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"fear was good; fear was an ally; that every lawyer was afraid when he stood before a new jury and presented his case." (202)

I chose this article because its a short recount of Martin Luther King Jr.'s "the Mastery of Fear" which applies really well to "A Time to Kill" especially this quote. Fear plays an important role in both law as demonstrated by this quote and in the civil rights movement as accounted my Mr. King Jr.

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King delivered "The Mastery of Fear" as the second in his series on "Problems of Personality Integration." He kept the following three handwritten documents in the same file folder. In each, King urges his listeners to openly confront their fears. He incorporates quotations found in Harry Emerson Fosdick's sermon "The Conquest of Fear," Fosdick's essay "Dealing with Fear and Anxiety," a newspaper column by Benjamin Mays, and Robert McCracken's sermon "What to Do with Our Fears?"
The Mastery of Fear, Sermon notes

They are part of the fee we pay for [ citizen?]

1. Of primary importance in dealing with fear is making a practice of looking fairly and squarely at the object of our dread. Emerson "He has not learded the lesson of life who does not eveyday surmount a fear."

One of the chief services of ministers and psychiatrists is to be listening-posts, where crammed bosoms, long burdendd with surreptitious fears, can unload themselves.

Fear of dark, of water, of closed places, of high place, of cats, of Friday, of walking undr a ladder, fear of resposinblity; of old age and death

Get them in open and sometimes laugh at them. Dr Sadler said "Ridicule is the master cure of fear and axiety."

2. There is an area of fear which mist be mastered with goodwill and love.

3. It is overcome by possessing adequate interior Resources

The cure of fear is Faith

"The Mastery of Fear," Sermon outline

1. Int. There is probably no emotion that plagues and crumbles the human personality more than that of fear. Every where we turn we meet see that monster fear; every road we travel we meet that monster fear. Fear expresses itself in such diverse forms-fear of others, fear of oneself, fear of growing old, fear of death, fear of change, fear of disease and poverty; Russia fears America and America fears Russia, the young lady fears that she will not be married, the impure wrongdoer fears that he will get caught. Every where we turn we see that monster fear; every road we travel we meet that monster fear. Fear begins to accumulate to the point that at last many face what psychiatrists call phobo‐phobia, the fear of fear, being afraid of being afraid. Fear of death. The terrifying spectacle of atomic warfare has put Hamelet's words "To be or not to be" on millions of trembling lips. Fear has risen to such extensiv propotions in the contemporary world life that one of the leading psychiatrists of the world has said: "If fear were abolished from modern life, the work of the psychotherapist would be nearly gone."

2. Text: It seems that Jesus had an amazing insight into the tragic and ominous effects that can flow forth from fear. He was continually saying to his followers "fear not" "Be not afraid" Be not anxious"

3. Now we must make it clear that the admonition Be not afraid does not mean get rid of all fear. Without fear the human race could have never survived Fear is the elemental alarm system of the human organism which make it sensitive to the first sign of danger. Fear of darkness, fear of pain, fear of ignorance, fear of war.

4. Fear is a powerfully creative force. The fear of ignorance leads to education etc ... Every saving invention and every intellectual advance has behind it as a part of its motivation the desire to avoid or escape some dreaded thing. And so Angelo Patri is right in saying, "Education consist in being afraid at the right time." So if by "a fearless man" we mean one who is not afraid of anything, we are picturing, not a wise man, but a defective mind. There are normal and abnormal fears

5. So the difficulty of our problem is that we are not to get rid of fear altogether, but we must harness it and master it. Like fire it is a useful and necessary servant, but a runious master. It is fear when it becomes terror, panic and chronic anxiety that we must seek to eliminate

6. How do we master fear

1. Of basic importance in mastering fear is the need of getting out in the open the object of our fear and frankly facing it. Human life is full of secret fears.

2. A further step in mastering fear is to remember that it always involves the misuse of the imagination

"Mastering Our Fears"

1. Introduction

1. The universality and oldness of fear

2. The prevelance of fear everywhere

1. Russia fears America and America Russia

2. Mangement fears labor and labor [ management?]

3. The Negro fears the White man and the White man the [ Negro?]
Everywhere we turn we meet see that monster fear; every road we travel we meet that moster fear-fear of others, fear of the future, fear of change, fear of old age, fear of disease-and at last many come to that chronic state of what the psychiatrists call phobophobia, the fear of fear, being afraid of being afraid. And so our homes, institutions, prisons, churches are filled with people who are hounded by day and harrowed by night because of some fear that lurks ready to spring into action as soon as one is alone, or as soon as the lights go out

3. Jesus realized both the gravity and the disastrous effects of fear in human life. He said again and again "Be not afraid," "Be not anxious." All of this shows his clairvoyance into many a broken and hopeless life.

So that one of the great questions of life is how to harness fear.

2. Let me say first that fear in itself is not an we should not seek to eliminate fear altogethr. We could not survive without some fear. There is a constructive use of fear.

1. Fear is the elemental alarm system of the human organism

2. In modern life fear helps us through.
Although there is some fear that is necessay, there is some fear that is ruinous and destructive.

Our problem is not to get rid of fear altogether, but to harness it master it.

How do we harness fear.

3. For one thing, a great deal of fear can be overcome by living a clean and upright moral life.

1. [ strikeout illegible] Many of the fears of the modern world can be traced back to moral wrongdoing.

2. There seems to be a moral imperative or moral consciousness in every man. Whenever he lives out of harmony with this moral imperative guilt feelings begin to emerge. Then fear arrives.

the fear of the white man

4. Again, we can overcome fear through goodwill and love. So the New Testament says: "Perfect love casteth out fear.

1. Now you are asking what relation does love have to fear. Let us look at ourselves. The There are within all of us tides of evil which [ can?] rise to flood proportions and the slumberig giant ...

Someone is asking what relation does love have to fear. Let us look at ourselves. There are within tides of

But did you ever stop to realize that this envy and jealousy grow out of fear. We are not jealous of people and then fea them, but we fear them first and then become jealous and envious-We are afraid of the superiority of others, afraid that

2. How true this is in international relations.

1. The basic cause of war is fear. Of course there are other causes-economic, political, racial,-but they all spring from and are shot through with fear.

2. We are accostomed to hearing that hate cause war. But the sequence of events is generally quite otherwise-first fear, then war, then hate. Fear of another nation attack, fear of another nations economic supremacy, fear of lost markets.

3. The old remedy for fear was great armaments. But how futile. Instead of being a remedy great armament has become a cause for fear. It is only love that will solve the problem.

1. of basic importance in mastering fear is making a practice of looking fairly and squarly at the object of our fear. "Ridicule is the master cure of fear"

2. A great deal of fear can be overcome by living a clar and upright moral life

3. Fear is mastered through love. A common cause of fear is the awareness of inadequate [ resources?]

4. Fear is mastered through faith.}

5. Finally, fear is overcome by the possesion of adequate interior resources. So many people are attempting to face the strain and tensions of life with out inadequate interior resources.

1. Now it is true that many fears which people possess they are not responsible for. There fears got an early long start in them from early childhood from unfortunate accident and unwise parents. The are only two fears which a baby is born with-fear of falling and fear of loud noises. Every other fear is accumulated-name the fears. Every parent is responsible

2. But beneath all of this is the fact that most people do not have the proper spiritual equipment to face the tensions of life.

3. This is what religion gives a man. It gives him internal resources to face the problems of life.

It gives him the awaness the he is a child of God. He knows that he is

Fosdick, The Hope of the World, pp. 59-68; Fosdick, On Being a Real Person, pp. 108-132; Mays, "Two Fears," Pittsburgh Courier, 20 July 1946; McCracken, Questions People Ask, pp. 122-129.

McCracken, Questions People Ask, p. 125: "The first is that we make a practice of looking fairly and squarely at our fears." Fosdick, On Being a Real Person, p. 112: "Of primary importance in dealing with fear is the need of getting out into the open the object of our dread and frankly facing it."

Ralph Waldo Emerson, "Courage," in Society and Solitude (1870). Fosdick also used this quote in On Being a Real Person, p. 115.

Fosdick, On Being a Real Person, p. 132: "It was a psychiatrist, Dr. Sadler, who, having said in one place, 'Ridicule is the master cure for fear and anxiety,' struck a deeper note when he said in another, 'The only known cure for fear is faith.'" For the source of this quote, see William S. Sadler, The Mind at Mischief (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1929), p. 43.

Fosdick, On Being a Real Person, p. 111: "When it becomes terror, hysteria, phobia, obsessive anxiety, it tears personality to pieces. Dr. J. A. Hadfield says: 'If fear were abolished from modern life, the work of the psychotherapist would be nearly gone.'" For a similar quote, see Fosdick, The Hope of the World, p.65. For Hadfield's words, see J. A. Hadfield, The Psychology of Power (New York: Macmillan, 1924), p. 36.

Fosdick, On Being a Real Person, p. 110: "Angelo Patri is right in saying, 'Education consists in being afraid at the right time.'" Fosdick may have gotten this quote from William H. Burnham's book The Normal Mind (New York: D. Appleton, 1924), p. 417. Patri, an educator and expert on child psychology, disavowed any use of fear in child-rearing ( Child Training [New York: D. Appleton, 1922], pp. 19, 250).

Cf. McCracken, Questions People Ask, p. 125; cf. Fosdick, On Being a Real Person, p. 112.

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King delivered "The Mastery of Fear" as the second in his series on "Problems of Personality Integration."1 He kept the following three handwritten documents in the same file folder. In each, King urges his listeners to openly confront their fears.

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"They were quiet hardworking christian folk" (172)

I chose this article because it represents the relationship between morality religion and law, in my quote it implies that being Christian inherently makes you a moral and law abiding person, and while morality law and religion are all related and have been for a long time they are also very separate.

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IS THERE A RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MORALITY, LAW AND RELIGION?

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Academia.edu is a platform for academics to share research papers.

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"Is it the KKK" she asked... "I don't know any one else who burns crosses." (96)

This article is about the post KKK era where former Klansman were being encouraged to speak out and become more corporate but under the guise of a "Civil Rights" group for European Americans. This shows how people even after the days of cross burning people still think this way.

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"Jake ate barbecue every Friday at Claude's as did most of the white liberals in Clanton." (11)

This article I chose is about the race tension that continued long after African American people were freed from slavery and were considered to be actual people by there Caucasian peers. I got this article from a New York Times archived article from 1987. I thought it described a very similar but toned down dynamic to the one we see in a "Time to Kill".

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''There's definitely a larger problem,'' said Tom McNiff, a white student at St. John's University in Queens and editor of the college newspaper. ''It's a quiet problem, a quiet kind of racism. It's not like you see marches or Ku Klux Klan cross-burnings. It's more racial jokes and slurs between members of the same race. The battle hasn't been fought and won.'' No Progress Observed

A New York Times poll of 1,063 New Yorkers, conducted from March 8 to 11, found that 35 percent think no significant improvement has been made in race relations over the last decade; 29 percent say they are worse, and 27 percent that they have improved. The margin of sampling error was plus or minus three percentage points.

When asked a similar question two years ago, 33 percent said there had been no improvement and 35 percent said relations were better than they had been five years earlier.

Asked in what areas relations between blacks and whites had got better in the last few years, 44 percent of whites and 47 percent of blacks could not identify a single one - from interracial marriage to law enforcement.

Yet, when asked about various kinds of specific discrimination against blacks, 51 percent of whites and 47 percent of blacks said discrimination in education had been reduced; 55 percent of whites and 45 percent of blacks said employment discrimination had been reduced.

In another measure of the current tension, 24 percent of the whites and 35 percent of the blacks said they had been the target of a racial slur or had had some other racial confrontation in the last year or so.

In key respects, however, whites and blacks who concur on the general condition of race relations disagree on the cause. Blacks say discrimination has not only continued but in some ways has become more overt in the recent past. Many whites, including some who marched in the civil-rights movement of the 1960's, say violent crime by blacks has made them more fearful and less politically sympathetic.

Marc Washington is a 32-year-old black from Brooklyn who works as a contract compliance officer in the Mayor's Office of Construction. From honors classes in high school to parties on Sutton Place, he says, he has often felt he was moving in an extremely tolerant city. And that is precisely why the Howard Beach attack shocked him into a change of heart. Anger and Disillusionment

''As a black, you can have a summer house in Sag Harbor, you can have an I.R.A., you can have all the material things,'' Mr. Washington said. ''But you still can't walk through Howard Beach. It takes something like that to smack you in the face.''

Paula Suarez, a 47-year-old white teacher from Queens, shares Mr. Washington's sense of anger and disillusionment. But her reason is altogether different: She feels it is black bigotry toward whites. The turning point came in 1985, when her husband, who is Hispanic, was beaten unconscious by three black men who mugged him. He remains in a coma.

''When I was a kid in high school and college, I was as liberal as could be,'' Mrs. Suarez said. ''But blacks are getting away with a lot more crime than they used to, and those crimes seem to be purposeless, or motivated only by hate. Then the laws are softer on them. To compensate for the supposed injustices of the past, things are slanted.'' RACIAL PROGRESS, RACIAL BARRIERS

The racial tensions confuse and frustrate many people because they coexist with racial progress. Key findings in the Times poll - that a majority of whites and a plurality of blacks said discrimination in education and employment was decreasing - were augmented by personal experiences offered during interviews.

Claudine and Ernie Womack live in the East New York section of Brooklyn and operate a dry-cleaning store near Prospect Park. As the neighborhood around the store has gentrified, the black couple's clientele has shifted from all black to partly white. To them, that is a good sign.

''As whites began to move in, they were friendly to us and we were friendly to them,'' Mrs. Womack said. ''They began to treat me as if color doesn't matter. We have begun to socialize with them in the shop, and after work as well. I think that attitudes are changing for the better.''

Often, it is the young people reared after the civil-rights turmoil and big-city riots who express the most optimism. Lynette Gryce, a 24-year-old black from the Fort Greene section of Brooklyn, attended New York University, works in an integrated publishing company office and often dines and parties with her white friends.

When Miss Gryce's 52-year-old mother, Eleanor, recently had her watch ''Eyes on the Prize,'' a documentary about the civil-rights movement, it struck Lynette as something distant from her own life. ''I couldn't believe those things ever happened,'' she said of white violence against civil-rights marchers. ''I felt that if I was an adult then I would've been part of the struggle. But I'm glad I don't have to be.''

Another example of progress involves the community board in Ridgewood, Queens, a mostly white neighborhood. Last spring, the position of assistant to the district manager opened. Joannene Coppinger, a white Ridgewood native who is the district manager, recommended the board hire Diana Holmes, a 35-year-old black secretary for another community board.

''There were murmurings among the members of the executive board,'' Ms. Coppinger said. ''I don't think there was any doubt they wanted Diana, but they worried about how she would be received in our lily-white community.''

Nevertheless, Ms. Holmes was hired and, gradually, she has been accepted.

''There was a great amount of discomfort until people got to know her,'' Ms. Coppinger said. ''Now their attitude is, She's O.K., we like her, she's good, she's competent.''

But effective limits remain on the chances for blacks and whites to form relationships that can build tolerance.

Demographic studies show that New York housing remains virtually as segregated along black-white lines as it was in 1970. The Times poll found that 72 percent of whites and 60 percent of blacks live in neighborhoods entirely or mostly of their own race. And while three in five blacks said they aspired to live in more racially mixed areas, a plurality of whites said they preferred to stay in all-white or predominantly white districts. A Changing School System

In a city famous for its many distinct ethnic enclaves, some inviolable for generations, the public school system was traditionally a place where children could meet and at times surmount neighborhood barriers. But in the last generation, the system has become more segregated, falling from 59.5 percent white in 1962 to 22 percent today. The city as a whole is half white. Dr. Gerald Deas, a 55-year-old black doctor in Hollis, Queens, talks fondly, but wistfully, of the white friends he made going to public school in the Bedford-Stuyvesant section of Brooklyn.

''I feel sorry for the white kids and the black kids today,'' Dr. Deas said. ''They're missing out on all this. The racial enclaves are set in place because people can't afford to move. The whites are pulling out of the schools.Then you don't get the interchange, and that's how trouble gets started.''

Perhaps the strongest bar to racial harmony, many experts say, is economic inequality.

Some blacks have fared better in the last generation, and the black middle class has burgeoned. But over all, black family income, which was only 73 percent of the average income earned by families in New York City in 1960, rose just one percentage point in the 20 years that followed. The proportion of black families in New York living below the Federal poverty line rose by a third from 1970 to 1980, and black unemployment stood nearly twice as high in 1985 as it did in 1960.

In the most recent Times poll, a 37 percent plurality of whites said the city government was paying too little attention to the needs of blacks - an increase from the 23 percent of whites who said so in a May 1985 poll.

Edward Reynolds, a 42-year-old white, is the principal of West Side High School, an alternative school on West 102d Street in Manhattan that is 92 percent black and Hispanic. He often gets feelers from colleges, even medical schools, looking for minority applicants. Yet he sees in his student body young people afflicted with drug problems or out-of-wedlock children, or simply held back by a lack of job skills.

''I'm sad that now that the opportunities are finally here, so many minorities can't take advantage of them,'' he said. ''It's like being in a highway caught in traffic behind a big accident. You know there's a clear road up ahead, but you just can't get to it.'' 'LATENT RACISM': INTO THE OPEN

The overwhelming difference in the way blacks and whites alike perceive race relations now and 10 years ago lies in the increasingly overt and often violent expression of racial animosity. Much of the hostility may have existed all along, both average New Yorkers and race relations experts say, but they find people are now more inclined to act on it now.

''What we're seeing,'' said David J. Garrow, a civil-rights scholar at the City University of New York, ''is the reappearance of a latent racism.''

For Marjorie Moon, a black who is the artistic director of the Billie Holiday Theater in Bedford-Stuyvesant, the changing climate was typified by an Off Off Broadway theater performance, the Wooster Group's ''Routes 1 & 9.'' The show, a sendup of ''Our Town,'' included several white actors in blackface playing what Ms. Moon considered stereotypical shuffling ''darkies.'' Some Didn't See Racism

''I could hardly believe that something of this nature was being presented in New York in the 1980's,'' Ms. Moon said. ''I was incensed and insulted and shocked. And the worst thing was my white companions that night didn't see the racism. I'd always thought people in the arts were more liberal, more sensitized. But I'm afraid now they won't recognize racist attitudes until they become explosive.''

Ms. Moon sees her experience as part of a larger shift. ''Thirteen years ago, when I came to New York, there was a different awareness,'' she said. ''We were close enough to the 60's, and directly or indirectly people were trying to be more liberal. We'd seen so much injustice on TV and also we'd seen whites and blacks together on the marches. Now the feeling is we've gone too far and things have got to be turned around. And that's scary.'' But intolerance can cut both ways. Marian Mogulescu, a 42-year-old white who teaches English at a Harlem intermediate school, said whites were often unfairly blamed for problems in predominantly black environments.

''When things don't go right,'' she said, ''blacks say, 'Whites don't care' -even if black people are in charge.''

Such anecdotes find confirmation in the Times poll. Almost equal pluralities of both races - 46 percent of whites and 45 percent of blacks - said they thought many blacks in New York disliked whites. Some 33 percent of whites and 34 percent of blacks said they thought many whites disliked blacks.

In individual interviews, many New Yorkers spoke of the powerful negative effect of Howard Beach. The number of bias incidents reported since the December attack has increased sharply, according to the Police Department and the city and state human rights commissions. For the first time in memory, said Alberta B. Fuentes, executive director of the city commission, a racial attack has set off a series of retaliations and counterretaliations.

The anger, among both blacks and whites, appears in ordinary encounters as well. A professor of political science at Columbia University, Dr. Charles Hamilton, who is black, recalled a recent incident on a subway train in Times Square. Amid the usual maelstrom, a white man leaned on a black woman. She turned to him, glared, and snapped: ''Get off my back. This isn't Howard Beach.'' POLITICS OF RACE: THE TIDE SHIFTS

When New Yorkers were asked in extended interviews with reporters to suggest the underlying causes of current racial tensions, they often brought up the subject of leadership - and specifically the absence of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the presence of President Reagan. Neither factor surfaced in the responses to the poll's more general questions.

The criticism of the President on the race issue goes to specific policies, such as opposing a national holiday for Dr. King's birthday and lobbying against making permanent the 1965 Voting Rights Act. But beyond any single stand, many of the people interviewed maintained that Mr. Reagan had sent the general message that civil rights went too far, that in some subtle way racism is permissible again.

''Instead of water hoses and attack dogs, it's Edwin Meese in the courts trying to take back affirmative action and Miranda warnings,'' said Marc Washington, the contract compliance officer, referring to the United States Attorney General. No Longer Silent

Margaret Vinson, a 50-year-old black who is president of the 77th Precinct Community Council in Brooklyn, said she believed the Reagan Administration had emboldened those who were silent bigots in the past.

''People who suppressed feelings 15 or 20 years ago freely express them now,'' she said. ''The kind of person who feels racial hatred is basically a coward. But now there's safety in numbers because of the attitude that's projected by the White House.''

When asked to respond, Gary L. Bauer, assistant to the President for domestic policy, said: ''The notion that we are sending, intentionally or otherwise, some sort of signal that prejudice or discrimination is acceptable is just completely off base. We're not soft on civil rights, but we're not inclined to embrace the liberal agenda.''

As an example, Mr. Bauer pointed to the Administration's opposition to affirmative-action plans. ''While this Administration has been in power, there has been an ongoing debate about the whole issue of quotas and hiring goals,'' Mr. Bauer said. ''It seems to me that reasonable men of good will can and should be able to disagree over that issue without one's commitment to equal rights being questioned.''

Appraisals of Mayor Koch tended to cleave along racial lines.

Roscoe C. Brown Jr., the president of Bronx Community College and also of the service organization 100 Black Men, said the Mayor was insensitive to blacks, particularly early in his administration when he used such terms as ''poverty pimp'' and closed Sydenham Hospital in Harlem.

Florence Sarnicole, a white secretary from Queens, shared Mr. Brown's conclusion that Mayor Koch had added to racial tensions. But she criticized the Mayor for his strong denunciation of the Howard Beach incident, which he likened to a lynching and declared the top-priority criminal case in the city. ''What he did,'' she said, ''was inflame an already bad situation.''

In a City Hall interview and several position papers, Mr. Koch defended his record on racial issues, from the general mood of the city to items as specific as the appointment of Benjamin Ward as the city's first black police commissioner. ''If you compare us with other cities,'' he said, ''we come out way ahead.''

Asked about being criticized simultaneously for being too outspoken and not outspoken enough on racism, Mayor Koch said: ''My position has been that I will not pander and cater to whites and I will not pander and cater to blacks. I do not believe in a double standard. Everyone knows my nature is to speak my mind.''

In the past, Mayor Koch has often maintained that his problems are with what he considered self-described ''black leaders,'' not with the black populace. In this month's Times poll, 43 percent of blacks approved of Mayor Koch's handling of his job and 54 percent of whites did so; a year ago, he had a 53 percent approval rating among blacks and a 70 percent approval rating among whites.

New Yorkers, both black and white, lament the lack of a galvanizing black leader capable of creating a multiracial coalition on civil-rights issues.

''We don't have what we had in the 60's,'' said the Rev. Leroy Ricksey, a 49-year-old black minister in East Harlem. ''We don't have a Martin Luther King. We don't have a Malcolm X. There is no voice.''

Leon Becker, a retired union official who is white and a resident of Howard Beach, took part in the civil-rights movement through his union, and still speaks proudly of joining the 1963 march on Washington. But now he sees neither the leader nor the clear issues to rally around.

''King was a leader of all people, not just blacks or whites, and there's no one like him now,'' Mr. Becker said. ''Also, blacks don't have the big causes like the Montgomery bus boycott, so they blow an incident like Howard Beach out of proportion.'' FEAR OF CRIME: 2-EDGED SWORD

The Times poll shows that both blacks and whites overwhelmingly believe crime is a major factor in racial tensions. Fully three-quarters of both white and black respondents said the perception that whites are the victims of black crime hurts race relations in New York. And beyond the statistical measures are two types of personal stories - those of white New Yorkers who feel their racial tolerance pitted against their fear of crime, and those of blacks who feel vulnerable to verbal or physical attack because of the white presumption that they are criminals.

Leon Becker's wife, Marcia, teaches at integrated Canarsie High School and has watched with satisfaction as some of her black students have gone on to colleges like Harvard, Yale and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Several black families live in the same apartment house as the Beckers.

But since the night seven years ago when several young black men mugged Mrs. Becker, her husband and their daughter in front of their home, she has felt a new wariness. ''It doesn't bother me if I see one black on the street,'' she said, ''but I watch carefully if I see three or four in a car. Because of the mugging. It makes you look twice.'' Lesson in Prosecutor's Office

The Times poll found that a large plurality of respondents of both races - 47 percent of whites, 44 percent of blacks - said that if they were told a friend had been mugged, they would assume the assailant was a black.

Yet pluralities of both races also said blacks were the primary victims of black crime. It was a lesson that Vincent Gelardi, a 31-year-old white who grew up in the Bushwick section of Brooklyn, said he learned firsthand while working as a prosecutor for the Westchester County District Attorney.

In the heavily white county, from 70 to 90 percent of the criminals Mr. Gelardi prosecuted were black or Hispanic. ''But,'' he said, ''most of the crimes that blacks committed were against their own neighborhoods, their own family members, their friends. They weren't going around looking for whites to victimize.''

The scholarly journal Crime & Social Justice, in a special issue on race, crime and culture, determined that both the victims and the perpetrators of black crime ''come from among the same superexploited sectors'' of society - the poor and the chronically unemployed.

But not all whites come to the same realization, and the fear of crime does in some instances appear to serve as a rationale for racism and, as in Howard Beach, for violence. The victims of such racism and violence, in turn, are often the majority of blacks who are not criminals.

Dr. Robert Wilson has found that neither his position as a City College professor nor his precise elocution nor his penchant for three-piece suits has freed him from the presumption that, as a black male, he is a criminal.

Sometimes, Dr. Wilson said, it takes the form of the store detective following him when he goes clothes shopping on his lunch hour. When his next-door neighbor in an Upper East Side apartment was raped by a black, he said, he was stopped in the lobby by the police.

''You're constantly put in the position of justifying who you are and what you're doing,'' he said. ''Even now, people give me looks when I'm in the elevator. They panic.''

More than any single event, specialists in race relations say, the Bernhard Goetz affair typified the crime-conscious climate. Mr. Goetz went on trial last week in State Supreme Court in the shooting of four black youths who he said were about to rob him.

In terms of race relations, many experts see the actual shooting as less significant than the reaction to it. Mr. Goetz became a folk hero to many, and at one point prosecutors seemed hesitant to bring criminal charges against him. Those responses, experts said, seemed to justify Mr. Goetz for having attacked those he thought were going to attack him. Indeed, some residents of Howard Beach explained the beating of the three blacks by saying that a black or Hispanic person could be in the area only to commit a crime.

''The Goetz case has contributed more to the black-white tension that exists in this city than any other single thing,'' said Franklin Williams, a black from Manhattan who is the president of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, which operates education programs for Africans, black Americans and American Indians. ''It did not cause those tensions, but it epitomized them.'' ---- Next: Two high schools and their efforts to make integration a reality. THE NEW YORK TIMES POLL BLACKS AND WHITES: PERCEPTIONS OF RACE IN NEW YORK Compared to 10 years ago, do you think relations between blacks and whites in New York City are better, worse or the same? WHITES Better 27% Worse 27% Same 38% No answer 8% BLACKS Better 22% Worse 41% Same 29% No answer 8% TOTAL Better 27% Worse 29% Same 35% No answer 9% Whites Blacks Total How much attention is New York City government paying to the needs of blacks? Too much attention 21% 3% 15% Too little attention 37 75 49 Right amount 27 12 24 Do you approve or disapprove of the way Ed Koch has been handling relations between blacks and whites in New York City? Approve 54 43 53 Disapprove 30 42 32 On the whole, do you think most white people in New York City want to see black people: Get a better break 45 21 37 Kept down 11 16 13 Don't care 35 45 39 How do you think white people in New York City feel about blacks? A few dislike blacks 50 50 47 Many dislike blacks 33 34 35 Almost all dislike blacks 4 6 6 How do you think black people in New York City feel about whites? A few dislike whites 36 40 35 Many dislike whites 46 45 46 Almost all dislike whites 6 4 8 Based on telephone interviews conducted March 8-11 with 1,063 New Yorkers; 57 percent of whom identified themselves as white, 25 percent as black, and 18 percent as something else. Those who said they did not know or said they had no opinion are not included in the table HOW THE POLL WAS TAKEN

The New York Times Poll cited in the current series of articles on race relations is based on telephone interviews conducted March 8 through 11 with 1,063 adults in all parts of New York City. Interviews were conducted in either English or Spanish.

The sample of telephone exchanges called was selected by a computer from a complete list of exchanges in the city. The exchanges were chosen so as to insure that each area in the city was represented in proportion to its population. For each exchange, the telephone numbers were formed by random digits, thus permitting access to both listed and unlisted numbers. Those numbers were then screened to select residences.

The results have been weighted to take account of household size and number of residential telephones and to adjust for variations in the sample relating to borough, race, sex, age and education.

In theory, in 19 cases out of 20 the results based on such samples will differ by no more than three percentage points in either direction from what would have been obtained by interviewing all adult New Yorkers. For smaller groups, the potential error is greater. For all whites, it is plus or minus four percentage points. For all blacks, it is plus or minus six percentage points.

In addition to sampling error, the practical difficulties of conducting any survey of public opinion may introduce other sources of error into the poll.

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NEW YORK RACE TENSION IS RISING DESPITE GAINS

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''There's definitely a larger problem,'' said Tom McNiff, a white student at St. John's University in Queens and editor of the college newspaper. ''It's a quiet problem, a quiet kind of racism. It's not like you see marches or Ku Klux Klan cross-burnings. It's more racial jokes and slurs between members of the same race.

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"At Eleven-Fifteen it rang again and Jake received his first death threat anonymous of course. He was called a nigger-loving son of a bitch,... who would not live if the nigger walked." (45)

I decided to include this article about Tommie Smith's experience as a black political athlete and activist, he talks about the struggles he faced including death threats for his actions the same way the characters in "A Time to Kill" receive death threats for there actions which puts a huge struggle on there families.

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"This was Mississippi, where for years whites shot blacks for any reason or no reason and no one cared; where whites raped blacks and it was considered sport; where blacks were hanged for fighting back. (139)

I chose to use this picture of democratic propaganda, a "Post Civil War Reconstruction Era Campaign Poster for the Democratic Party, Circa December 1869." because it shows how people saw the opposite party and African American people in an area that was largely democratic like Mississippi.

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Propaganda: information, ideas, or rumors deliberately spread widely to help or harm a person, group, movement, institution, nation, etc.

Posters, paintings, leaflets, cartoons, videos, music, broadcasts, news articles, or any medium is welcome - be it recent or historical, subtle or blatant, artistic or amateur, horrific or hilarious.

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r/PropagandaPosters - "The Two Platforms. The Democratic Platform Is For The White Man. The Republican Platform is for the Negro. Democratic Party Campaign."Post Civil War Reconstruction Era Campaign Poster for the Democratic Party, Circa December 1869.

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Propaganda: information, ideas, or rumors deliberately spread widely to help or harm a person, group, movement, institution, nation, etc. Posters, paintings, leaflets, cartoons, videos, music, broadcasts, news articles, or any medium is welcome - be it recent or historical, subtle or blatant, artistic or amateur, horrific or hilarious.