystical pantheistic view. God can enter any human heart though he is as wide as the oceans and as endless as space. This view became interwoven with Islamic concepts by those who wrote the Serat centhini and the magico-mystical suluk books.
Many Hindu-Buddhist gods called dewata with Sanskrit names are incorporated in Agami Jawi. Dewi Sri comes from Sri, the consort of Vishnu, and in Java is the goddess of fertility and rice.
There are traditional pre-Hindu elements in the religion. Semar is the divine trickster acting as an intermediary between the gods and man, and in the wayang, the shadow-puppet play, he is a clown who is servant and guardian to the heroes of the Bratayuda, the Javanese version of the Mahabharata. Spirits are central to traditional Javanese belief and include ancestral spirits, guardian spirits who are the soul's twin, and guardian spirits of holy places such as old wells, old banyan trees, and caves. There are also ghosts, spooks, giants, fairies, and dwarfs. Magic gives magical power to certain persons and parts of the body, plants, rare animals, and objects. Traditional concepts of death and the afterlife have been influenced by Islam.
At the centre of Javanese religion is the slametan ritual, a communal feast.
Agami Islam Santri doctrines are determined by dogmatic Islamic concepts. The shari'ah, Islamic law, is applied and the dominant legal school is that of al-Shafi'i. Besides the obligatory prayers five times a day, there are voluntary personal prayers called ndonga which can be at any time.

History
&nbsp

Before the coming of Indian religions the early religion of Java was based on ancestor worship, spirits, magical power in natural phenomena, and saced objects used by man.
Trade from South India brought Hinduism in about the fourth century CE. Indian culture and religion was to completely dominate Java for centuries. The first traces of Hindu-Javanese and Buddhist-Javanese civilisation date from the eighth century. From the eighth to the early fifteenth century temples (called candi after a name of the goddess Durga) were built from the Dieng Plateau in Central Java to Candi Kedaton in East Java. The main concentration is in Central and East Java. Near Yogyakarta, the cultural capital of Java, is located the large ninth century Saivite temple of Prambanan as well as the largest Buddhist stupa in the world, Borobudur, built in the same century. The proximity of such important religious complexes shows that Javanese Hinduism and Javanese Buddhism lived peacefully together. Indian civilisation was developed in these ancient empires of Central Java from the eighth to the tenth centuries and in the ancient empires of East Java from the eleventh to the fifteeenth centuries. In East Java this civilisation was more characteristically Javanese.
During the fourteenth century another religion came from India. This was Islam arriving from Gujarat, first becoming established on the north coast of Java at Demak and Gresik. Trade was the main factor involved and a number of powerful Islamic trading cities developed. With a background of mysticism in Javanese Hinduism, mystical Islam or Sufism proved attractive and influenced early Javanese literary works. Puritanical Islam came later with pilgrims returning from the haj, pilgrimage, to Mecca. These mercantile cities undermined the declining Majapahit empire of East Java. Muslim wali or holy men spread Islam into the interior of East and Central Java. The Mataram empire of Central Java resisted Islam, which reached there by force in the second half of the eighteenth century. Hindu-Buddhist centres in Central Java only superficially accepted Islam, and developed the syncretistic Agami Jawi.
Between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries the Javanese mystical and pantheistic view of God was mixed with Islamic elements.
There have always been numerous kebatinan kejawen, spiritual movements. Kebatinan means the search for truth from the Arabic batin, truth. From the late 1960's there has been a considerable increase in the kebatinan movements.

Symbols
&nbsp

Buddhist and Hindu symbols are found all over Java, reflecting centuries of Indian civilisation. Many of the ancient temples are built in the form of Mount Meru, the cosmic mountain of Indian mythology which is the axis of the world. Borobudur is the supreme example of this. This stone mountain with its thousands of carvings in galleries stretching over five kilometres is a micocosm of life with the different levels of the monument representing the different levels of existence. The central stupa at the top is the symbol of heaven. Many of the deities in Agami Jawi are of Hindu-Buddhist origin.
The puppet figures in the wayang are based on the Mahabharata, though the wayang predates Hinduism coming to Java. The puppets perhaps once represented deceased ancestors. The clown Semar is a survival of early times. Islam banned the human form, causing the puppets to become ugly and grotesque and unlike humans. They became so stylised that they are symbols rather than actual human figures.
Nearly every town on Java has a mosque and minaret, together with the traditional use of Islamic symbols. Those who have been on the haj to Mecca wear a white peci on their head.
The very important slametan ritual is a communal feast which symbolises the mystic and social unity of all taking part, and besides friends, relatives, neighbours, and colleagues, this includes spirits, ancestors, and gods.
Batik may have come from Turkey or Egypt in the twelth century. For seven centuries it was the preserve of women in royal families, who regarded it as a spiritual discipline and form of meditation. The symbols used in batik designs are endless and include ancient stylised symbols as well as traditional, Indian, Chinese, and European motifs, which vary from region to region.

Adherents
&nbsp

Java has a population of 110 million. 97.3 per cent of these are officially Muslim. The remainder are Roman Catholics, Protestants, or Buddhists. In South Central Java there are recent converts to Hinduism (Koentjaraningrat in Eliade 1987, Vol. 7, 559). Only 5-10 per cent follow Agami Islam Santri with 30 per cent following Agami Jawi. The rest are only nominal Muslims called abangan, whose religion is based more on animism, mysticism, Javanese Hinduism and Javanese Buddhism. In Central Java there are large areas that are still Hindu-Buddhist (Dalton 1988, 155).
In 1982 the province of Central Java had 93 kebatinan movements with a total of 123,570 adherents. Nineteen of the most important ones are in Surakarta with about 7,500 adherents. The four largest movements are Susila Sudi Darma (SUBUD), Paguyuban Ngasti Tunggal (PANGESTU), Paguyuban Sumarah, and Sapta Darma. Kebatinan movements can be found all over Java, though, and are divided into aliran kecil, small movements of not more than two hundred adherents, and aliran besar, large movements with thousands of adherents (Koentjaraningrat in Eliade 1987, Vol. 7, 562). There are estimated to be 148 religious sects on Java, mainly in Central and East Java (Dalton 1988, 155)
The Sultan of Yogyakarta is looked upon as a god by his followers.

Headquarters/
Main centre
&nbsp

Islam: Jakarta; the Muhammadiyah movement of Agami Islam Santri: Yogyakarta; Kebatinan movements: Surakarta; Buddhism: Borobudur; Hinduism: South Central Java.

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Doctrines &nbsp "It is particularly true that in describing the religion of such a complex civilisation as the Javanese any simple unitary view is certain to be inadequate" and there is "much variation in ritual, contrast in belief, and conflict in values... behind the simple statement that Java is more than 90 per cent Moslem" (Geertz 1960, 7).

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Website: The Spice Route End (Javanese Culture-Religion)

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Website: The Spice Route End (Javanese Culture-Religion)

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Key points obtained from the website:

According to US anthropologist   Clifford Geertz, Javanese society of the 50s and divided into three sociological group, which are:

1. Abangan- they hold communal feasts called slametan and believe in a variety of spirits, and the dukun/witch doctor play an important role in their daily life

2. Santri- Javanese that takes the Islamic doctrine seriously

3. Priyayi- the traditional Javanese aristocracy and the major focus of their cultural identity are etiquette, arts and mystical practices

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In the first article of this series on Javanese culture, I have introduced the Javenese history, language and cultural tradition.

This second article will focus on the diversity of the religious practices among the Javanese.

I have used mainly sources written in the 70s and the 80s. However I have tried to fill the gap between the books and the present days relying on more recent research and my personnal experience as well.

The Javanese religions

For centuries, the Javanese ruler has erected Buddhist and Hindu temples. Then this tradition was shaken by the emergence of Muslim powers on the Pasisir (the north coast) that defeated the old empires.

Prambanan Hindu temples in Yogyakarta

Yet those Muslim port-states would be soon contained and pushed back by new power of Mataram emerging from the interior of Java.

Islam nonetheless circulated in towns and rurals villages, under the action of missionaries of various obediences : some more inclined towards mysticism and other towards orthodoxy. Most of the time it mixed with existing beliefs and rituals.

The Mataram court also promoted a form of Islamic syncretism in order to achieve balance between ancient Hindu-Buddhist traditions and the new Islamic dogma.

The result of these successive influences is that while the vast majority of the Javanese define themselves as Muslim, their attitude towards Islam can be very different.

Abangan, Priyayi and Santri

In his seminal book, US anthropologist Clifford Geertz formalized that the Javanese society of the 50s was actually divided in 3 sociological groups.

Most of the peasants are abangan : they hold communal feasts called slametan and believe in a variety of sprits. The dukun (witch doctor) plays an important role in their daily life.

Javanese that takes the Islamic doctrine seriously are called santri. They live together in specific wards of villages (the kauman) and send their children to the pesantren (Islamic boarding school). They tend to be better off than the peasants, with many traders among them.

The traditional Javanese aristocracy has long defined itself as priyayi. They live almost all in towns and usually served as functionnaries under the Dutch administration. The major focus of their cultural identity are etiquette, art and mystical practices.

I will stick to Koentjaraningrat distinction by covering first the aspects of the Agami Jawi and then of Agami Islam Santri.

A land of magic

The divine origin of magic

In an old manuscrit from the Majapahit era (15th century), the Tantu Pagelaran, one can finds an origin myth for the island of Java.

It was first an island floating freely on the ocean, rendering it very unstable. When Batara Guru (Shiva) commanded that the island must be populated, the God decided to attach a part of the Indian moutain Mahameru to Java to stabilize it.

The detached piece of moutain is carried through the ocean by Wisnu transformed into a turtle and Braham into a giant naga serpent. The Meru is carried over Java and it's laid at the place of the current Mount Semeru, while the fragments that it dropped on its way become the other Javanese volcanoes.

Shiva then comes to Java, make the summit of the Semeru its abode and becomes the first ruler of Java.

As in other places of South-East Asia, Hindu kings of Java were thus considered as the incarnation of the supreme God (here Shiva because Shivaism prevailed).

His divine origin attributed magical spiritual powers ( kasekten or sakti) to the king that then radiated throughout the whole kingdom.

In the wayang stories, the aristocratic heroes concentrate so much power when they meditate that they can make the sea boil. They can fly through the air or shot arrows that turn into thousands of serpents or demons.

Spirits

On the mythical origin of spirits

The Badad Tanah Jawi, royal chronicles composed in the 17th century, explains their origin :

Originally Java was covered with primeval forests and without inhabitants. There was only Semar, the key clown character of the wayang, that farmed a small parcel of rice fields at the foot of Mount Merbabu for ten thousands years.

Semar is actually the danjang (guardian spirit) of Java. This makes him the ancestors of the numerous spirits that roam Java.

A powerful Hindu-Moslem (typical sign of the syncretism nurtured by Mataram) is sent to Java by a mythical foreign king (something identified as the king of Rome). He is to populate the island, clear the forests for ricefields and set up villages. As the civilization emerges, the native spirits flee into the craters of volcanoes, to the woods or to the depths of the Southern Sea.

Semar is yet to remain, as the spiritual advisor and magical supporter of all the kings and princesses of Java.

Javanese spirits classification

Javanese, espacially in the countryside, believes in a wide variety of spirits.

As Geertz has noted : " Abangan spirit beliefs are not part of a consistent, systematic and integrated scheme, but are rather a set of concrete, specific, rather sharply defined discrete images - unconnected visual metaphors giving form to vague and otherwise incomprehensible experiences. "

Usually it falls into one of the following categories :

Memedi usually takes a human form and are encountered at night in isolated places. People often refuse to go to the toilet alone at night for fear of memedi.

Some adopt a very specific appearance like panaspati whose heads is where its genetals should be, walks on his hands and breath fire. Or the sundel bolong which appears as a beautiful naked woman with a large hole in the middle of her back behind her long black hairs.

The most common one is called a gendruwo, and they usually only play jokes on people. Yet they also often appears in the form of a relative and ask their victime to follow them. If the victims obeys, it becomes invisible. Its real relative must then go outside and so much noise that the gendruwo will be annoyed and will offer food to its victim. If the victim refuses it, then it becomes visible again.

Gendruwo can also sleep with a woman after taking the form of her husband. If she bears a child from the union, then the child will look like a monsters.

Lelembut are invisible beings that are able to possess one's body. If not brought to a dukun that knows how to pull him out, the victim is likely to fall ill or even turn crazy.

The most powerful lelembut is probably Lara Kidul, the Queen of the Southern Sea. She drags to the depths of the ocean anyone who would dare to wear grean near the cost.

Tujul are children spirits that have the ability to steal without being detected. A tujul can be controlled a human master, through acute fasting and meditation, and make him very rich if given regular offerings. But this is a kind of devil pact, the master risk the death of a relative or his own slow and difficul death in the future.

Demit are place spirits, generally found in sacred places called punden like a small Hindu rui, a large banyan tree, an old grave, a special rock ... Demit may support the wishes of men, that gives them slametan in return.

Danjang also live in punden and protect men, but they are usually considered as the spirits of actual historical figures. Each Javanese village has at least one major danjang.

Deities

The king of the deities is Batara Guru (Shiva in the Hindu mythology) and his secretary Batara Narada. Batara stands for male and Dewi for females.

Koentjaraningrat notes that Bataras and Dewis " have very little meaning in the religious and ceremonial life of the Javanese". In the wayang stories, they set the standards for morality and serves as examples for human action.

The exceptions are Dewi Sri, the goddess of fertility and rice, who plays a central role in rituals pertaining to agriculture. Batara Kala, god of time, decay, destruction and death, is also important for the ruwatan ceremony to repel misfortune and calamities.

Pusaka

Gamelan sets can also be charged with kasekten.

Javanese, and especially peasants, routinely wear protective amulets ( jimat) prepared by a dukun.

They also held similar beliefs towards gemstones ( batu akik) that are thought to host a spirit. Every design has its own name and is supposed to bring special benefits : tapak jalak make the wearer strong and powerful, kendit brings protection against one's ennemy, cempaka favors romantic life ... (if you are interested in this, you can check this blog in Indonesian).

The dukun

The master of the Javanese lore of curing, sorcery and magic is the dukun, the general magical specialist.

Dukun is usually a side activity for people. They are not outcast, actually it is almost impossible to know that someone is a dukun without be told about.

Geertz : " partial skeptism about dukun and their ability to do the things they claim to do is nearly universal. Everyone believes in dukun in general but opinions about a particular ones vary tremendously ".

People tend to consider that a dukun cannot cure everyone but only the people is is compatible with. Dukun are known not to be able to cure their relatives for instance.

The source of the dukun's power

Being a dukun means dealing with powerful forces that can drive one's crazy is not spiritually strong enough. For this reason, the office of dukun is often hereditary. The dukun must learn the science ( ilmu) from a mentor.

The most common ilmu is specific : a dukun will be proficient in finding lost objects, getting someone rich or attracting the affection of someone else spouse. Memories of ancient "generic" ilmu that allowed some dukun to turn into a tiger or the fly have been passed on the oral tradition but it is widely believed to be lost now.

Besides the ilmu, the dukun is well versed in a number of mystical practices that help him to fulfil his office. Ascetic discipline (like extended fasts or long time of wakeful meditation), chanted passages from the Koran and magical formulas written in Arabic, amulets, herbs and spells are common tools of the dukun.

The art of curing

Dukun most prestigious duty is to cure afflictions. They are well aware of the psychological aspects of their powers and they often make a clear distinction between diseases with a physicial causes, that can be adressed by Western medicines, and the others one for which doctors cannot find anything. The most common cause of the second category of illness is to be entered by a spirit.

To establish their diagnosis, they can rely on an analysis of the symptoms, but also on meditation or even numerology ( pétungan). They will use the birthdate of the patient and the day he fell sick to come up with a calculation that tells what treatment to use, usually an herb.

The dukun through its concentration and his chanting also acts as a medium between the patient and the spirits. He can locate the entry point of a lelembut in one's body and pulling it out by massaging the point or call back the two guardian spirits of the patient to chase them off.

Sometimes, the dukun will simply advise to move the position of the toilet in the house or to rebury one's child umbilical cord.

Sorcery

Dukun can cure but can also deal damages to people, even if they usually deny to practice sihir (sorcery).

The only defense against sihir is to hire another more powerful dukun that can return the magic against the ennemy. Geertz notes that sorcery matters are never brought to court or to the police, but are dealt with sorcery. Another interesting remarks he makes is that Javanese do not accuse outsiders of sorcery. They tend to use it only on the people they actually know.

The traditional ritual practices

The main religious ceremony of abangan are communal meals called slametan.

A slametan is usually held in the evening after the dusk prayer. Women prepare the food but only males take part in the ritual.

A typical slametan would unroll that way :

First the host gives a formal introductory speech in which he thanks the guest for coming, explains the reason why he holds a slametan and then beg pardons for any error or offence.

Then a religious official (the village modin), or anyone else that is able to do it, would chant a prayer in Arabic.

Food is then served. Is is generally speaking better-than-average food. Dozens possibility exists, each with special method for preparation and symbolic meaning. The most striking feature is the rice cone (tumpeng) that stands between side dishes.

Actually the guests eat only for a few minutes and then leave. Most of the food is wrapped in banana leaves and taken home to be shared with its family.

Tumpeng rice cone (source)

There are several accounts of slametan in Geertz's book. To me the most interesting part is the description of the offerings. Within one single speech, one could hear offerings to :

Nini Tawek, the angel who guards the Javanese kitchen and to whom the women give a small offering before every slametan

The prophet Muhammad, his wife, children and Companions

Sunan Kalidjaga and the 7 other Walis.

To Baginda Ilijas (guardian of the earth) and Baginda Chilir (guardian of the water).

Besides the food, special offerings for the spirits are always prepared on top. They are called sajen (or sesajen).

The general goal of the slametan is double : fostering the sense of solidarity among participants (that invite their host in return) and appeasing the local spirits.

Geertz identifies 4 kind of occasions to hold a slametan :

Life cycle ceremonies : birth, circumcision, marriage and death.

Those associated with the Muslim ceremonial calendar (Idul Fitri, Idual Adha ...) or the agricultural cycle

"Protective" slametan held as supplication (kaul) or thanksgiving to spirits ; but also to answer bad dreams or to bring one's children protection against supernatural dangers (ruwatan).

The occasionalones : before the departure on a long trip, after moving to a new house, changing one's name, when one gets a promotion... Those are rather unreligious slametan.

Abangans also held slametan to answer bad dreams, supplicate the village guardian spirit or as part of sorcery.

If possible, it's better to arrange the slametan according to numerological divination ( petungan). Usually one goes to a specialized dukun who is reputated for its divination. There is no general divination science, each dukun uses his own system, often inherited from his father or at least a teacher.

Abangan cares very much about petungan. For instance, families usually check the compatibility of a bride and groom by giving their birthdate to a dukun. Many are ready to cancel a wedding for this sole reason.

Life cycle ceremonies

A cycle of slametan always take place along the birth of the death of a relative.

At 7 months of pregnancy, the parents will organize a large slametan called tingkeban. From this moment, the mother must observe many religious and food taboos.

Another one called babaran takes place at birth. Any abangan child is thought to come to life along 2 spirits brothers, one in the umbilical cord and the other in the afterbirth. Those parts are buried outside the house after birth. Later in one's life, it's possible to contact those brother spirits through extended mental concentration and fasting.

At last, 7 months (35-days Javanese months) after birth the pitonan is celebrated. For the first time, the child is allowed to put his feet on the ground.

Further slametan will be organized for the boy's circumcision ( sunatan) and the children's wedding.

Each child must organize a specific slametan 3, 7, 40, 100, 1 year, 2 years and eventually 1000 days after the death of one parents. It's important to keep visiting his parents' grave on each anniversary of their death as well as beofre the Fast begins.

Life after death in the Javanese culture

Geertz reports than 3 main conceptions of life after death exist in the Javanese society, and many people often believe in more than one :

Santri believes in an eternal set of retributions and punishments in the afterworld, based on the Islamic teachings. Outside strict Muslim circles, this view seems to be only half-believed.

Many abangan believe in the concept of sampurna, which means that the individuality of the deceased completely disappears after death.

A significant proportion of Javanese (but the santri who consider this view as heretical) believe in reincarnation. The spirit of a deceased person would enter a pregnant woman shortly after death.

Geertz notes that his informants " never seems to know who they were the reincarnation of, although they could almost always tell of whome their children were reincarnations ".

Nyekar : grave cult

Koentjaraningrat insists that on top of the slametan cycle, another major aspect of the traditional religious system is the tradition to visit the graves of ancestors and sacred graves in general.

There is an extended cult of saints in Java, whether they are legendary figures (like the Wali Sanga that propagated Islam or ancient kings), villages founders or famous persons of the past (like a powerful dukun or a gifted dalang).

Graves from the Mataram rulers in Yogyakarta

Mysticism

Priyayi were traditionnaly versed in mysticism, either on their own or among a sect.

Priyayi's mysticism was directly linked to their pantheistic conception of God. Various complicated metaphysical concepts exists but in the end, the final goal to get in contact with the purest form of feeling possible, which is both the individual's true self ( aku) and a manifestation of God (either called Gusti or Allah).

In other words, they are seeking spiritual enlightments by refinement of their inner feelings.

To achieve this goal, it is necessary to train its own focus by ascetism and meditation ( semèdi).

Fasting was also a common practices. Geertz reports that many Javanese (but no santri) fasted on every Monday and Thursday all day in the 50s.

Spiritual movements : kebatinan kejawen

Numerous spiritual movements have emerged and disappeared in the Javanese history. They are called kebatinan kejawen and are usually associated with the priyayi.

Those movements or sects usually have only a local base of not more then 200 peoples. A few have around 1000 followers and different chapters across Java.

Geertz quotes Ilmu Sejati or Budi Setia as the most important ones in the region he studied. Koentjaraningrat quotes Sapta Darma from Yogyakarta or Hardapusara from Purworejo.

Abangan vs Priyayi

The priyayi etiquette

Priyayi and abangan are 2 highly distinct social groups in the Javanese society.

Abangan are the peasants masses of the countryside.

A priyayi is a noble, someone who can trace his ancestry back to the great legendary kings of Java. Under the Dutch, they were often part of the colonial administration. They live in towns.

" The ascent from the uncivilized animalstic peasant to the hyper-civilized divine king takes places not only in terms of greater mystical achievements, more and more highly developed skills of inward-looking contemplation and refinement of subjective experience, but also in greater and greater formal control over the external aspects of invidual actions, transforming them into art or near-art.

In the dance, in the shadow-play, in music, in textile design, in etiquette, and, perhaps most crucially of all, in language, the aesthetic formalization of the surfaces of social behavior permeates everything the alus Javanese does " (Geertz).

Priyayi must always conceal his inner feelings to the others. They follow the 4 following principles :

Always adopting the proper form given the interlocutor's rank (especially in the Javanese language)

Indirection

Dissimulation of the truth, the actual intentions or the real opinions

Never show any sign of lack of self-control or internal disorder

Differences between the abangan and the priyayi religion

Priyayi regard many parts of the abangan religious practices as superstition and the abangan people as over-credulous, even if they won't do it publicly.

Abangan had a long-standing resentment against the exploitive ruling aristocracy. Besides that, they view the priyayi mystical theories as too complicated.

Geertz summarizes the differences between the 2 groups with this 3 oppositions :

Mystical practices about the relation to God and spiritual enlightment are mostly a priyayi concern. Abangan are much more interested in curing techniques.

Abangan live in a world inhabited by a concrete polytheism. Priyayi believe more in a sort of pantheism.

Abangan religious rituals are centered around the cycle of slametan and their web of reciprocity. The religious experience of the priyayi is more individual.

The Javanese and Islam

Syncretic Islam

I have already discussed the historical reasons of the Islamic syncretism in Java :

The mystical nature of the original Islam that arrived in Java

Its slow progression among a population that was attached to its tradition

The syncretism encouraged by the ruling Mataram to achieve balance between Islam and the culture that was anteriors to it)

Traditionally, Javanese had a specific practice of Islam :

Javanese do believe in one God (called either Allah or Gusti) and in its prophet Muhammad. They have pronounced the Muslim confession of faith. They also believe that one's actions during his lifetime will send him either to heaven or hell in the afterlife.

The Javanese practice circumcision and they have adopted Muslim-style burial (instead of the Hindu-Buddhist cremation).

Yet many of them don't perform the 5 daily prayers, don't go to the Mosque on Friday and sometimes eat pork. Geertz explains that in the 50s, they recognized the Quran but usually had practically no knowledge of it. Most of them fast during Ramadhan, but fasting was a already a popular practice inherited from Buddhism.

Basically, Islam was considered as a mystic science among others.

The conception of God

Many Javanese still adheres to a conception of God inherited from their pre-Islamic tradition. For instance the one found in the Nawaruci, a book written in the early 17th century.

" God is the totality of nature, manifested as a small divine being, so tiny that it can enter any human's heart at any moment, yet he is in realityas wide as the oceans, as endless as space, and he is manifested in the colours which make up and symbolize everything that exists on earth " (Koentjaraningrat).

They are thus attached to pantheism (the believe that God is the manifestation of the universe itself).

Traditional santri Islam

The Javanese who were "serious" about Islam have been called the santri (the term for Islamic boarding school pesantren, simply means 'a place for santri').

They tended to live together in special wards of villages, the kauman, and to give a great importance to their appartenance in the global community of Islam, the ummat.

Yet, santri as the people of the Javanese society with the most advanced knowledge of Islam were often hired by non- santri to participate in their own religious office. For instance :

A santri would be asked to give the Arabic chant-prayer during the slametan.

After the death of a relative, even anti-Islamic people would sometimes hire them to do Islamic chanting for a few hours each night in their house for 7 days.

Santri were also often asked to shout the Confession of Faith in a dead man's ear before his burial. Once the grave was shut, they would read the tèlkim, a funeral speech adressed to the deceased. He was reminded to wait for the visit of Mungkar and Nakir, 2 angels that ask question to "fresh" deceased like 'who is your God and what is your religion?' or 'What is the direction in which you turn to pray ?'

The same is true for newborn child. If his father is not able to pronounce the ritual Arabic phrases, then he would be assisted by a santri.

The pesantren education

A pesantren is a community of male pupils (up to a thousand) receiving teaching from a kyai, who has usually undertook the pilgrimage in Mecca.

The school is traditionaly located in the countryside, a bit secluded from nearby villages. The pupils live in dormitories, do their own cooking, cleaning and laundry. In the past, they used to work the fields of the kyiai too but this was already rare in the 50s.

The kyai is not paid and there is no tuition, the costs are borne by contributions of the family in rice or money and the contribution of the ummat (under the form of a religious tax called zakat).

The kiyai holds classes for 1 to 5 hours a day, he chants in Arabic and the santri echo him line by line. Conservatists traditionnally used mostly books of religious commentaries but under the influence of modernists, more and more they teach passages from the Koran and the Haddith.

There is no required attendance, no grade and no graduation at the end. Santri notes whatever comment of the kyiai they like. Some santri stays a few weeks and then switch to another pesantren while others stay a few years and assist the kyiai in teaching the least advanced students.

Conservatist and modernist movement within Indonesian Islam

In 1870, the Suez Canal is opened and sea travel to the Middle-East becomes easier. This had 2 consequences :

More Indonesian can undertake the pilgrimage in Mecca, where they are exposed to Islamic reform movements from Egypt and Saudi Arabia that praise the necessity to return to the "uncorrupted" Islam of the time of the prophet.

Arab traders (with a large part of Hadhramauts) settles in Indonesian towns.

In Geertz's book, one can find a fascinating account of the ongoing debates among the santri community of the region he studied in the 1950s.

On one side, there were the conservatives ( kolot) that defended the tradition the Javanese santri have built up in 4 centuries :

An Islam based on the custom inherited from their parents and the consensus of the kyai.

A rather passive view towards life : for them fate rules everything and the best thing one can do is to lead a pious a moral life to be send to heaven after death.

Flexibility about what can be considered Islamic or at least tolerable for a Muslim : they hold slametan but simply put the emphasis on the Islamic elements rather than the other spirits. They also tolerate mysticism if it follows the rules of the Sufi brotherhoods. On the other hand they are also more inclined to attack 'infidel' practices by non-santris that are the modernists (which are mostly worried about the heterodoxy within the ummat).

Maintaining the artistic tradition nurtured in the pesantren like terbangan (chants inspired from Persia), gambusan (Middle-Eastern type orchestra) or pencak (martial art that is mainly associated with Islamic schools).

On the other hand the modernist ( moderen) are influenced by reformist Islamic movement from abroad :

Their Islam is based on the Koran and the Hadith.

They believe in self-determination in life, leaving the fate only to unforeseenable events like natural disasters or accidents.

They tend to simply rule out all cultural elements that are not considered Islamic enough, for instance slametan.

Modernist approves few forms of art : moral stories for children and the chanting of Islamic verse. They tend to encourage sports like football or badminton.

The notion of conservatism and modernism applied to Javanese Islam can be misleading. It's the modernist that advocate a return to the strict Islamic doctrine while the conservatists are often the least Islamic of Javanese santris. Conservatists are actually closer to abangan (from which they still share many traditions and habits, even if the appearance is more Islamic).

But modernists are also the one advocating self determination in life or independence of secular institutions when kolot think that the best society would be governed by kyai. They also introduced education for both sexes and teaching of modern subjects and not only religion in schools.

To oversimply, and old, rural, uneducated and deeply pious peasant is likely to be kolot (conservatist). While the typical modernist leader is young, educated and urban. Of course they are very few true modernist or conservatists, most people being in between.

Conservatism is represend by Nathladul Ulama, while modernism is leaded by Muhamadiyah. Both organizations are two now two of the largests Muslim organizations in the world.

There is no religious education among abangans, children simply absord the tradition by participating to rituals.

Javanese religion in 2019

Already in the 50s, Geertz clearly noted a strain between santris and the two other groups. For him this antagonism was the distant heir of the ancient struggle between the Muslim powers of the Pasisir and the kingdoms of the interior that was more willing to preserve the Hindu-Buddhist heritage.

He also observed that the antagonism was increasing over time.

The resentment against the santri was usually directed at their moralism, they are often considered hypocritic. They were often called 'Javanese Arabs'.

Fast forward to 2019

My personnal feeling is that those trends that were already visible in the 50s got stronger. But I believe that the santri and especially the orthodox won have secured a kind of 'higher ground' in the public debate.

In politics, I have the impression that it pays off way more to pose as a pious Muslim rather than a patron of ancient Javanese culture.

In short, Islamists got more rigourous, mystics got less vocal (but still exists) and the traditional Javanese arts got less popular among the masses.

A more orthodox Islam ?

The influence of foreign orthodox Islam gained more and more tractions among Javanese santri. One of the most dramatic illustration of this movement is the apparition of women wearing niqab in the streets of Javanese towns. But one could also thinks about sporadic police raiding food stalls that keeps selling for the day during the Ramadhan.

This 'anti-infidel' attitude is not new among santris that already attacked movies, playing cards or gym shorts for girls in the 50s. But my personnal feeling is that not many people are willing to oppose them publicly, even for illegal actions.

Various regular incidents point at a declining tolerance from the santris, for instance :

In December 2018, villagers of Purbayan, Kotagede, Yogyakarta cut off a wooden cross on a Christian's grave because they didn't want such a religious symbol in the village's cemetery (Jakarta Post).

In January 2019, a rather baroque controversy happened in Surakarta, against some kind of artistic road pavements that were thought to form a cross (Jakarta Post).

In April 2019, a ward chief (Ketua RT) refused that a Christian family moved in his village in Bantul, although they had already rented a house (Detik).

Yet traditional Javanese santris, that engage in preserving the Javanese culture are also well alive. I think that the current president of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, is typically one of them.

His public image is that of a pious Muslim, regularly praying and despite having attended public school, he is quite proficient in Koran reading. On the other hand, he is very willing to show his attachment to the Javanese culture, for instance when he married his daughter.

From religion to tradition ?

On the other side of the spectrum, I think that the most obvious thing is that tenants of the ancient Javanese culture failed to organize themselves as as public group.

On top of that, the decimation of the communists in 1965 and 1966, which were associated with atheism, pushed many Javanese to abandon, at least publicly, their pantheism or polyteism to join one of the established modern religions.

The urbanization of the Javanese society also weakened many traditions that were associated with the rural life. In the 80s, Koentjaraningrat reports that the urban Javanese already delivered most of their babies in hospital and did not perform many rituals associeted with birth. It was perfectly normal to whisper mantras in the ears of the newborn to bring him protection. I'm convinced that some people still do it, but discreetly.

Yet until today, some entire families still make a living as pawang hujan (rain shaman) and if you pay attention you can hear some drivers honk their car's horn when they drive by a graveyard to keep spooks away.

Slametan are still widely held, but I believe that they have lost most of their religious signification. It's now a kind of tradition. But be certain that on any significant occasions, a nasi tumpeng (rice pyramid) will be bring along at one point or another.

Most of Javanese rituals, even if still performed on various occasions in Java are more and more regarded as an ancient custom to preserve, rather than real religious practices.

Sources

C.Geertz - The Religion of Java (1960) : if you had to read only one book about Java, pick this one. An absolute classic of Indonesian ethnography. Full of lively descriptions.

Koentjaraningrat - Javanese Culture (1985) : covers a much broader scope than Geertz book but it's so dense that it's easy to miss things. Best read after Geertz.

B. Anderson - Language and Power. Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia (reprint from 1990) : a series of essay. The authors knows a lot about the Javanese culture.

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In the first article of this series on Javanese culture, I have introduced the Javenese history, language and cultural tradition. This second article will focus on the diversity of the religious practices among the Javanese. I have used mainly sources written in the 70s and the 80s.

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Webpage: Bugis-Religious and Expressive Culture

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Webpage: Bugis-Religious and Expressive Culture

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Key points from the website:

Although almost all Bugis adhere to Islam, there are varieties in which Islam is practiced

Most Bugis identifies themselves as Sunni Muslims, but they also have syncretic practice in which includes offerings to spirits of ancestors and deceased powerful personages

The non-Muslims Bugis adhere to an ancient manuscript called The I La Galigo

Religious practitioners in Bugis society are:

Islamic judge called kali

Imams which serves as local leader of the Muslim Community

Transverstite priest (bissu) perform rituals involving chants in a special register of Bugis directed to traditional deities recognized in the lontara' (the ancient manuscript)

Sanro, practitioners with arcane knowledge and expertise in presenting offerings and prayers to local spirits

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Religious Beliefs. Almost all Bugis adhere to Islam, but there is great variety in the types of Islam practiced. Most Bugis identify themselves as Sunni Muslims, but their practice, influenced by Sufi tenets, is a syncretic blend that also includes offerings to spirits of ancestors and deceased powerful personages. However, reformist Islamic organizations, especially Muhammadiyah, have gained many adherents in some areas and have established their own educational institutions. The I La Galigo literature preserved in ancient manuscripts ( lontara' ) describes a cosmology involving an upper-world and an underworld, each of seven layers, and a host of heavenly beings from whom nobles trace descent, but knowledge of details of this literature is not widespread among commoners. The To Lotang, a group of non-Muslim Bugis in Sidrap regency, continue to adhere to an indigenous belief system based on the lontara' and similar to that of the Toraja to the north, but has had to affiliate with the national Hindu movement to retain legitimacy as a religion. The extent to which Hindu-Buddhist notions have influenced Bugis religious and sociopolitical notions is currently a matter of debate.

The I La Galigo literature presents a pantheon of deities ( dewata ) from whom nobles trace descent, but contemporary Bugis argue that this literature basically recognizes a single great God ( Dewata Seuwa é ) in accord with the monotheism of Islam. Despite this, some of the other deities (e.g., the rice goddess) are still given offerings, even by Muslims. Village Bugis also recognize a panoply of local spirits associated with the house, the newborn, and sacred sites; they are variously termed "the ethereal ones" ( to alusu' ), "the not-to-be-seen" ( to tenrita ), "evil spirits" ( sétang ), etc. In fact, every object is thought to have its own animating spirit ( sumange' ), whose welfare must be catered to in order to insure good fortune and avert catastrophe.

Religious Practitioners. In addition to Islamic judges ( kali ), imams serve as local leaders of the Muslim community; they conduct Friday worship services, deliver sermons, and preside at marriages, funerals, and local ceremonies sanctioned by Islam. Small numbers of transvestite priests ( bissu ), traditionally the guardians of royal regalia, still, though rarely, perform rituals involving chants in a special register of Bugis directed to traditional deities recognized in the lontara'. Curing and consecration ceremonies are conducted by sanro, practitioners with arcane knowledge and expertise in presenting offerings and prayers to local spirits.

Ceremonies. Besides the celebration of calendric Islamic holidays (Lebaran, Maulid, etc.), Bugis of syncretic orientation perform many domestic consecration ceremonies ( assalamakeng ) involving offerings to local spirits, guardians of the house, supernatural siblings of the newly born, and other such spirits. Some districts and regencies also sponsor festivals marking planting and harvesting, although some of these have become more civic spectacles than religious celebrations. Especially among nobles, weddings are major occasions for the display of status and often involve presentations of local culture, including processions. The bissu rituals, however, increasingly are restricted and performed without large audiences.

Arts. Regional dances (e.g., padendang ) are still performed at some ceremonies for the harvest and other occasions, as well as at government-sponsored festivals, but some (e.g., bissu dances) are now rarely performed. Young men enjoy practicing Indonesian martial arts ( pencak silat ) and the traditional sport of maintaining a woven rattan ball ( raga ) in the air with one's feet and other body parts, excluding the hands. Traditional Bugis houses still abound, and are used as the basis of modern architectural designs, but figurative art is meager in keeping with Islam. Bugis music is also heavily influenced by Middle Eastern models. Music performed on flute ( suling ) and lute ( kacapi ) similar to that in West Java is common. Epic songs of traditional and contemporary martial heroes are still composed and performed, even on radio. Amulets, especially of Middle Eastern origin, are in demand, while Bugis badik, daggers with characteristically curved handles, are prized heirlooms. Gold ornaments and gold-threaded songket cloths are paraded at weddings. Royal regalia are now on display in some local museums.

Medicine. While Western medicine has made inroads with the government-established rural medical health centers ( puskesmas ), many illnesses are seen as specifically Bugis and curable only by indigenous practitioners ( sanro ) who use such techniques as extraction of foreign objects, massage, use of bespelled or holy water, and blowing on the patient after the utterance of prayers. Illness may be due to one's spirit leaving the body when subjected to sudden shock, and certain therapies are directed to its recovery. Invulnerability magic is much prized, with the shadow playing an important protective role. Certain illnesses and misfortunes are inflicted by specific spirits associated with each of the four major elements-fire, air, earth, and water.

Death and Afterlife. Islamic notions of heaven and hell are now most influential, although among syncretic Bugis local spirits are still identified as the spirits of deceased rulers and other formerly powerful individuals. Funerals follow Islamic rites, and are not occasions for major redistributions, as among the neighboring Toraja. Memorial gatherings for prayer and a shared meal may be performed at such intervals as forty days after a death.

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Religious Beliefs. Almost all Bugis adhere to Islam, but there is great variety in the types of Islam practiced. Most Bugis identify themselves as Sunni Muslims, but their practice, influenced by Sufi tenets, is a syncretic blend that also includes offerings to spirits of ancestors and deceased powerful personages.

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Website: Overview of World Religions-Bugis Religion

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Website: Overview of World Religions-Bugis Religion

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Key points acquired from the website:

Although The Bugis are considered to be one of the most devout Muslims in Indonesia, they still maintain many pre-Islamic elements in their religion

A sacred book called La Galigo are still believed by a small group of non-Muslims

Besides Allah s.w.t, The Bugis  believe there are many other spiritual beings it is necessary to pay homage to if you wish them to intercede between humans and the remote supreme being

Most Bugis lordships and kingdoms claim to have been founded by a divine ancestors which are claimed to have brought swords, banners, ploughs, and other objects with them and these are kept today as royal regalia

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Doctrines
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The Bugis or Buginese are one of the three major cultures of South Sulawesi (Sulawesi is also called Celebes). The others are the Makassarese and the Torajan. Bugis call themselves Ugi' or ToUgi' and speak a Western Austronesian language. The Bugis are considered one of the most devout Muslim groups in Indonesia, though they maintain many pre-Islamic elements in their religion.
The sacred epic La galigo gives an incomplete picture of pre-Islamic Bugis religion. A small group of non-Muslim Bugis still believe La galigo to be sacred. La galigo is an account of creation, a collection of princely rituals, and a manual of princely conduct. The princely rituals are performed by bissu, transvestite priests in charge of the royal regalia. Other rituals of daily life are carried out by sanro, popular practitioners, for new houses and boats, rites of passage, first-use rites, anniversaries, phases of the rice cycle, and at times of war, epidemic, and crop failure.
Allah is called Puang Allataala or Dewata Seuwae. Besides Allah, Bugis believe there are many other spiritual beings it is necessary to pay homage to if you wish them to intercede between humans and the remote supreme being. One of these spititual beings is Sawerigading, who is the Bugis national hero described in La galigo. However, there seems to have been a cult of Sawerigading that was more important to the bissu than the laity. Another cult of the bissu was for Dewata Mattanru' Kati, "the god with golden horns", also from La galigo.
There is a general cult among all Bugis to Sangiang Serri, the rice goddess, who in La galigo was the first child born on earth to Batara Guru, son of Datu Patoto, a god at the summit of Heaven according to La galigo. Sangiang Serri died after seven days and was buried. Then her body was transformed into the rice plant.
Taddampali is an aquatic god who may be equated with La Punna Liung, the messenger of the Abyss in La galigo. Also important are tomanurung, descended beings, and totenrita, spiritual or invisible beings. The totenrita intercede between humans and the divine and include house and boat spirit guardians and local spirits that live in trees, large stones, and springs.
The paddengngeng, hunters, are dangerous invisible horsemen who lasso one's soul, causing illness and death. The kingdom of the paddengngeng is told of in oral traditions and is like the Land of the Dead in La galigo. This is a far island in the western seas. First the dead have to wait in another land until the funerary ritual is over and to be punished if they are sinners. Then a ritual bath is taken, an entrance fee paid to the keeper of the heartland and they cross a golden bridge to the isle of the dead. In this inner Land of the Dead all is the opposite of life among the living.

History
&nbsp

The creation myth of the Bugis has become mixed with Islamic mysticism, but we can gain an outline of this with La galigo as the main source.
From a supreme deity, To Papunna, "the owner of everything," emanated a male and a female, who gave birth to the main gods of the upper world and the underworld. Different versions of the myth number these as seven, fourteen, or nineteen. Two couples of gods are most important, one at the depths of the Abyss, the male being Guru ri Selle, and one at the summit of Heaven, the male being Datu Patoto, "the prince who fixes destinies." Datu Patoto was the highest god. The eldest son of Datu Patoto was Batara Guru and he was sent with Guru ri Selle's daughter to Luwu', the Middle World, to found the first human settlement. However, mankind does not descend from them but from their servants and the servants of other divine rulers.
In La galigo we read of the lives of six generations of earthly descendents of the first divine rulers. The most important figure is Sawerigading, a grandson of Batara Guru, and he is regarded as the Bugis cultural hero. After the sixth generation, all princes of divine origin returned to Heaven or the Abyss except for the princely couple in Luwu', from whom all Bugis nobility are descended or from other divine princes sent from Heaven or the Abyss.
Some contact with Indian religions was followed by a long period of trade with Muslims, mainly Malay, who settled in the trading harbours. The first European contacts came during the spice trade. South Sulawesi then had many small kingdoms ruled by three ruling groups, the Luwu', Gowa or Makassar, and Bone. There was rivalry between the Europeans and in the early 1600's the Portuguese were defeated by the Dutch. The Bugis fought and rebelled against the Dutch for more than two centuries until the early twentieth century and then there was fierce resistance after the Second World War to Dutch re-occupation.
There were some attempts by the Bugis in the middle of the sixteenth century to adopt Christianity as introduced by the Portuguese and the Dutch, but these did not succeed. Between 1605 and 1610 the Bugis officially became Muslims under the influence of the neighbouring kingdom of Goa, which is where Islam first entered South Sulawesi.
Islamicisation has meant that most pre-Islamic traditions of the Bugis religion have gone. Muslim funerals have replaced traditional ones. The bissu are rapidly declining and their activity is increasingly restricted. However, the importance of Bugis sacred places still exists and an ancestor cult conduct pilgrimages to sacred non-Islamic graves. This cult also make offerings to family ancestors in a special place in the house. And on ceremonial occasions the La galigo epic is recited.

Symbols
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Most Bugis lordships and kingdoms claim to have been founded by a divine couple. These divine ancestors are said to have brought swords, banners, ploughs, and other objects with them and these are kept today as royal regalia.
The rituals of both bissu and sanro include sacrifices of buffalo, goats, or chickens, as well as offerings of sticky rice. The rice is presented usually in four colours, though sometimes in two, seven, or eight colours, which have magic symbolism as with the Batak.
Many Bugis have in their houses wooden tabernacles or miniature beds where the tomanurung, descended beings, can come during ceremonies.

Adherents
&nbsp

There are between three and four million Bugis, the great majority living in South Sulawesi. There are also important Bugis setttlements, mainly on the coast, throughout Indonesia including Kalimantan, Flores, Malaku, and Irian Jaya.

Headquarters/
Main Centre
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Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi, Indonesia.

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Doctrines &nbsp The Bugis or Buginese are one of the three major cultures of South Sulawesi (Sulawesi is also called Celebes). The others are the Makassarese and the Torajan. Bugis call themselves Ugi' or ToUgi' and speak a Western Austronesian language.

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Journal Article: Religion and Cultural Identity among the Bugis 

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Journal Article: Religion and Cultural Identity among the Bugis 

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Key points pertaining religion in the article:

1. La Galigo Cycle: a source concerning the historical background of the Bugis religiosity

2. The main religion embraced by the Bugis is Islam

3. The Islamization of the Bugis was conducted first by three Muslim proselytizers coming from West Sumatra

4. There are three major phases in which Islam is officially accepted as the religion of Bugis kingdoms

5. In a cultural value aspect which is called siri` (the value of oneself), there are five major principles that have deep roots in the whole system of Islamic teaching

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Religion and Cultural Identity among the Bugis

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Key points from the website:

The Bugis officialy become Muslims between 1605s and 1610s under the initiative and pressure of the neighboring kingdom of Goa

It is said that the penetration of Islam to Bugis society is through a long period of contact with Malay Muslims, traders that settled in their main trading harbors

Although they are devoted Muslims, they still retained and practices their pre-Islamic elements

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BUGIS RELIGION . The Bugis, sometimes referred to as the Buginese, are an Indonesian people numbering about three million, most of whom live in their homeland of Celebes (South Sulawesi). Bugis is an archaic form of their name retained by the Malay/Indonesian language; in fact they call themselves Ugi' or ToUgi'. Bugis emigrants have also established significant, mostly coastal, settlements throughout the Indonesian archipelago. They speak a language of the Western Austronesian family, the same family as their national language (Malay or Indonesian).

After a long period of contact with Muslim, mainly Malay, traders who had settled in their main trading harbors, and after some spontaneous but aborted attempts to adopt Christianity during the middle of the sixteenth century, the Bugis officially became Muslims between 1605 and 1610 under the initiative and pressure of the neighboring kingdom of Goa. But although they soon came to be considered among the most devout Muslims in the archipelago, they have retained in their traditions many pre-Islamic elements. These include the bissu, transvestite priests in charge of the regalia of the ruling house and of princely rituals; popular practitioners called sanro; sacred places, to which offerings are regularly brought; and the psalmody, on certain ceremonial occasions, of the sacred epic La galigo, which provides an interesting if incomplete view of pre-Islamic Bugis culture.

The Myth of Origin

The Bugis creation myth has been somewhat mixed with Islamic mysticism, but as far as it can be reconstituted, the early Bugis believed in a supreme deity called To Papunna ("the owner of everything") or Dwata Sisin, later Dwata Suwa ("the one God"). From this deity emanated a male and a female being, linked to some extent to the sun and the moon. From their separated seed were born a number of beings who were not clearly identified; then from their sexual union were born the main gods of the upper-world and the underworld, said to number either seven, fourteen, or nineteen, according to various versions of the myth. Of these gods, six married couples are described in La galigo as playing a significant role, and two couples are mentioned as being more important than the others: one at the depths of the Abyss, whose male partner was known as Guri ri Selle; and the other at the summit of Heaven, whose male entity, Datu Patoto ("the prince who fixes destinies") or Datu Palanro ("the princely smith"), was considered the highest god of all. These two couples had nine children each, seven of whom reigned over various strata of Heaven or the Abyss. The eldest son of Datu Patoto, La Togelangi (also known as Batara Guru), and Guru ri Selle's daughter were sent to the Middle World to establish there, in Luwu', the first human settlement. However, they are not the primeval ancestors of humankind, which rather descends from the servants who followed them from Heaven and the Abyss, as well as from the servants of other divine rulers, the children of the secondary heavenly and abyssal couples, who came later to establish other kingdoms in and around Sulawesi (Celebes).

The Political Myths

The La galigo epic tells of the life and deeds of six generations of earthly descendants to these first divine rulers, and especially of Sawrigading, the Bugis cultural hero, a grandson of Batara Guru. Still considered sacred by a small group of non-Muslim Bugis, La galigo is a repository of princely rituals, performed by the bissu, and of princely conduct. The epic tells that after the sixth generation of rulers descended from Batara Guru and other children of the gods, all princes of divine origin had to leave this world to go back to Heaven or the Abyss, except for the princely couple in Luwu'. All Bugis nobility is said to be descended either from that Luwu couple, or from other divine princes sent either from Heaven (Tomanurung) or from the Abyss (Totompo). Most of the Bugis lordships and kingdoms claim to have been founded by a divine couple, and they keep as regalia various articles such as swords, banners, and ploughs, which are said to have been brought by these ancestors of their rulers.

The Cult and Its Objects

Two kinds of closely related Bugis rituals can be distinguished. One was performed by the bissu at princely courts; now, however, the number of bissu is rapidly declining and their activity is becoming more and more limited. The other ritual is enacted by the popular practitioners called sanro, who are still very active in Bugis country. Both kinds of rituals include sacrifices (of buffalo, goats, or chickens) and offerings of glutinous rice, usually presented in four (or, sometimes, two, seven, or eight) colors. The rituals are performed during rites of passage, house or boat building, first-use rites, anniversaries, and during certain phases of the rice cycle, as well as at community celebrations in order to obtain the welfare or protection of the people, of the lordship, or of the state, especially in case of bad crops, epidemics, or wars.

In La galigo, the objects of the cult are expressly said to be the gods of Heaven and the Abyss; they decided, in turn, to people the Middle World just because "one is no god when there is no one to pay homage to you." Nowadays, the average Bugis knows very little of pre-Islamic theology, which, moreover, was never recorded systematically but was only implicit in the tradition. Still, many Bugis continue to believe that besides Allh, whom they call Puang Allataala or Dwata Suwa, there are many spiritual beings to whom one must pay homage and who, in turn, act as intercessors between humans and the supreme being, who is too far above humankind to be contacted directly. Sawrigading is sometimes named as one such intervening figure, but he seems to have been the object of a cult maintained more by the bissu than by laity. Likewise, a deity named Dwata Mattanru' Kati ("the god with golden horns"), to whom a special cult is rendered by the bissu, may be one of the heavenly gods of La galigo. Other divine beings who are, still today, the object of a general cult among all categories of Bugis include the rice goddess, Sangiang Serri. According to La galigo she was the first child born on earth to Bataru Guru, but she died after seven days, whereupon her body, once buried, transformed itself into the rice plant. Another revered being is Taddampali, an aquatic being who may be the same as La Punna Liung, the messenger of the Abyss in La galigo. Included here also are the local tomanurung ("descended [from heaven] beings"). Many Bugis still keep in their homes wooden tabernacles or miniature beds where the divine beings are said to descend during ceremonies.

Other kinds of spiritual or invisible beings ( totenrita ) also appear as divine-human intercessors. Among these are house and boat spirit guardians and local spirits dwelling in large stones, trees, or springs. Other spirits may be dangerous, as for example the paddengngeng ("hunters"), invisible horsemen who capture people's souls with their lassos, thereby provoking unexpected illness and death. Their kingdom, described in some of the oral traditions, seems to recall the Land of the Dead as described in La galigo.

The Afterworld

In La galigo, the afterworld is described as a distant island somewhere in the western seas. The dead come first to a land where they must wait until all the funerary rituals and required offerings have been accomplished by their living relatives; otherwise they cannot proceed further. In that place, sinners must also undergo various punishments. The dead must then take a ritual bath, pay their entrance to the keeper of the heartland, and cross a golden bridge. In the inner Land of the Dead, everything is the reverse of life among the living.

With Islamicization, most of these observances have been obliterated, and Muslim funerals have now replaced traditional ones. However, an ancestor cult still exists that features pilgrimages to sacred, non-Islamic graves and offerings brought to family ancestors in a special place in the home.

Bibliography

Hamonic, Gilbert. "Pour une tude compare des cosmogonies de Clbes-Sud: propos d'un manuscrit indit sur l'origine des dieux bugis." Archipel 25 (1983): 3562. The first translated edition, with commentary, of a hitherto secret text on creation and the genesis of the gods according to a Bugis view.

Hamonic, Gilbert. Le langage des dieux: Cultes et rituels prislamiques du pays bugis ( Clbes-Sud, Indonsie ). Paris, 1987. An important work containing a corpus of about two thousand verses of bissu ritual chants, with translation and commentary.

Kern, Rudolph A. Catalogus van de Boegineesche, tot den I La Galigo cyclus behoorende handschriften der Leidsche Universiteits Bibliotheek, alsmede van die in andere Europeesche bibliotheken. Leiden, 1939.

Kern, Rudolph A. Catalogus van de Boeginese, tot de I La Galigo-cyclus behorende handschriften van Jajasan Matthes ( Matthesstichting ) te Makassar ( Indonesie ). Makassar, Indonesia, 1954. A complete compilation in two books of all manuscripts containing episodes of the La galigo epic. Includes lists of gods and heros appearing in the cycle.

Matthes, Benjamin F. Boeginesche chresthomathie: Oorspronkelijke Boeginesche geschriften in proza en pozij, uitgegeven, van aanteekeningen voorzien en ten deele vertaald. 3 vols. Vol. 1, Makassar, Indonesia, 1864; vols. 2 and 3, Amsterdam, 1872. The only anthology thus far available of Bugis texts, including the beginning of the La galigo epic. Liberally annotated.

Matthes, Benjamin F. Over de bissoe's of heidensche priesters en priesteessen der Boeginezen. Amsterdam, 1872. An extremely valuable account of the bissu priests and their rituals.

Pelras, Christian. "'Herbe divine': Le riz chez les Bugis (Indonsie)." tudes rurales 5356 (1974): 357374. A description of rice cultivation among the Bugis, including associated rituals.

Pelras, Christian. "Le panthon des anciens Bugis, travers les textes de La galigo." Archipel 25 (1983): 6597. A reconstitution of the Bugis pantheon and worldview, according to the La galigo epic and other texts.

New Sources

Guillaumont, A., and C. Amiel. "Qu'est-ce qu'un dieu." Revue de l'histoire des religions 205 (1988): 339465.

Hamonic, Gilbert. "God, Divinities and Ancestors for the Positive Representation of a Religious Plurality in Bugis Society, South Sulawesi, Indonesia." Southeast Asian Studies (Tonan Ajia kenkyu [Kyoto]) 29, no. 1 (1991): 334.

Hamonic, Gilbert, and Christian Pelras. "En quete des dieux bugis: entre mythe et rituel, entre silence et parole." Revue de l'histoire des religions 205 (1988): 345366.

Pelras, Christian. The Bugis. Oxford, 1996.

Christian Pelras (1987)

Revised Bibliography

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bugis religion
bugis religion  . the bugis

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are an indonesian people numbering about three million

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most of whom live in their homeland of celebes (south sulawesi). bugis is an archaic form of their name retained by the malay/indonesian language; in fact they call themselves ugi' or tougi'. bugis emigrants have also established significant

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BUGIS RELIGION BUGIS RELIGION . The Bugis, sometimes referred to as the Buginese, are an Indonesian people numbering about three million, most of whom live in their homeland of Celebes (South Sulawesi). Bugis is an archaic form of their name retained by the Malay/Indonesian language; in fact they call themselves Ugi' or ToUgi'.

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Key points from the website:

1. Nearly all Javanese are Muslims, with remainder of them are either Roman Catholics, Protestants, Buddhists, Hindu

2. According to history, early Javanese religion must have been based on the local form of ancestor worship and Islam penetrates Java through North Sumatra and Malay Peninsula (trading activities) between 14th and 17th centuries

3.  The Javanese incorporated themselves into two variants of of Javanese Islam, which are:

Agami Jawi (Javanese religion)

- The one with the greatest number of followers, it is syncretistic in which incorporating Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist, and local religious elements

Agama Islam Santri (Santri Islam religion)

- More dogmatic and puritan (they live to strict moral or religious principles)

Both Agami Jawi and Agama Islam Santri have their own religious movements

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javanese religion
javanese religion  . the javanese occupy the central and eastern parts of java

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a moderately sized island over twelve hundred kilometers long and five hundred kilometers wide. the island constitutes only about 7 percent of the total land area of the indonesian archipelago

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which now constitutes the republic of indonesia.

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JAVANESE RELIGION JAVANESE RELIGION . The Javanese occupy the central and eastern parts of Java, a moderately sized island over twelve hundred kilometers long and five hundred kilometers wide. The island constitutes only about 7 percent of the total land area of the Indonesian archipelago, which now constitutes the Republic of Indonesia.

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Website: Association of Chetti Melaka (Peranakan Indians) Singapore 

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Website: Association of Chetti Melaka (Peranakan Indians) Singapore 

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Key points pertaining religion from the website:

1. Although the Chettis has manifested a penetration of Malay culture, most of them are loyal to Indian customary practices

2. Many still practise prayer offerings of favourite foods to their ancestors in the month of June/July known to the Chettis as ‘Bulan Paruchu’

3. Hindu Chettis have pictures of their ubiquitous deities at the entrance of their homes and have ancestral halls on their verandas for which incense sticks are lit daily

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Chettis of today who have embraced other religions, are devoted to and adhere to the religion of their choice, in the true spirit of Chetti Melaka's need to adapt and assimilate, without compromising their Chettis identit

When Chettis or Peranakan are mentioned in our community today in everyday conversations, three images appear to immediately spring to their minds - Nonyas in beautifully embroidered sarong kebayas, delectable Chetti cuisine and the Chetti language.

The dress codes defined by the Chettis are an immediate distinguishing factor for the Chettis. We see that both the Malay and Indian cultures have infused in our dressing. Though modernization and inter marriage have caused further changes in customs- this is the prevalent trend seen amongst Chettis. Most Chetti Babas, have donned the sarong in place of the dhoti. However, in some Hindu ceremonies, you will find Babas adorning the Indian Jeepa with a tol tunder.

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Association of Chetti Melaka (Peranakan Indians) Singapore

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Chettis of today who have embraced other religions, are devoted to and adhere to the religion of their choice, in the true spirit of Chetti Melaka's need to adapt and assimilate, without compromising their Chettis identit When Chettis or Peranakan are mentioned in our community today in everyday conversations, three images appear to immediately spring to their minds - Nonyas in beautifully embroidered sarong kebayas, delectable Chetti cuisine and the Chetti language.

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Article: Meet the Chetti Melaka, or Peranakan Indians, striving to save their vanishing culture

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Article: Meet the Chetti Melaka, or Peranakan Indians, striving to save their vanishing culture

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[This is an article on Mr Rishnaiswaren Pillay, a Chetti Melaka living in Singapore]
Key points in relation to religion from the article:

1. In his home of Hindu family, there is a Catholic and Buddhist altar as there is a place for different gods and religions because that is the philosophy this family has known for generations

2. He recalled that his grandma told that all religions are one and that we’re all humans after all, and the other practices are add-ons to their Hindu belief and practices

3. All religions preach good things

4. Chettis are Indians, but embraces Malay and Chinese cultures

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Meet the Chetti Melaka, or Peranakan Indians, striving to save their vanishing culture

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There are around 200 of them in Singapore. There could be a few thousand more, but so little is known of the community that many don't know their roots. And their numbers are not all that's rare about them.

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Key points concerning religion from the web newspaper:

1. Despite Chettis` mixed ethnicity, they are strong devotees of Hindu God Shiva

2. They are given Hindu names and have altars at the entrance of their homes

3. This community has a culture of tolerance and open-mindedness as a result of heritage of mixed marriages

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A glimpse into the

community

The Indian Heritage Centre is

currently hosting an exhibition

called the "Chetti Melaka of the

Straits: Rediscovering Peranakan

Indian Communities", which

showcases artefacts and

photographs sourced from the

Chetti Melaka community in

Singapore and Melaka.

This exhibition, which has been

co-created in close cooperation

with the Peranakan Indian (Chitty

Melaka) Association of Singapore,

is an attempt to celebrate and

record the scattered and

under-explored story of one of the

earliest Indian migrant

communities in the region.

VANDANA AGGARWAL

The little-known and low-profile Chetti

Melaka community is a part of the

colourful, multi-cultural social fabric

that makes up Singapore.

The word Chetti is derived from

Tamil and means "trader". Not to be

confused with the moneylending Chet-

tiar community, the Chettis of Singa-

pore trace their roots to Melaka in the

15th and 16th centuries, when mer-

chants from the southern states of India

visited the region for business.

Dependent on the sea winds to re-

turn to India, many of them mingled

with the local community and took the

indigenous women as their wives and

settled down in Melaka.

Over centuries they also married Chi-

nese women and gradually lost touch

with their home country.

It is believed that around World War

II work opportunities brought some of

them to Singapore. Most Chettis who

moved to Singapore were well educated

and in government service. Chitti Road

in Little India bears testimony to their

presence here.

The Peranakan Indian (Chitty

Melaka) Association of Singapore was

inaugurated in 2008 by then President S

R Nathan. Mr Ponnosamy Kalastree, 71,

is the current president of the associa-

tion and he is determined to keep alive

the Chetti Melaka traditions.

The community has about 5,000

members and is seeing a growing aware-

ness of a culture lost in time and an ur-

gent need to save it.

Ms Sathyavani Krishnan, a student at

Singapore Polytechnic, grew up in Singa-

pore unaware of her Chetti Melaka

roots.

"As a child, I wondered why we kept

going back to Melaka all the time," she

recalls. She rues that in her growing up

years she never asked questions.

"People often mistake me for a

Malay because of how I look and yet my

identity card says I am Indian. It is this

identity crisis that many youngsters in

the community are grappling with," says

the 23-year-old.

Her father is a Malayalee and her

mother a Chetti Melaka. "I am torn be-

tween the Chetti side and the Malayalee

side and don't know how to merge the

two without hurting either. To live like a

Chetti Melaka I would have to unlearn

all that I grew up with. Coming to terms

with that is hard," she says.

Mr Rishnaiswaren Pillay's grandfa-

ther also moved to Singapore before

World War II and had a government job.

His grandmother supplemented the fam-

ily income by working as a nanny.

The 29-year-old business analyst is

proud of his identity and heritage. Since

both his grandparents were Chettis,

their culture was very much a part of his

growing up years.

The Chetti Melakas of yore spoke in a

language that is referred to as "Chetti

Creole". It does not have a written script

and is a combination of Tamil, Malay

and Chinese dialects. People could have

their own versions of words borrowed

from different languages.

Chetti Creole is fast disappearing as

the younger generation hasn't really

picked it up. Ms Krishnan speaks Tamil,

which is rare for a Chetti. Mr Pillay

speaks Malay so fluently that he is often

mistaken for one. Mr Pillay's grand-

mother would recite "pantun" proverbs

in Chetti Creole to drive home a point.

Pantuns are short poems that can be

witty, sarcastic or philosophical.

Depending on the occasion, they

were often created on the spot, says Mr

Pillay. He recalls how much fun it was to

have a language which was all their own.

"When guests came, we could speak to

each other without them knowing what

we were saying," he said.

The Chetti Melaka way of dressing is

an amalgamation of regional Malay, Per-

anakan and Tamil styles. Men tradition-

ally wore a checked sarong, a batik shirt

and headgear called the "talapa".

Women dressed in a wrap-around

batik sarong. They topped it with em-

broidered kebaya-style blouses. Mar-

ried women wore a vermilion dot on

their foreheads.

Nowadays traditional clothes are

worn only on formal occasions. Mr Pil-

lay sheepishly confesses that he is fond

of batik and wears it so often that he is

teasingly called the "Ambassador of the

Chettis".

For Ms Krishnan, Chetti Melaka cui-

sine is the strongest connection she has

with her roots as her grandmother and

mother both favoured that style of cook-

ing. "The food we ate looked Malay but

was Indian," she says.

The traditional recipes merge Chi-

nese, Malay and Indian cuisines and

have been passed down orally through

generations. They have their own ver-

sions of nasi lemak and nasi kebuli. The

ikan pindang has Malay and Chinese in-

fluence.

Chinese "Cherki" cards, Malay "don-

dang" songs and a Javanese dance form

called "ronggeng" have all made their

way into the hybrid Chetti Melaka cul-

ture.

In spite of their mixed ethnicity, one

thing that has survived is their religion.

The Chettis are staunch Hindu Saivites

(devotees of the Hindu God Shiva).

They are given Hindu names and have al-

tars at the entrance of their homes.

Given their heritage of mixed mar-

riages, the community has a culture of

tolerance and open-mindedness. They

respect the faith of the people around

them.

Mr Kalastree is married to a Chinese

woman and the altar in his home has

both Hindu gods and Buddhist deities.

The Chettis observe spiritual events in

the Hindu calendar. Deepavali, Pongal

and Bhogi Parachu are their main festi-

vals. A festival unique to them is "Dato

Chachar" dedicated to the Goddess Mari-

amman. It is not celebrated in Singapore

and they often travel to Kampung Chetti

in Gajah Berang, Melaka, to observe it.

For them, Gajah Berang is also their

ancestral home as most are unaware of

the places in India where their forefa-

thers came from. They share close ties

with the village and often make dona-

tions to the temples there.

"Parchu" is an elaborate ceremony in-

corporating the Chinese tradition of an-

cestor worship. The complex rituals

show respect to the spirits of the visiting

ancestors.

While most Hindus cremate their

dead, the Chettis follow the Chinese

and Malay practice of burial.

Ms Krishnan is proud of her ancestry.

"We are unique and we have a sense of

pride. We want to continue and save our

culture and we have to do it ourselves,"

she says. For Mr Pillay, being a Chetti

Melaka is an integral part of his identity.

"I am more Hindu than many of the Hin-

dus I know. You can't wake up one day

and decide you want to be a Chetti

Melaka. It's a lifestyle," he says. Be it lan-

guage, cuisine, fashion or religion, the

Chetti Melakas have blended in, adapt-

ing and adopting from the local Singa-

pore culture.

As the community tries to reclaim its

place in the sun, Mr Kalastree has a mes-

sage for the new immigrants who are in

the process of settling down in Singa-

pore: "Our ancestors were migrants like

them and their children will be like us.

Therefore, if newcomers want to call Sin-

gapore home, they need to mingle and

adapt to Singapore culture, customs and

traditions."

➥
tabla@sph.com.sg
Unique

hybrid culture

Ms Sathyavani Krishnan in conversation with residents of Kampung Chetti in Gajah Berang,

Melaka.

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Offerings being laid out during Bhogi

Parachu at the residence of Mr Ganesan

Chitty in Melaka

.

Mr Rishnaiswaren Pillay wearing a

traditional sarong and the talapa headgear.

Minority Indian communities

in Singapore:

Chetti Melakas

(about 5,000 people)

Page4

January4,2019

tabla

!

tabla

!

January4,2019

Page5

SINGAPORE

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A glimpse into the community The Indian Heritage Centre is currently hosting an exhibition called the "Chetti Melaka of the Straits: Rediscovering Peranakan Indian Communities", which showcases artefacts and photographs sourced from the Chetti Melaka community in Singapore and Melaka.

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Web Magazine: Malaysia: Melaka Chettis, Past and Future

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Web Magazine: Malaysia: Melaka Chettis, Past and Future

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Key points pertaining religion from the web magazine:

1. The secret to the Melaka Chettis’ undying bond with their Hindu faith can be found in the power that comes to them from their ancestors and a small network of temples

2. The good trait of filial piety (respect for one`s parents, elders and ancestors) is the central pillar of this community`s culture

3. The Hindu perceived these elements as their central of life:

Mata (mother)

Pita (father)

Guru (guru/scholar)

Deivam (God)

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Hinduism Today Magazine, published quarterly from Kauai's Hindu Monastery, is the foremost global journal on Hinduism