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Roman Empire was under roman control then invaded and then fell, then Frankish empire. 1806 empire was dissolved when nonplan died .1615 there where two Germany upper and lower 1848 revolution. then the Germany confederation fell. 1914 lead the power in WW1 and loss 5 years later Adolf Hitler was opined dictator of Germany in 1938 got Austrian one tear later Poland witch started ww2 hall cost murdered 17 million 6 million where jews

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The German Empire was founded on January 18, 1871, in the aftermath of three successful wars by the North German state of Prussia. Within a seven-year period Denmark, the Habsburg monarchy, and France were vanquished in short, decisive conflicts. The empire was forged not as the result of the outpouring of nationalist feeling from the masses but through traditional cabinet diplomacy and agreement by the leaders of the states in the North German Confederation, led by Prussia, with the hereditary rulers of Bavaria, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Württemberg. Prussia, occupying more than three-fifths of the area of Germany and having approximately three-fifths of the population, remained the dominant force in the nation until the empire's demise at the end of another war in 1918.

At its birth Germany occupied an area of 208,825 square miles (540,854 square km) and had a population of more than 41 million, which was to grow to 67 million by 1914. The religious makeup was 63 percent Protestant, 36 percent Roman Catholic, and 1 percent Jewish. The nation was ethnically homogeneous apart from a modest-sized Polish minority and smaller Danish, French, and Sorbian populations. Approximately 67 percent lived in villages and the remainder in towns and cities. Literacy was close to universal because of compulsory education laws dating to the 1820s and '30s.

Domestic concerns

From its origins in 1871, the empire was governed under the constitution designed four years earlier by Otto von Bismarck, the Prussian prime minister, for the North German Confederation. This constitution reflected the predominantly rural nature of Germany in 1867 and the authoritarian proclivities of Bismarck, who was a member of the Junker landowning elite. There were two houses: the Reichstag, to represent the people, and the Bundesrat, to represent the 25 states. The former comprised 397 members elected by universal manhood suffrage and a secret ballot. The constituencies established in 1867 and 1871 were never altered to reflect population shifts, and rural areas thus retained a vastly disproportionate share of power as urbanization progressed. In theory the Reichstag's ability to reject any bill seemed to make it an important reservoir of power; in practice, however, the power of the lower house was circumscribed by the government 's reliance on indirect taxes and by the parliament's willingness to approve the military budget every seven (after 1893, every five) years. Most legislative proposals were submitted to the Bundesrat first and to the Reichstag only if they were approved by the upper house. Although members of the Reichstag could question the chancellor about his policies, the legislative bodies were rarely consulted about the conduct of foreign affairs. Imperial ministers were chosen by and were responsible to the emperor rather than to the legislature.

A problem that was to plague the empire throughout its existence was the disparity between the Prussian and imperial political systems. In Prussia the lower house was elected under a restricted three-class suffrage system, an electoral law that allowed the richest 15 percent of the male population to choose approximately 85 percent of the delegates. A conservative majority was always assured in Prussia, whereas the universal manhood suffrage resulted in increasing majorities for the political centre and left-wing parties in the imperial parliament. William I was both German emperor (1871-88) and king of Prussia (1861-88). Apart from two brief instances the imperial chancellor was simultaneously prime minister of Prussia. Thus, the executives had to seek majorities from two separate legislatures elected by radically different franchises. A further problem was that government ministers were generally selected from the civil service or the military. They often had little experience with parliamentary government or foreign affairs.

The constitution had been designed by Bismarck to give the chancellor and monarch primary decision-making power. Universal manhood suffrage had been proposed because of Bismarck's belief that the rural population would vote for either the Conservative or Free Conservative parties. (Female suffrage had not been proposed because politics was considered a male preserve at the time.) The Progressives, a left-wing liberal party, were expected to do poorly in the two-thirds of Germany that was rural in 1867. Bismarck had not counted on new parties such as the Centre Party, a Roman Catholic confessional party, or the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands; SPD), both of which began participating in imperial and Prussian elections in the early 1870s. The Centre generally received 20-25 percent of the total vote in all elections. The SPD grew from 2 seats in the first imperial election to 35 by 1890, when the SPD actually gained a plurality of votes. Bismarck termed the Centre and SPD along with the Progressives Reichsfeinde ("enemies of the empire") because he believed that each sought in its own way to change the fundamental conservative political character of the empire.

Beginning in 1871, he launched the Kulturkampf ("cultural struggle"), a campaign in concert with German liberals against political Catholicism. Bismarck's aim was clearly to destroy the Centre Party. Liberals saw the Roman Catholic church as politically reactionary and feared the appeal of a clerical party to the more than one-third of Germans who professed Roman Catholicism. Both Bismarck and the liberals doubted the loyalty of the Catholic population to the Prussian-centred and, therefore, primarily Protestant nation. In Prussia the minister of ecclesiastical affairs and education, Adalbert Falk, introduced a series of bills establishing civil marriage, limiting the movement of the clergy, and dissolving religious orders. All church appointments were to be approved by the state. As a result hundreds of parishes and several bishoprics were left without incumbents. Clerical civil servants were purged from the Prussian administration.

The Kulturkampf failed to achieve its goals and, if anything, convinced the Roman Catholic minority that their fear of persecution was real and that a confessional party to represent their interests was essential. By the late 1870s Bismarck abandoned the battle as a failure. He now launched a campaign against the SPD in concert with the two conservative parties and many National Liberals. Fearing the potential of the Social Democrats in a rapidly industrializing Germany, Bismarck found a majority to outlaw the party from 1878 to 1890, although constitutionally it could not be forbidden to participate in elections. Party offices and newspapers were closed down and meetings prohibited. Many socialists fled to Switzerland and sought to keep the party alive in exile. During the 1880s Bismarck also sought to win the workers away from socialism by introducing legislation granting them modest pensions, accident insurance, and a national system of medical coverage. Like the Kulturkampf, the campaign against the SPD was a failure, and, when the 1890 elections showed enormous gains for the Reichsfeinde, Bismarck began to consider having the German princes reconvene, as in 1867, to draw up a new constitution. The new emperor, William II, saw no reason to begin his reign (1888-1918) with a potential bloodbath and asked for the 74-year-old chancellor's resignation. Thus, Bismarck, the architect of German unity, left the scene in a humiliating fashion, believing that his creation was fatally flawed. Indeed, his policy of supporting rapid social and economic modernization while avoiding any reform of the authoritarian political system did lead to an atmosphere of persistent crisis.

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Germany - Unification, Imperialism, WWI: The German Empire was founded on January 18, 1871, in the aftermath of three successful wars by the North German state of Prussia. Within a seven-year period Denmark, the Habsburg monarchy, and France were vanquished in short, decisive conflicts.

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Mexico History in 5 Minutes - Animated Timeline and Facts

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Mexico is the 11th most popular country 10,00 years ago are the oldest remains omega was in 1500 BC Epiolia med was the first writing system there after the fall Mexico was more sustainable mexico had a alliane within mexico

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The Mexican Empire ( Spanish: Imperio Mexicano, pronounced [imˈpeɾjomexiˈkano] ) was a constitutional monarchy, the first independent government of Mexico and the only former colony of the Spanish Empire to establish a monarchy after independence. It is one of the few modern-era, independent monarchies that have existed in the Americas, along with the long-lasting Empire of Brazil (1822-1889) and the ephemeral First Empire of Haiti (1804-1806). It is typically denominated as the First Mexican Empire to distinguish it from the Second Mexican Empire of Emperor Maximilian (1864-1867). Although Mexico became a republic in 1824, it did so only after the failure of the empire under former military officer Agustín de Iturbide, who ruled as Agustín I, the sole monarch of this first empire. Monarchy was the default position for independent Mexico, called for in the political Plan of Iguala drafted by Iturbide, which united forces fighting for independence from Spain. The last Spanish viceroy signed the Treaty of Córdoba in September 1821 and the plan for monarchy in independent Mexico moved forward. Iturbide's popularity culminated in mass demonstrations on 18 May 1822, in favor of making him emperor of the new nation in the absence of any European royal agreeing to assume the throne. Congress approved the proposal and a sumptuous coronation ceremony followed in July 1822.

The empire was plagued throughout its short existence by questions about its legality, conflicts between congress and the emperor, and a bankrupt treasury. Iturbide dissolved the congress in October 1822, replacing it with a junta of supporters. By December of that year, Iturbide had begun to lose support of the army, which revolted in favor of restoring congress. After failing to suppress the revolt, Iturbide reconvened congress in March 1823 and offered his abdication. Power then passed to a provisional government which abolished the monarchy and created the Mexican republic.

Coat of arms of the First Mexican Empire.

The Spanish Empire disintegrated in the wake of Napoleon's invasion of Spain and the overthrow of the Spanish Bourbons in 1808. Throughout Spain and her colonies there was a widespread refusal to recognize Napoleon's brother Joseph II as the new French-backed king of Spain. In New Spain cleric Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, who had long been part of a circle of intellectuals who sought to reform the colonial system, triggered the Mexican War of Independence in 1810, a decade of warfare between insurgents for independence from Spain and royalists seeking to maintain the existing colonial order. The insurgency was initially led by Hidalgo, who was captured and executed, then succeeded by Father José María Morelos, who was likewise captured and executed. Remaining insurgents, including Vicente Guerrero, waged guerrilla warfare in the countryside of southern Mexico. Agustín de Iturbide was a Mexican officer in the Spanish army, a member of the Mexican elite loyal to Spain. When Liberals in Spain seized power in 1820, re-established the Spanish Constitution of 1812, forcing limits on the power of Ferdinand VII of Spain and curtailing privileges of established elites and institutions, Mexican elites saw their interests threatened by the 1820 Liberal Revolution in Spain. In view of this, Iturbide sought an alliance with Mexican insurgents, drawing up the Plan of Iguala and gaining the support of insurgent leader Vicente Guerrero and others. They created the Army of the Three Guarantees, which brought about Mexican independence from Spain in September 1821.

The newly constituted movement involved three principles, or "guarantees": that Mexico would be an independent constitutional monarchy governed by a Spanish prince; that Americanos, that is all Mexicans regardless of racial category and those born in Spain would henceforth enjoy equal rights and privileges; and that the Roman Catholic Church would retain its privileges and position as the official and exclusive religion of the land. These Three Guarantees formed the core of the Plan of Iguala, the blueprint which, by combining the goal of independence and a constitution with the preservation of Catholic monarchy and Roman Catholicism, brought together all Mexican factions. Under the 24 February 1821 Plan of Iguala, to which most of the provinces subscribed, the Mexican Congress established a regency council which was headed by Iturbide.

Viceroy Juan O'Donojú acceded to the Mexican insurgents' demands, having no other option because he lacked independent resources. He signed the Treaty of Córdoba on 24 August 1821. The Mexican Congress intended to establish a personal union, whereby Ferdinand VII of Spain would also be king of Mexico, but both countries would be governed by separate laws and through separate legislative bodies. If the Spanish king refused the position, the plan provided for another member of the House of Bourbon to accede to the Mexican throne. Commissioners from Mexico were sent to Spain to offer the Mexican throne to a Spanish royal, but the Spanish state refused to recognize Mexico's independence and would not allow any other Spanish prince to accept the throne.

With Ferdinand VII having rejected the Treaty of Cordoba, Iturbide's supporters saw an opportunity to place their candidate on the throne. On the night of 18 May, the 1st infantry regiment, stationed at the ex Convent of San Hipólito, and led by sergeant Pio Marcha began a public demonstration in favor of Iturbide being made emperor. The demonstration was joined by other barracks and many civilians as well. When the public demonstration reached his home, Iturbide himself was able to address the demonstrators from his balcony. He consulted with members of the regency on what course to follow, and eventually acquiesced to the demonstrators' demands, agreeing that he should be made emperor. The crowd celebrated the rest of the night with fireworks and celebratory gunfire.

An extraordinary session of congress was held the following morning to deal with the subject of Iturbide's coronation. At the opening of the session, the military addressed a manifesto to congress, endorsing Iturbide to be emperor. The deliberations then started with a few deputies expressing concern that congress was not entirely free in the present circumstances to proceed on the matter. A pro-Iturbide crowd outside of the hall was making so much noise that it was interfering with the deliberations, and congress asked Iturbide to show up in an unsuccessful attempt to calm the crowds. The opposition brought up concerns that a popular demonstration in the capital was not enough of a basis upon which to elect Iturbide and that the provinces ought to be consulted first. A proposal was made to gain the consent of two thirds of the provinces, and this succeeding then to appoint a commission to write a provisional constitution in order to avoid constitutional crises.

Deputy Valentín Gómez Farías, future president of Mexico, stood up for the legality of congress to elect an emperor. He praised Iturbide's services to the nation, and argued that as Spain had rejected the Treaty of Córdoba, Congress was now authorized by that very treaty to hold an election to decide who the emperor was to be. The vote then proceeded. In the final results, sixty-seven deputies voted in favor of making Iturbide Emperor, while fifteen voted against. The vote however was short of a legal quorum of one hundred and two deputies. Congress, nonetheless resigned itself to the situation, and a plan to establish a constitutional monarchy united both conservatives and liberals at a time when it was uncertain which form of government would be best for independent Mexico.

Congress published an oath binding the emperor to obey the constitution, which Iturbide subsequently took, and Congress also declared the Mexican monarchy to be hereditary, granting titles of nobility to Iturbide's family. His son and heir became Prince Imperial of Mexico. The 19th of May was made a national holiday, and a royal household was organized. 21 July 1822 was set as the date of the official coronation.

Iturbide's court was being set up to be more luxurious than that of the former Spanish Viceroy, a situation which provoked opposition in a new nation that was essentially bankrupt. To remedy the financial difficulties, the Mexican government prohibited the exportation of money, and exacted a forced loan of 600,000 pesos in Mexico City, Puebla, Guadalajara, and Veracruz. During this time, a council of state was also formed, being made up of thirteen members selected by the Emperor from a list of thirty one nominees submitted by congress.

The coronation took place on 21 July. The capital was decked out in floral arrangements, banners, streamers, and flags. The government could not afford to forge a crown, and therefore jewels and gems had to be borrowed, but ultimately a signet ring, a scepter and crowns were produced. Costumes were made based on drawings of Napoleon's coronation. Congress met on the morning of the coronation, and then divided itself into two deputations to escort the emperor and the empress to the National Cathedral. In the cathedral, the emperor and the empress were to be seated on thrones next to the newly ennobled Mexican princes and princesses. Upon reaching the cathedral, the emperor and empress were escorted to their thrones, and the imperial regalia was placed on the altar. The regalia was blessed and Iturbide was crowned by the president of the congress.

Ministries of the Mexican Empire[16]

Office

Name

Term

Congress and the Emperor immediately began to clash, in large part because their respective legal powers had not at this point been clearly delineated. By mid 1822 the three major issues were whether Iturbide had a right to appoint members to a Supreme Court, whether he had the right to veto legislation as the Spanish King had under the Spanish Constitution of 1812, and his wish to establish rural military tribunals. The latter measure was in response to the lapse in law and order that was spreading throughout the country. Iturbide wished to establish in provincial capitals special courts made up of two military officers assisted by a lawyer. They were to keep track of seditious plots, but also in cases of murder, robbery or injury, and with the permission of the district captain general, the courts would be allowed to disregard statutes that would interfere with quickly carrying out judicial processes. Congress however, was opposed to the project. All the while, work on a constitution for the Empire was being neglected. Iturbide's greatest enemy in congress was deputy Servando Teresa de Mier, a staunch republican, who would often ridicule the Emperor and his pageantry.

In August 1822, a conspiracy to overthrow the Emperor was discovered. The conspirators, claiming that Iturbide's election was illegal, plotted to rise up in the capital, move the congress to Texcoco and declare the establishment of a Republic. On 26 and 27 August, fifteen deputies suspected of being involved with the plot, including Mier, Carlos Maria Bustamante, Francisco Tagle, Jose del Valle, and José Joaquín de Herrera were arrested. Congress was shocked by the arrests, which had included some of its most prominent deputies, and on the morning of 27 August, the legislature sent a letter to the military upholding the immunity of congress, and accusing the arresting authorities of acting in an extra-legal fashion. Secretary of Interior Relations, Andrés Quintana Roo replied that by virtue of the Spanish Constitution of 1812, the government had the authority to arrest deputies suspected of being involved in a treasonous conspiracy, and that congress would remain informed on the results of the ongoing investigation. Congress preferred to try the suspected deputies itself, but the matter was rejected. The prosecution against the accused did not get very far and a few were liberated around Christmas, 1822. One of the arrested, Jose del Valle would actually go on to be appointed foreign minister by Iturbide a few months later.

Afterwards followed controversies over reconstituting Congress. The convocation that had established congress had also directed it to divide itself into two chambers, which had not been done. The body remained united on the pretext of drafting a new constitution and it considered itself a sovereign constitutional congress. It did not view itself bound in any way by the 1812 Spanish Constitution which remained the de facto constitution of Mexico. At this point no consistent relationship had been established between population and the number of deputies, and the congress as it stood was starting to become a burdensome expense. Deputy Lorenzo de Zavala brought up these concerns and proposed to reduce the number of deputies and also to divide the body into two chambers, a proposal which the emperor found very agreeable. On October 16, Iturbide gathered several deputies and generals at his home, and began to discuss the measure of dissolving congress under the pretext that it did not as it stood, proportionally represent the provinces.

The following day, members of the council of state, the generals based in Mexico City, and more than forty deputies gathered at Iturbide's home for a conference regarding the problems with congress. He addressed them and accused congress of not having taken a single step in eight months towards writing a constitution, of not passing a single law regarding finances or the military, and of rather focusing their time on attacking the emperor. Various deputies added to the discussion, and brought forth the point that if congress needed to be reformed, the proposal ought to come from congress itself. The ultimate result of this conference was a proposal to reduce congress to seventy deputies. On October 17, 1822, the latter proposal was presented to congress. Congress rejected the measure, but a compromise was reached by which the legislature agreed to abide by the Spanish Constitution of 1812 as a provisional constitution, allowing Iturbide a veto over legislation, and the right to select members of the supreme court.

Iturbide however then sought for more concessions, arguing that his veto ought to extend to any article of any new constitution that congress would draft, and also continued to insist on reducing the number of deputies in congress. These grabs for power alienated even conservatives, and Iturbide's proposals were rejected, which Iturbide then responded to by dissolving congress on 31 October 1822. Brigadier Luis Cortazar was placed in charge of dissolving the congress, and the deputies dispersed without protest or violence. Iturbide's pretext was that congress had accomplished nothing in the eight months it had been in session, work on a constitution had not begun despite that being the main purpose for its convocation, and that the matters of justice and finance had been completely neglected.

To replace congress, Iturbide established a National Institutional Junta made up of forty five members, chosen from among friendly deputies. The junta was installed officially on 2 November 1822, and vested with the legislative power, until a new congress could be formed. Iturbide entrusted the body with writing up regulations for producing a new congress, but also began to focus on the grave financial issues that the Empire was facing. On 5 November 1822, the junta authorized a forced loan of over two million pesos, and the seizure of more than one million pesos waiting for exportation out of the country in the port of Veracruz.

Iturbide also began to issue paper currency, and on 20 December, the government authorized the printing of four million pesos worth of banknotes, in denominations of one, two, and ten. These were issued to all financial offices of the Empire, where they were to be used in a ratio of 1:2 with silver coin in payment of all government of obligations. Anyone who owed money to the government was allowed to make one third of the payment in notes and two thirds in coin.

The last Spanish stronghold in Mexico, was Fort of San Juan de Ullua on a small island off the coast of Veracruz. There had been a change in command at the fort during this time, and general Antonio López de Santa Anna, stationed in Veracruz planned a scheme of taking possession of it by feigning the surrender of Veracruz to its new commander. When Echevarri, the captain-general of the local provinces, arrived in Veracruz, he approved of the plan, and agreed to join in on it, positioning his troops in Veracruz to ambush the landing Spaniards, having been promised support by Santa Anna. On 26 October 1822, as the Spaniards landed however, Santa Anna's troops failed to arrive, and Echevarri barely defeated the landing party, and the Spanish ultimately kept control of the fort. Echevarri expressed his suspicion to Iturbide that it had all been a scheme by Santa Anna to get Echeverri killed as revenge for Santa Anna not having been appointed Captain-General himself. Iturbide himself went to Veracruz to dismiss Santa Anna from his command, not overtly however but rather under the pretext of simply moving him to a different post in Mexico City. However, Santa Anna suspecting his ruin, instead took command of his troops and in December, 1822 started a rebellion in favour of a republican form of government.

Vicente Guerrero and Nicolas Bravo, defected from the ranks of the imperialists, and proceeded to Chilapa on 5 January 1823 to join the revolution, but experienced a disastrous defeat at Almolonga. The insurrection was mostly being suppressed at this time, Victoria being held in check at Puente del Rey, and Santa Anna still confined at Veracruz.

Echevarri was sent to take care of the rebellion in Veracruz, with more than three thousand well supplied troops, but ended up defecting. At this point, the opposition to the government began to negotiate with the military. On 1 February 1823 a junta including many military chiefs, and the liberal diplomat Miguel Santa María met in Veracruz to proclaim the Plan of Casa Mata. The army pledged itself to restore Congress while disavowing any intention of harming the person of the Emperor, or of overthrowing the Mexican monarchy. On 14 February, Puebla proclaimed for the plan, followed by San Luis Potosí, and Guadalajara. By March, most of Mexico had proclaimed in favour of the plan. A military junta was formed in Jalapa, to represent the Plan of Casa Mata.

Iturbide's abdication

On 4 March 1823, Iturbide issued a decree reconvening Congress, and the deputies met on 7 March. Iturbide addressed the session, hoping to reach a negotiation and avoid conflict, but the deputies listened coldly. The military junta refused to recognize the Congress until its liberty was guaranteed. On 19 March, Iturbide fearing his imminent overthrowal, summoned congress to an extraordinary session and presented his abdication. Congress proposed that the military junta meet with Iturbide about the matter, but the junta refused, instead proposing that Iturbide remove himself from the capital, and await the decision of Congress. On 26 March, an agreement was reached by which the junta would recognize Iturbide on whatever terms Congress would grant him. Iturbide also agreed to remove himself from the capital, and the command of the capital was handed over to the revolutionary troops and power passed over to the Provisional Government of Mexico.

Provinces of the Empire.

The territory of the Mexican Empire corresponded to the borders of Viceroyalty of New Spain, excluding the Captaincies General of Cuba, Santo Domingo and the Philippines. The Central American lands of the former Captaincy General of Guatemala were annexed to the Empire shortly after its establishment.

Under the First Empire, Mexico reached its greatest territorial extent, stretching from northern California to the provinces of Central America (excluding Panama, which was then part of Colombia), which had not initially approved becoming part of the Mexican Empire but joined the Empire shortly after their independence.

After the emperor abdicated, on March 29 the departing Mexican general Vicente Filísola called for a new Central American Congress to convene and on July 1, 1823 the Central American provinces formed the Federal Republic of Central America, with only the province of Chiapas choosing to remain a part of Mexico as a state. Subsequent territorial evolution of Mexico over the next several decades (principally cessions to the United States) would eventually reduce Mexico to less than half its maximum extent.

The first Mexican empire was divided into the following intendances:[citation needed ]

Anna, Timothy. The Mexican Empire of Iturbide. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1990.

Anna, Timothy E. "The rule of Agustín de Iturbide: a reappraisal." Journal of Latin American Studies 17.1 (1985): 79-110.

Archer, Christon I. "Fashioning a New Nation" in The Oxford History of Mexico, Michael C. Meyer and William H. Beezley, eds. Oxford University Press 2000. ISBN 978-0195112283

Archer, Christon I. "Royalist Scourge or Liberator of the Patria? Agustín de Iturbide and Mexico's War of Independence, 1810-1821." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 24.2 (2008): 325-361.

Benson, Nettie Lee. "The Plan of Casa Mata" Hispanic American Historical Review. 25 (February 1945) pp. 45-56.

Richmond, Douglas W. "Agustín de Iturbide" in Encyclopedia of Mexico. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997, pp. 711-713.

Robertson, William Spence. Iturbide of Mexico. Durham: Duke University Press 1952.

Van Young, Eric. Stormy Passage: Mexico from Colony to Republic, 1750-1850. Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield 2022. ISBN 9781442209015

Weber, David J. "The Spanish Borderlands, Historiography Redux." The History Teacher, 39#1 (2005), pp. 43-56., online.

Arcila Farias, Eduardo. El siglo ilustrado en América. Reformas económicas del siglo XVIII en Nueva España. México, D. F., 1974.

Calderón Quijano, José Antonio. Los Virreyes de Nueva España durante el reinado de Carlos III. Sevilla, 1967-1968.

Céspedes del Castillo, Guillermo. América Hispánica (1492-1898). Barcelona: Labor, 1985.

Hernández Sánchez-Barba, Mario. Historia de América. Madrid: Alhambra, 1981.

Konetzke, Richard. América Latina. La época colonial. Madrid: Siglo XXI de España, 1976.

Navarro García, Luis. Hispanoamérica en el siglo XVIII. Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 1975.

Pérez-Mallaína, Pablo Emilio et al. Historia Moderna. Madrid: Cátedra, 1992.

Ramos Pérez, Demetrio et al. América en el siglo XVII. Madrid: Rialp, 1982-1989.

Ramos Pérez, Demetrio et al. América en el siglo XVIII. Madrid: Rialp, 1982-1989.

Rubio Mañé, Ignacio. Introducción al estudio de los virreyes de Nueva España, 1535-1746. Mexico City, 2nd ed., 1983.

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The Mexican Empire ( Spanish: Imperio Mexicano, pronounced [imˈpeɾjomexiˈkano] ) was a constitutional monarchy, the first independent government of Mexico and the only former colony of the Spanish Empire to establish a monarchy after independence.

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Italy is a boot shaped country rome is it Capitial itaily had many tribes in it early ages greeks colinies where there too. 1767 rome was founded and rome kindonw was ruled by 7 kings. the expansion helped them. they rised in 27BC with ceaser

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The Kingdom of Italy ( Italian: Regno d'Italia) was a state which existed from 1861-when King Victor Emmanuel II of Sardinia was proclaimed King of Italy-until 1946-when a constitutional referendum led civil discontent to abandon the monarchy and form the Italian Republic.