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Culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution. Cultures are like underground rivers that run through our lives and relationships, giving us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Though cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways.

Cultures are more than language, dress, and food customs. Cultural groups may share race, ethnicity, or nationality, but they also arise from cleavages of generation, socioeconomic class, sexual orientation, ability and disability, political and religious affiliation, language, and gender -- to name only a few.

Two things are essential to remember about cultures: they are always changing, and they relate to the symbolic dimension of life. The symbolic dimension is the place where we are constantly making meaning and enacting our identities. Cultural messages from the groups we belong to give us information about what is meaningful or important, and who we are in the world and in relation to others -- our identities.

Cultural messages, simply, are what everyone in a group knows that outsiders do not know. They are the water fish swim in, unaware of its effect on their vision. They are a series of lenses that shape what we see and don't see, how we perceive and interpret, and where we draw boundaries. In shaping our values, cultures contain starting points and currencies[1]. Starting points are those places it is natural to begin, whether with individual or group concerns, with the big picture or particularities. Currencies are those things we care about that influence and shape our interactions with others.

Additional insights into culture and conflict are offered by Beyond Intractability project participants.

How Cultures Work

Though largely below the surface, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular ways and away from other directions. Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is also cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counterintuitive, or wrong to another.

Cultural messages shape our understandings of relationships, and of how to deal with the conflict and harmony that are always present whenever two or more people come together. Writing about or working across cultures is complicated, but not impossible. Here are some complications in working with cultural dimensions of conflict, and the implications that flow from them:

Culture is multi-layered -- what you see on the surface may mask differences below the surface.
Therefore, cultural generalizations are not the whole story, and there is no substitute for building relationships and sharing experiences, coming to know others more deeply over time.
Culture is constantly in flux -- as conditions change, cultural groups adapt in dynamic and sometimes unpredictable ways.
Therefore, no comprehensive description can ever be formulated about a particular group. Any attempt to understand a group must take the dimensions of time, context, and individual differences into account.
Culture is elastic -- knowing the cultural norms of a given group does not predict the behavior of a member of that group, who may not conform to norms for individual or contextual reasons.
Therefore, taxonomies (e.g. "Italians think this way," or "Buddhists prefer that") have limited use, and can lead to error if not checked with experience.
Culture is largely below the surface, influencing identities and meaning-making, or who we believe ourselves to be and what we care about -- it is not easy to access these symbolic levels since they are largely outside our awareness.
Therefore, it is important to use many ways of learning about the cultural dimensions of those involved in a conflict, especially indirect ways, including stories, metaphors, and rituals.
Cultural influences and identities become important depending on context. When an aspect of cultural identity is threatened or misunderstood, it may become relatively more important than other cultural identities and this fixed, narrow identity may become the focus of stereotyping, negative projection, and conflict. This is a very common situation in intractable conflicts.
Therefore, it is useful for people in conflict to have interactive experiences that help them see each other as broadly as possible, experiences that foster the recognition of shared identities as well as those that are different.
Since culture is so closely related to our identities (who we think we are), and the ways we make meaning (what is important to us and how), it is always a factor in conflict. Cultural awareness leads us to apply the Platinum Rule in place of the Golden Rule. Rather than the maxim "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you," the Platinum Rule advises: "Do unto others as they would have you do unto them."

Culture and Conflict: Connections

Cultures are embedded in every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question. In an interview conducted in Canada, an elderly Chinese man indicated he had experienced no conflict at all for the previous 40 years.[2] Among the possible reasons for his denial was a cultural preference to see the world through lenses of harmony rather than conflict, as encouraged by his Confucian upbringing. Labeling some of our interactions as conflicts and analyzing them into smaller component parts is a distinctly Western approach that may obscure other aspects of relationships.

Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently. For any conflict that touches us where it matters, where we make meaning and hold our identities, there is always a cultural component. Intractable conflicts like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or the India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir are not just about territorial, boundary, and sovereignty issues -- they are also about acknowledgement, representation, and legitimization of different identities and ways of living, being, and making meaning.

Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter what -- sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it.

Culture is inextricable from conflict, though it does not cause it. When differences surface in families, organizations, or communities, culture is always present, shaping perceptions, attitudes, behaviors, and outcomes.

When the cultural groups we belong to are a large majority in our community or nation, we are less likely to be aware of the content of the messages they send us. Cultures shared by dominant groups often seem to be "natural," "normal" -- "the way things are done." We only notice the effect of cultures that are different from our own, attending to behaviors that we label exotic or strange.

Though culture is intertwined with conflict, some approaches to conflict resolution minimize cultural issues and influences. Since culture is like an iceberg -- largely submerged -- it is important to include it in our analyses and interventions. Icebergs unacknowledged can be dangerous, and it is impossible to make choices about them if we don't know their size or place. Acknowledging culture and bringing cultural fluency to conflicts can help all kinds of people make more intentional, adaptive choices.

Culture and Conflict: How to Respond

Given culture's important role in conflicts, what should be done to keep it in mind and include it in response plans? Cultures may act like temperamental children: complicated, elusive, and difficult to predict. Unless we develop comfort with culture as an integral part of conflict, we may find ourselves tangled in its net of complexity, limited by our own cultural lenses. Cultural fluency is a key tool for disentangling and managing multilayered, cultural conflicts.

Cultural fluency means familiarity with cultures: their natures, how they work, and ways they intertwine with our relationships in times of conflict and harmony. Cultural fluency means awareness of several dimensions of culture, including

Communication,

Ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict,

Approaches to meaning making,

Identities and roles.

Each of these is described in more detail below.

Communication refers to different starting points about how to relate to and with others. There are many variations on these starting points, and they are outlined in detail in the topic Communication, Culture, and Conflict. Some of the major variations relate to the division between high- and low-context communications, a classification devised by Edward T. Hall.[3]

In high-context communication, most of a message is conveyed by the context surrounding it, rather than being named explicitly in words. The physical setting, the way things are said, and shared understandings are relied upon to give communication meaning. Interactions feature formalized and stylized rituals, telegraphing ideas without spelling them out. Nonverbal cues and signals are essential to comprehension of the message. The context is trusted to communicate in the absence of verbal expressions, or sometimes in addition to them. High-context communication may help save face because it is less direct than low-context communication, but it may increase the possibilities of miscommunication because much of the intended message is unstated.

Low-context communication emphasizes directness rather than relying on the context to communicate. From this starting point, verbal communication is specific and literal, and less is conveyed in implied, indirect signals. Low-context communicators tend to "say what they mean and mean what they say." Low-context communication may help prevent misunderstandings, but it can also escalate conflict because it is more confrontational than high-context communication.

As people communicate, they move along a continuum between high- and low-context. Depending on the kind of relationship, the context, and the purpose of communication, they may be more or less explicit and direct. In close relationships, communication shorthand is often used, which makes communication opaque to outsiders but perfectly clear to the parties. With strangers, the same people may choose low-context communication.

Low- and high-context communication refers not only to individual communication strategies, but may be used to understand cultural groups. Generally, Western cultures tend to gravitate toward low-context starting points, while Eastern and Southern cultures tend to high-context communication. Within these huge categories, there are important differences and many variations. Where high-context communication tends to be featured, it is useful to pay specific attention to nonverbal cues and the behavior of others who may know more of the unstated rules governing the communication. Where low-context communication is the norm, directness is likely to be expected in return.

There are many other ways that communication varies across cultures. High- and low-context communication and several other dimensions are explored in Communication, Culture, and Conflict.

Ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict vary across cultural boundaries. As the example of the elderly Chinese interviewee illustrates, not everyone agrees on what constitutes a conflict. For those accustomed to subdued, calm discussion, an emotional exchange among family members may seem a threatening conflict. The family members themselves may look at their exchange as a normal and desirable airing of differing views. Intractable conflicts are also subject to different interpretations. Is an event a skirmish, a provocation, an escalation, or a mere trifle, hardly worth noticing? The answer depends on perspective, context, and how identity relates to the situation.

Just as there is no consensus across cultures or situations on what constitutes a conflict or how events in the interaction should be framed, so there are many different ways of thinking about how to tame it. Should those involved meet face to face, sharing their perspectives and stories with or without the help of an outside mediator? Or should a trusted friend talk with each of those involved and try to help smooth the waters? Should a third party be known to the parties or a stranger to those involved?

John Paul Lederach, in his book Preparing for Peace: Conflict Transformation Across Cultures, identifies two third-party roles that exist in U.S. and Somali settings, respectively -- the formal mediator and the traditional elder.[4] The formal mediator is generally not known to those involved, and he or she tries to act without favoritism or investment in any particular outcome. Traditional elders are revered for their local knowledge and relationships, and are relied upon for direction and advice, as well as for their skills in helping parties communicate with each other. The roles of insider partial (someone known to the parties who is familiar with the history of the situation and the webs of relationships) and outsider neutral (someone unknown to the parties who has no stake in the outcome or continuing relationship with the parties) appear in a range of cultural contexts. Generally, insider partials tend to be preferred in traditional, high-context settings, while outside neutrals are more common in low-context settings.

These are just some of the ways that taming conflict varies across cultures. Third parties may use different strategies with quite different goals, depending on their cultural sense of what is needed. In multicultural contexts, parties' expectations of how conflict should be addressed may vary, further escalating an existing conflict.

Approaches to meaning-making also vary across cultures. Hampden-Turner and Trompenaars suggest that people have a range of starting points for making sense of their lives, including:

universalist (favoring rules, laws, and generalizations) and particularist (favoring exceptions, relations, and contextual evaluation)

specificity (preferring explicit definitions, breaking down wholes into component parts, and measurable results) and diffuseness (focusing on patterns, the big picture, and process over outcome)

inner direction (sees virtue in individuals who strive to realize their conscious purpose) and outer direction (where virtue is outside each of us in natural rhythms, nature, beauty, and relationships)

synchronous time (cyclical and spiraling) and sequential time (linear and unidirectional).[5]

When we don't understand that others may have quite different starting points, conflict is more likely to occur and to escalate. Even though the starting points themselves are neutral, negative motives are easily attributed to someone who begins from a different end of the continuum.[6]

For example, when First Nations people sit down with government representatives to negotiate land claims in Canada or Australia, different ideas of time may make it difficult to establish rapport and make progress. First Nations people tend to see time as stretching forward and back, binding them in relationship with seven generations in both directions. Their actions and choices in the present are thus relevant to history and to their progeny. Government negotiators acculturated to Western European ideas of time may find the telling of historical tales and the consideration of projections generations into the future tedious and irrelevant unless they understand the variations in the way time is understood by First Nations people.

Of course, this example draws on generalizations that may or may not apply in a particular situation. There are many different Aboriginal peoples in Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and elsewhere. Each has a distinct culture, and these cultures have different relationships to time, different ideas about negotiation, and unique identities. Government negotiators may also have a range of ethno cultural identities, and may not fit the stereotype of the woman or man in a hurry, with a measured, pressured orientation toward time.

Examples can also be drawn from the other three dimensions identified by Hampden-Turner and Trompenaars. When an intractable conflict has been ongoing for years or even generations, should there be recourse to international standards and interveners, or local rules and practices? Those favoring a universalist starting point are more likely to prefer international intervention and the setting of international standards. Particularlists will be more comfortable with a tailor-made, home-grown approach than with the imposition of general rules that may or may not fit their needs and context.

Specificity and diffuseness also lead to conflict and conflict escalation in many instances. People, who speak in specifics, looking for practical solutions to challenges that can be implemented and measured, may find those who focus on process, feelings, and the big picture obstructionist and frustrating. On the other hand, those whose starting points are diffuse are more apt to catch the flaw in the sum that is not easy to detect by looking at the component parts, and to see the context into which specific ideas must fit.

Inner-directed people tend to feel confident that they can affect change, believing that they are "the masters of their fate, the captains of their souls."[7] They focus more on product than process. Imagine their frustration when faced with outer-directed people, whose attention goes to nurturing relationships, living in harmony with nature, going with the flow, and paying attention to processes rather than products. As with each of the above sets of starting points, neither is right or wrong; they are simply different. A focus on process is helpful, but not if it completely fails to ignore outcomes. A focus on outcomes is useful, but it is also important to monitor the tone and direction of the process. Cultural fluency means being aware of different sets of starting points, and having a way to speak in both dialects, helping translate between them when they are making conflict worse.

These continua are not absolute, nor do they explain human relations broadly. They are clues to what might be happening when people are in conflict over long periods of time. We are meaning-making creatures, telling stories and creating understandings that preserve our sense of self and relate to our purpose. As we come to realize this, we can look into the process of meaning making for those in a conflict and find ways to help them make their meaning-making processes and conclusions more apparent to each other.

This can be done by storytelling and by the creation of shared stories, stories that are co-constructed to make room for multiple points of view within them. Often, people in conflict tell stories that sound as though both cannot be true. Narrative conflict-resolution approaches help them leave their concern with truth and being right on the sideline for a time, turning their attention instead to stories in which they can both see themselves.

Another way to explore meaning making is through metaphors. Metaphors are compact, tightly packaged word pictures that convey a great deal of information in shorthand form. For example, in exploring how a conflict began, one side may talk about its origins being buried in the mists of time before there were boundaries and roads and written laws. The other may see it as the offspring of a vexatious lawsuit begun in 1946. Neither is wrong -- the issue may well have deep roots, and the lawsuit was surely a part of the evolution of the conflict. As the two sides talk about their metaphors, the more diffuse starting point wrapped up in the mists of time meets the more specific one, attached to a particular legal action. As the two talk, they deepen their understanding of each other in context, and learn more about their respective roles and identities.

Identities and roles refer to conceptions of the self. Am I an individual unit, autonomous, a free agent, ultimately responsible for myself? Or am I first and foremost a member of a group, weighing choices and actions by how the group will perceive them and be affected by them? Those who see themselves as separate individuals likely come from societies anthropologists call individualist. Those for whom group allegiance is primary usually come from settings anthropologists call collectivist, or communitarian.

In collectivist settings, the following values tend to be privileged:

cooperation

filial piety (respect for and deference toward elders)

participation in shared progress

reputation of the group

interdependence

In individualist settings, the following values tend to be privileged:

competition

independence

individual achievement

personal growth and fulfillment

self-reliance

When individualist and communitarian starting points influence those on either side of a conflict, escalation may result. Individualists may see no problem with "no holds barred" confrontation, while communitarian counterparts shrink from bringing dishonor or face-loss to their group by behaving in unseemly ways. Individualists may expect to make agreements with communitarians, and may feel betrayed when the latter indicate that they have to take their understandings back to a larger public or group before they can come to closure. In the end, one should remember that, as with other patterns described, most people are not purely individualist or communitarian. Rather, people tend to have individualist or communitarian starting points, depending on one's upbringing, experience, and the context of the situation.

Conclusion

There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures.

[1] See also the essays on Cultural and Worldview Frames and Communication Tools for Understanding Cultural Differences.

[2] LeBaron, Michelle and Bruce Grundison. 1993. Conflict and Culture: Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada. Victoria, British Columbia: University of Victoria Institute for Dispute Resolution.

[3] Hall, Edward T. 1976. Beyond Culture. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.

[4] Lederach, John Paul. 1995. Preparing for Peace. Conflict Transformation Across Cultures. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, pp. 94.

[5] Hampden-Turner, Charles and Fons Trompenaars. 2000. Building Cross Cultural Competence. How to Create Wealth from Conflicting Values. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

[6] There is also the set of essays on framing which is closely related to the idea of meaning making.

[7] Ibid., 244.

Use the following to cite this article:
LeBaron, Michelle. "Culture and Conflict." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: July 2003 < http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/culture-conflict>.

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Culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution. Cultures are like underground rivers that run through our lives and relationships, giving us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Though cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways.

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PREPARING TEACHERS FOR MULITICULTURAL CLASSROOMS

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This paper focuses on the need for the multicultural preparation of preservice teachers. The intent is neither to prescribe a uniform teacher education program for all institutions nor to encompass all aspects of a good teacher preparation program. Rather, this paper suggests institutional and programmatic practices that will prepare future teachers for classroom diversity.

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from Amy

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In early 2010, Hooman Khalili hatched his plan to make a theater-ready feature film using a cellphone simply because he could. "Technology is moving so fast I knew it could be done," he says. He found a phone that shot in true high-definition, the Nokia N8, and knew he had a shot at producing a pixelated-free big-screen experience. When his pleas for backing from Nokia went unanswered, Khalili got the cash he needed for a serious production from former Facebook bigwig Chris Kelly and San Francisco businessman Bill O'Keeffe. By year's end, , a film featuring two-time Oscar nominee Gena Rowlands was born.

So, can anyone with a smartphone become a filmmaker? Maybe, but Khalili and his co-director Patrick Gilles had to go all-out MacGyver on the pocketable communication device to make it camera-ready. Consider the hack:

1. Buy a Nokia N8 off Amazon-the only camera to shoot in true hi-def in late 2010 (yes, including the iPhone)-from Japan (the phone wasn't available in the US): $379

2. Ask for a "badass cellphone hacker" on Facebook to nix the phone's autofocus feature ("The camera thinks it knows what to focus on," says Khalili, "but it doesn't.") and its autozoom, which degrades the pixels: $150

3. Post an ad on Craigslist seeking a 35mm lens (dropped/cracked, thus the bargain price of...): $800

4. To jury-rig the lens for depth of field, commandeer pagers off of eBay for their vibrating mechanisms ($3.99 for 2), and ground glass: $20

5. Each day before shooting (28 total days), Gilles spent an hour affixing the hacked phone to the hacked lens using three-quarter-inch double-sided tape (hardware-store standard issue, one roll). Oh, and he used "toothpicks and little pieces of paper to shim the camera on the fly and in the field."

6. Salvage a Hasselblad camera for parts to mount a prism onto an articulating arm as an eyepiece. Why? Because the camera shoots upside down and you want to watch footage without having to do a headstand.

7. Film the entire movie on two SD cards: $40 each. (The N8 has a built-in SD card slot.)

8. Since cellphones always run out of juice at the most inopportune times, use a portable battery (the size of a gift box) to make sure your camera doesn't die during 10-12 hour days of shooting.

All told, $425,000 for hack, cast, and crew yielded a sharply shot film; it only looks amateur during fast-action moments, which are few given that the plot follows a young girl (Olive, of course) who charms her way into the lives of three lonely suburbanites, all without saying a word. The flick features a hauntingly lyrical song "Imaginary Friend," by Ben Lear (son of Norman) and an eclectic mix of lilting tracks assembled by Khalili and his music supervisor Brooke Wentz. "I work in radio," says Khalili of his day job, "and I have this theory that the best music in the world is the music you don't hear on the radio." So the indie music in Olive won't sound familiar, which, well, thank god.

Olive is not the greatest movie you'll ever see. The story is nice enough and there are several strong characters-but the real draw is the technique. The cinematography highlights stunning landscapes and vivid colors, striking scenes that at times upstage the narrative. "I was just trying to be groundbreaking," says Khalili of his effort to create a made-by-phone movie that could be shown in theaters. He sees Olive as "the ultimate independent film" born of the smartphone age: "Two first-time directors; the queen of independent cinema, Gena Rowlands; no studio or distributor supporting it; and one movie theater in the entire country playing it. There's no more of an underdog story than this."

Earlier this month, hoping for a nomination for original song or supporting actress for Rowlands ("She's due," he says), Khalili mailed the film to all 6,500 of the Academy's members. Whether Olive gets a nod, well, that's now their call.

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How to Make a Feature Film With Your Cellphone

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In early 2010, Hooman Khalili hatched his plan to make a theater-ready feature film using a cellphone simply because he could. "Technology is moving so fast I knew it could be done," he says. He found a phone that shot in true high-definition, the Nokia N8, and knew he had a shot at producing a pixelated-free big-screen experience.

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This was going to be a column about social intrapreneurship and the origins of Net-Works, a partnership launched by our carpet-manufacturing company Interface in remote fishing villages in the central Philippines. But Mother Nature had other ideas.

By early October, Interface's on-the-ground Net-Works partner, the Zoological Society of London (ZSL), had created community banking centers in 26 impoverished fishing villages in the Danajon Bank, Bohol Province, Bantayan Islands and northern Cebu.

These bought discarded nylon fishing nets from local people who had collected them off beaches, out of fragile mangrove areas or from fishing boats. Participants had the option to receive cash immediately or deposit their earnings into the community-run banks. Our first shipments of nets from Danajon Bank already had been regenerated into new carpet yarn by our supplier Aquafil, and the program looked ready to grow rapidly.

Then the earthquake hit.
When natural disasters strike
A magnitude 7.2 quake with its epicenter right underneath some of our Net-Works sites on Danajon Bank caused massive devastation in areas where most people already were living well below the poverty line. More than 200 people lost their lives and at least 15,000 structures were destroyed.

But as outside aid arrived and people struggled to meet their most basic needs, a funny thing happened: Net-Works actually grew. Since Oct. 15, when the earthquake hit, these Net-Works sites have recorded their two biggest collection months ever. It appears that rather than being disrupted by the disaster, Net-Works became an even more important source of additional income.

The communities near the northern Net-Works sites had not been much affected by the earthquake, but they were not so lucky three weeks later when Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) made landfall on Bantayan Islands with record-breaking winds of nearly 200 mph. Working closely with ZSL, we have mobilized aid for this remote region, but even weeks later, it is still difficult to get an accurate picture of the scale of destruction; in many places not a single structure was left standing. There is still no indication of whether fishing net collection has continued in this region.

No one can legislate for earthquakes, and the Philippines always have experienced typhoons, but the unprecedented ferocity of Haiyan and the frequency of recent storms raises more troubling questions that go far beyond our small program.
Climate change's impact on impoverished communities
The Danajon Bank, a densely populated coastal area where most people live on a few dollars a day and only a few feet above sea level, is a real-life example of how the threat of climate change is poised to fall most heavily on those who can least afford it (and have done the least to contribute to it).

In the wake of the devastation wrought on the central Philippines by Typhoon Haiyan, our Net-Works narrative has shifted.

Interface started Net-Works to explore this question: Is it possible to source the materials for our product in a way that restores ecosystems and benefits impoverished communities?

But Haiyan begs an even bigger question: What is a multinational corporation's role in addressing growing climate change impacts on the world's most vulnerable communities? And how do we contribute in a way that is not just a Band-Aid that must be re-applied after each increasingly common super-storm?

The question of what companies can do has become even more urgent in the face of global government gridlock, which continued to afflict the recent round of UN climate negotiations in Poland. Even a lengthy hunger strike undertaken by the Philippines' lead negotiator failed to provoke substantial movement on commitments to reduce emissions or address "loss and damage" suffered by vulnerable developing countries.
Lessons from Net-Works
The surge in Net-Works participation after the earthquake indicates that it perhaps has a piece of the puzzle. We do not know the long-term impact of the program yet, but we do know that when these twin disasters struck, some Danajon families participating in Net-Works had money in the bank for the first time in their lives that could help them rebuild. We also know that the relationship we have with these communities extends beyond charity to something more durable, grounded in healthy and mutual self-interest.

Interface, Aquafil and ZSL initially assisted more than 1,600 families with urgently needed supplies, and has shifted focus to rebuilding homes and livelihoods. The longer-term challenge for supply chain initiatives such as Net-Works is fostering communities that can maintain their cultural, ecological and economic integrity over time, even in the face of climate change.

For Interface, the Net-Works partnership seemed to be the first step toward fulfilling Ray Anderson's original vision to be a "restorative enterprise" that makes the world better while growing business. But with climate change already upon us, it seems that our aspiration to become restorative or even sustainable, especially in coastal developing countries, also will mean mastering the art of being highly resilient.
Photo of Panay island the morning after Typhoon Haiyan by Niar via Shutterstock

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Interface: Lessons in resilience from superstorm Haiyan

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This was going to be a column about social intrapreneurship and the origins of Net-Works, a partnership launched by our carpet-manufacturing company Interface in remote fishing villages in the central Philippines. But Mother Nature had other ideas.

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Marine Productivity: Perturbations and Resilience of Socio-ecosystems

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The 15th Franco-Japanese Symposium of Oceanography "Marine Productivity, Perturbations and Resilience of Socio-Ecosystems," organized by the long-standing partners Société franco-japonaise d'Océanographie de France and Société franco-japonaise d'Océanographie du Japon, reviewed the impacts of natural (storms, typhoons, earthquakes, tsunamis, etc.) and man-made (pollution, buildings in coastal areas, aquaculture, tourism, sports, diving, etc.)

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TO read : recommended reading!

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Rare staff, their families and Rare's partners in the Philippines are safe after Typhoon Haiyan wreaked havoc on Friday, November 8. On the heels of a 7.2-magnitude earthquake last month, this storm hit land with more than three times the force of Hurricane Katrina, so large it would span the distance between Spain and Sweden, with wind speeds near 200 miles per hour and a storm surge greater than 13 feet. Rare's thoughts and condolences go out to the countless victims of Typhoon Haiyan.

With communication and power still unstable across a wide swath of the country including Rare offices in Bohol, Rare has yet to learn of the full extent of damage to its project sites. Rare currently works with fishing communities at 13 locations throughout the Philippines.

In a New York Times article, Robert S. Ziegler, the director general of the International Rice Research Institute in the Philippines, expressed his concern for the fishing communities across the country. "The coastal areas can be quite vulnerable," he said. "The disturbing reports are the lack of reports, and the areas that are cut off could be quite severely hit."

Twelve of Rare's project sites evaded the main path of destruction. However, the community of Pilar, off the west coast of Leyte Island (which received the most damage from the storm) was severely damaged. The storm impacted almost 90 percent of residents, stripping roofs from homes and leaving many homeless without power, water and food.

Rare Fellow Susan Cataylo, whose house was also badly damaged, says many fishers in Pilar have resumed fishing to try and feed their families. The storm destroyed the guardhouse and boundary markers around the marine sanctuary. Cataylo's project with Rare mobilizes community support to respect and enforce sustainable fishery management practices. Cataylo has already assembled fishers to replace the boundary markers and help construct a temporary guardhouse to protect their natural assets from exploitation at this vulnerable time.

"The Filipino spirit is resilient and remains strong. As they say, the sun shines bright after the storm passes." Fel Cadiz, Rare program manager in the Philippines.

While it is unclear if the storm was tied to climate change, the catastrophic damage and suffering serves as a reminder to low-lying communities like Pilar to adapt and prepare for increasingly erratic weather patterns.

As the Philippines rolls out disaster relief operations, the rest of the world is also talking about what can be done to prevent this level of devastation in the future.

The United Nations Convention on Climate Change opened its annual climate treaty conference this week in Warsaw, Poland. Naderev Saño, the chief representative of the Philippines at the conference whose hometown was devastated by the storm, gave an emotional speech at the conference calling for a meaningful outcome from the delegates. "I speak for the countless people who will no longer be able to speak for themselves," he said. "By failing to meet the objective of the convention we may have ratified our own doom."

While scientists remain cautious about drawing links between extreme storms like Typhoon Haiyan and climate change, there is widespread agreement in the scientific community that storms will become more powerful as the climate changes.

Rare's work with fishing communities to curb overfishing and restore coastal ecosystems helps buffer coastal communities from some of the impacts of extreme climate events.

"The Filipino spirit is resilient and remains strong," says Fel Cadiz, Rare program manager in the Philippines. "People who are still suffering the effects of the earthquake still manage to send support to nearby places. As they say, the sun shines bright after the storm passes."
Rare does not explicitly endorse any aid organizations. If you would like to contribute to disaster relief efforts, please consider some of the charities suggested through Charity Navigator.

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Rare staff, their families and Rare's partners in the Philippines are safe after Typhoon Haiyan wreaked havoc on Friday, November 8. On the heels of a 7.2-magnitude earthquake last month, this storm hit land with more than three times the force of Hurricane Katrina, so large it would span the distance between Spain and Sweden, with wind speeds near 200 miles per hour and a storm surge greater than 13 feet.

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Restoring fisheries livelihoods and improving resilience in the Philippines

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FAO calls for prompt and sustainable rebuilding of livelihoods in regions affected by Typhoon Haiyan - Philippine fishers face immense damage to the fisheries and aquaculture sectors in regions affected by Typhoon Haiyan, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization said today, calling for prompt and sustainable actions to help rebuild livelihoods.

"Even though we still only have a partial picture, it is clear that the damage caused to the fisheries sector is immense and spans the entire value chain, from catch to market," said Rodrigue Vinet, acting FAO Representative in the Philippines. "In the context of livelihoods, these losses are crippling."

According to preliminary assessments by the Philippines' Department of Agriculture, small-scale fishers were the worst affected when the typhoon tore through the country in November, destroying or damaging tens of thousands of small boats and fishing gear in its path, while larger commercial boats suffered less damage.

Around 16 500 seaweed farmers - mostly women - also lost their livelihoods. The typhoon flattened crucial infrastructure including jetties and landing ports, onshore ice and cold storage facilities, boat repair and maintenance facilities, processing factories and markets.

Key aquaculture infrastructure was also destroyed including oyster rafts, crab, shrimp and mussel farms, as well as inland tilapia cages, hatcheries and fish ponds.

Economic losses

Economic losses to the sector are still being quantified, but the worst-hit regions - Eastern, Central and Western Visayas and Mimaropa - are major producers in both aquaculture and fisheries, according to the Philippines Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources.

In 2011, marine and inland fisheries in these affected regions supplied 21 percent, or 514 492 tonnes, of the total output from the Philippines' municipal and commercial fisheries combined. Municipal marine fishing is carried out from the shoreline to 15 km offshore, and only boats below three tonnes are authorized to fish in these waters.

Aquaculture, including seaweed, from the four regions is responsible for 33 percent of total national aquaculture production.

Sustainable rehabilitation

FAO cautioned that coordination is crucial in rebuilding the sector so as not to jeopardize the lives and livelihoods of fishers and fish farmers, as well as people directly and indirectly dependent on the fishing sector.

" The Philippines Government has made important efforts to support small-scale fisheries, and we need to ensure that the response to this disaster does not reverse that good work," Vinet said.

"Experience from the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami and other large-scale disasters has shown that inadvertent oversupply of fishing boats and equipment during the recovery can deplete fish stocks, reduce catches, harm ecosystems and damage the livelihoods of the remaining fishers," he said.

"Boats need to be rebuilt and replaced, but this needs to be done in a coordinated manner to ensure that existing fishing capacity is not exceeded. We need to make sure that in time there are not more boats than fish."

Vinet underscored that replacement fishing gear should be legal and non-destructive and that boats should be built and repaired with quality materials, taking no short-cuts. "The safety of fishers is a top priority," he said.

Plan for recovery

FAO is currently working with the Philippines Government to prepare a recovery and reconstruction plan that includes short- and medium- to long-term recovery for all agriculture subsectors, including fisheries.

The Organization is calling for an initial $5 million to restore the livelihoods of fishers and coastal communities affected by Typhoon Haiyan.

In addition to repairing boats and selective fishing gear, short-term rehabilitation efforts must include providing processing tools for women, demarcating community-managed fish sanctuaries and promoting cash-for-work programmes to assist in the clean-up efforts.

Rehabilitation of lost mangroves will also be important as they act as buffer zones against storm surges and as a refuge and habitat for spawning of many species.

In addition, FAO plans to support the recovery of seaweed farmers, usually women, whose work can bring returns within 60 days, ensuring access to vital income following the typhoon. The Organization stressed that any fisheries and aquaculture response effort in the Philippines must follow sustainable and good management practice, and that coastal management and zoning must also be respected.

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Philippine fishers and fish farmers facing immense damage to sector

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FAO calls for prompt and sustainable rebuilding of livelihoods in regions affected by Typhoon Haiyan - Philippine fishers face immense damage to the fisheries and aquaculture sectors in regions affected by Typhoon Haiyan, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization said today, calling for prompt and sustainable actions to help rebuild livelihoods.

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List of earthquakes in the Philippines - Wikipedia

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Nokia is back.

Like a pheonix from the ashes, the once iconic phone-maker is set to return at this year's Mobile World Congress show - and rumour has it, will be bringing an updated 3310 along too.

We've got fond memories of that phone (good luck beating our Snake high score, people) but it got us thinking - Nokia regularly shifted the gadget-time continuum with its crazy concepts and unbreakable bricks. We've revisted the best here.

This little wander down memory lane also takes in a few models that really weren't all that. Because Nokia was out on its own, beholden to no-one, its moments of brilliant boundary-pushing were matched by moments of the purest wrong-headedness the tech world has ever seen. Some of its more experimental designs were utter howlers, both aesthetically and ergonomically.

Their like may never be seen again, and in a curious way, we regret their passing almost as much as we do those of such design greats as the 3310 and Lumia 800. So join us in celebrating a time when it didn't seem the height of daftness to organise your alphanumeric keyboard like a clock.

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12 Nokia phones that changed the world (and 9 crazy ones that entertained us along the way)

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Nokia is back. Like a pheonix from the ashes, the once iconic phone-maker is set to return at this year's Mobile World Congress show - and rumour has it, will be bringing an updated 3310 along too.

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You Won't Believe These 5 Videos Were Filmed On A Windows Phone

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Who in their right mind would make a movie with a smartphone? Talented filmmakers maybe? The following movies have been recorded on Windows Phone devices.

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“old school” NOKIA most common model

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Impressive!

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More Filipinos use cellphones as 'mobile computers': study

Rosalinda L. Orosa (The Philippine Star) - July 2, 2013 - 11:00pm

MANILA, Philippines ( Xinhua) - Filipinos are using their mobile phones not only to communicate but also as mobile computers as well, according to a recent market study issued Tuesday.

TNS, a global customized research company, said in its report that Filipino consumers are not just using cell phones to call and texting messages and photos, but also as a means to have "internet- on-the-go," allowing users to be always online.

Of the 38,000 respondents in Metro Manila, 75 percent of the respondents surveyed used mobile phones to take photos or videos; 45 percent to browse the internet; 44 percent to access their social networking sites; and 37 percent to check their emails. The study was conducted from November 2012 to January 2013.

"Based on the findings of the study, the increase in various mobile activities explain the growing trend of Wi-Fi accessibility in public areas," said TNS Philippines Managing Director Gary de Ocampo.

About 35 percent of Metro Manila respondents connect to the internet via Wi-Fi access in public areas in 2013.

The study also showed that Filipino consumers changed their purchasing priorities from buying phones based on physical features to choosing a phone that will enhance personal experience.

Smartphone usage in the Philippine is now at 53 percent compared to overall mobile phone usage of 89 percent.

The study identified five growth potential for increase mobile usage video calling, Wi-Fi at home, watching live TV shows, blogging and streaming video like You Tube.

The sale of smartphone in the Philippine market is seen to increase significantly in the next few years as prices go down.

The TNS study also revealed that most Filipinos living in Metro Manila own "multiple screens" or more than just one device.

A typical household owns at least four of the following devices : a mobile phone (89 percent), smartphone (53 percent), tablet (14 percent), desktop (39 percent), laptop/netbooks (37 percent) and smart TV (4 percent.)

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More Filipinos use cellphones as 'mobile computers': study | Philstar.com

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More Filipinos use cellphones as 'mobile computers': study Rosalinda L. Orosa (The Philippine Star) - July 2, 2013 - 11:00pm MANILA, Philippines ( Xinhua) - Filipinos are using their mobile phones not only to communicate but also as mobile computers as well, according to a recent market study issued Tuesday.

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In an ADB-supported project, students and local officials join forces in the Philippine island of Palawan to replant mangrove forests and protect their coastal communities from floods, storm surges, and typhoons.

Under the intense heat of the morning sun, 16 public high school students from Pamontolon National High School along with local officials waded in the soft, muddy earth in the Philippine village of Poblacion to plant 10,000 mangrove seedlings. The students volunteered for this task although they still had to walk back several kilometers to attend afternoon classes.

"They are afraid of impending disasters that can hit their community like in Leyte, Zamboanga, and Bohol when the mangroves are cleared," said Nicky Arnaiz, teacher-in-charge. "The students told me that even if it was hot, they were willing to sacrifice so that they can plant more trees. They said many mangroves were being cut to make charcoal and they want to help return the natural growth of the mangroves."

Lessons from Typhoon Yolanda

The desolation caused by typhoon Haiyan, known locally as Yolanda, in Central Philippines served as a wake-up call to coastal communities in Taytay, Palawan, to intensify their efforts to protect remaining mangrove forests in the municipality.

Barangay Poblacion officer Nida Miguel confirmed that the local government initiated this activity. "We saw this need after typhoon Yolanda. Those towns without mangroves experienced much devastation," she said.

Mangroves and beach forests can serve as buffer against strong winds, flooding, storm surges, and tsunamis. They also serve as nursing grounds for many species, support livelihood fishery and aquaculture, act as carbon sinks, and serve as recreational areas.

Re-commitment to protect the mangroves

Cutting of mature mangrove trees to sell firewood and charcoal is a common source of income in Taytay. Nevertheless, the local community is slowly recognizing the benefits of mangroves as well as the dangers of having fewer beach forests.

Since June 2013, the local government, schools, and people's organizations have been working together to plant seedlings in 25 hectares in three barangays or villages, Poblacion, Calawag, and Pamantolon, with the support of ADB's Coral Triangle Initiative-Southeast Asia (CTI-SEA) project.

"As of May 2014, about 9 hectares of denuded areas have been replanted with around 90,000 seedlings of the Rhizophora species," said Roger Savella, CTI-SEA's Key Biodiversity Area coordinator for Palawan. "The estimated survival rate of the seedlings is from 70% to 90%."

Success of the project would largely depend on the community's commitment and the municipality's vigilance.

"There is a need for strict reinforcement of rules and rigorous monitoring on replanted areas," said Pamantolon Barangay Captain Edilberto Felizarte.

Many residents, in fact, still persist in making charcoal from mangroves and extracting its bark. Another challenge is ensuring that families living nearby replanted areas will do their share by preventing their goats from feeding on the seedlings.

Youth-driven project

The eagerness of the youth to be environmental advocates coupled with the local government's renewed political will is expected to energize the drive for mangrove preservation and rehabilitation in the region.

"Young people like me can help save nature by joining activities for the environment, such as those lead by the Barangay Council."

- Sheena Bagona, student from Pamantolon National High School

In June 2014, four national high schools in the villages of Busy Bees, Canique, Pamantolon, and Poblacion will start a school-led mangrove reforestation project as part of the regional celebration of Coral Triangle Day.

"Young people like me can help save nature by joining activities for the environment, such as those lead by the Barangay Council," said Sheena Bagona, a student from Pamantolon National High School.

Bagona is one of the students that proposed for the barangay-wide mangrove reforestation project in February during the Bayani ng Kalikasan or Heroes of the Environment Youth Camp, which trained youth in Taytay on climate change adaptation and coastal resource management.

Since 2013, CTI-SEA has been working with the municipal government to increase Taytay's resilience to the impacts of climate change. Mangrove reforestation is one of the five priority strategies under the Climate Change Adaptation Plan of Taytay. The others are pilot-testing of salt-tolerant rice varieties, pilot abalone cage culture and seaweed farming, training on early warning and disaster response and preparedness, and health management and sanitation monitoring.

About ADB's Coral Triangle Initiative-Southeast Asia

Through this project, ADB is supporting communities in the Sulu-Sulawesi Marine Ecoregion - including Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaysia - in protecting their coastal and marine ecosystems and developing increased resilience to natural and human-induced hazards.

The mangrove reforestation initiative is one of the five priority strategies in Taytay's climate change adaptation plan. Others are pilot-testing of salt-tolerant rice varieties, pilot abalone cage culture, training on early warning and disaster response and preparedness, and health management and sanitation monitoring.

The project, which will run from 2012 to 2016, is designed to enable the governments of the three countries to implement priority activities across a range of areas. The project in Taytay builds on the work of WWF-Philippines, which facilitated climate change adaptation planning in the municipality with funding from the Coral Triangle Support Partnership (CTSP) of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).
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Students and Local Officials Replant Mangrove Forests in the Philippines

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In an ADB-supported project, students and local officials join forces in the Philippine island of Palawan to replant mangrove forests and protect their coastal communities from floods, storm surges, and typhoons.

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ZSL has been working in collaboration with the IUCN SSC Mangrove Specialist Group to produce a statement for the 2014 World Parks Congress: Mangroves: Protect, Restore, Expand. Please follow the link to read the full statement.

Mangrove forests are one of the most severely threatened and undervalued ecosystems on Earth. They provide a wide variety of ecosystem services currently valued globally at US$1.6 billion. For many coastal communities, mangrove ecosystems provide livelihoods, essential sources of protein and coastal protection. Compelling evidence suggests that mangroves play an important role in climate stabilisation, possessing a carbon storage and sequestration potential considered to be greater than that of tropical forests.

Mangroves are being cleared at an alarming rate and there are numerous threats to these forests, including; land development, pollution, deforestation for fuel and climate change. One of the major reasons for the loss of mangroves has been to establish fishponds for aquaculture. It has been estimated that since 1980 between 20 and 35% of global mangroves have been lost, with current losses around 1% per year. The last IUCN assessment highlighted that more than one in six mangrove species are currently under threat of extinction.

ZSL's mangrove work is currently focused in the Philippines, where over 50% of mangroves have been lost. The recent super-typhoon Haiyan (locally known as Yolanda) has highlighted the vital role mangroves play as nature's bioshields for vulnerable coastal communities. ZSL is working to protect the remaining mangroves and restore lost forests, especially through fishpond reversion, helping to ensure greater food security, improved protection against natural disasters and increased household incomes for local communities.

ZSL-led projects in the Philippines have rehabilitated and protected over 100 hectares of abandoned fishpond mangroves - around the size of 140 football pitches!

Rehabilitating Mangroves

ZSL started its mangrove rehabilitation work in 2007 through the Community-based Mangrove Rehabilitation Project (CMRP), with the aim of increasing coastal protection, food resources and diversifying livelihood options. This was achieved through empowering local communities to protect remaining mangrove forests and developing science-based methods for communities to rehabilitate lost forest sites. Over a four year period, close to 100,000 mangroves were planted, with the rehabilitation of 107.8 hectares of mangrove forest well underway. This project resulted in manuals that provide detailed biological and socioeconomic guidance on community-based mangrove rehabilitation and on fishpond reversion to mangroves.

Fishponds to mangroves

In the Philippines, most mangrove forests were lost due to the creation of fishponds for commercial fish and shrimp farming. Often these fishponds are then left abandoned and by law, this should mean they are returned to the Department of the Environment and Natural Resources for reversion. Unfortunately this rarely happens. ZSL has been working to have these Fishpond Lease Agreements (FLAs) cancelled and new healthy mangrove forests to be cultivated at these abandoned pond sites. Our focus has been in Panay, Philippines, which has the highest area of fishponds in the Philippines. We have developed a technical manual demonstrating methods for fishpond reversion.

Mangrove ecotourism

ZSL helped establish a mangrove eco-park in Panay, Philippines: The Kantunggan It Ibajay Eco-park in Aklan has over 1km of boardwalks for visitors to explore the extraordinarily diverse mangrove forest and associated wildlife. Highlights of this eco-park are the centuries old mangroves in the centre of the forest which are over eight metres in diameter. This eco-park is managed by local community groups and helps raise awareness of the importance of mangroves, while providing valuable additional income for the local communities who manage the park. A second mangrove eco-park is under construction in Pedada, Ajuy, which is also on Panay island.

Mangroves in Marine Protected Areas

ZSL is taking a new approach by integrating mangroves into marine protected areas (MPAs). Current MPAs are largely focussed on coral reefs with the average size on an MPA in the Philippines of between 10-30 hectares. By adopting a strategy of combining mangroves, seagrasses and coral reefs the average size of these MPAs has increased to around 400 hectares. So far ZSL have successfully integrated mangroves into six MPA sites in Panay and Bohol.

Mangrove and Beach Forest training course

ZSL-Philippines has built a solid track record of 21 training courses on mangrove rehabilitation over the past six years, graduating more than 1000 participants from various institutions and organisations.

The Mangrove and Beach Forest training course is a three-day course, which aims to enable communities to become more resilient to natural disasters, using the science-based protocols for the protection and restoration of their coastal greenbelt through a series of lectures and field visits.

The Training of Trainers course is a five-day programme, which includes a series of lectures, group exercises, field visits and practicum sessions. It aims to build the capacity of the participants to train mangrove workers, practitioners, people's organisations and advocates using science-based protocols in mangrove and beach forest conservation and rehabilitation. Find out more.

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Rehabilitating Mangroves in the Philippines

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ZSL has been working in collaboration with the IUCN SSC Mangrove Specialist Group to produce a statement for the 2014 World Parks Congress: Mangroves: Protect, Restore, Expand. Please follow the link to read the full statement. Mangrove forests are one of the most severely threatened and undervalued ecosystems on Earth.