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Play: How it Shapes the Brain, Opens the Imagination, and Invigorates the Soul

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Play is one of the ways that young children learn about their world and, at the same time, begin to develop their social and language skills. There are a number of things you can do to help your child learn to interact with other children by walking her through the steps of a social situation.

The First Year

Children as young as a year old begin to be interested in other children. Although they don't usually play with one another, they may play near each other and watch each other. At this stage, you won't see them taking turns with a toy or imitating each other. They're more focused on learning about their world and are very much caught up in themselves.

Even if your baby isn't ready to play with other children yet, you can help her prepare for that next step. When there are children about her age nearby, watch how they play. Since your baby may not be able to observe this, she'll need you to show her what you're seeing-how to use a toy, play peek-a-boo, or do a simple game of taking turns banging blocks together. When you show your baby how to play with a toy, it's a good idea to sit behind her and use either the hand-under-hand or hand-over-hand approach.

Playing with Other Toddlers

All toddlers have a lot to learn when it comes to playing with other children their age. Sharing toys and taking turns in a game aren't instinctive. These are skills children need to learn, and your toddler will probably need some help from you to understand and practice those behaviors. Start with one activity, such as sharing a toy. You can model the behavior when the two of you are together by asking to take a turn playing with one of her toys then offering her a turn with the toy after you've played with it for a minute or two. When she's with another toddler, remind her to share her toy with the other child. But don't be surprised if your child's playmate is reluctant to return the favor and needs to be encouraged to continue sharing back and forth.

Parallel Play

You can use the same approach to help your toddler learn to play the way other children do-again working one-on-one with her first to give her practice. Ideally, have two of the same or a similar toy, one for each of you. Follow her lead as she plays with the toy-a truck, for example. Then encourage her to do on her own what you're doing with the truck, perhaps rolling it up an incline while making "motor" sounds. This is called "parallel play," since the two of you are playing side-by-side but not necessarily together.

A local park or playground is a likely place for your toddler to hear other children at play and begin to learn how to be part of their activities. If a child nearby is playing with a toy, describe what he's doing if she can't see him clearly and help her do the same with her toy. You might ask him to tell her what he's doing. If the two of them seem comfortable playing with their toys side-by-side, it's time for you to sit back and just keep an eye on them.

Let's Pretend

Older toddlers often begin to use imaginative play-such as pretending to go grocery shopping. For sighted children, the things acted out in pretend play are often based on experiences they've had and things they've observed. The more experiences your child has at home and in the community, the more she'll have to draw on when beginning to play with other children.

You can help her understand and have fun with pretend play by giving her some practice. For example, give each of you a role and act out a scene that might be based on one of her storybooks or on an imaginary shopping trip. You might want to play it one way first and then exchange roles with your child playing the grownup and you playing the toddler.

Now, it's time to build on the level of complexity. Invite a familiar peer to your home to engage in pretend play. After your child is comfortable playing with one friend in the home, you can invite a second child to play, followed by a third. After your child is comfortable playing with a small group of friends, you can increase the complexity by inviting her friends to play at a familiar park, followed by an unfamiliar playground, and finally by playing with unfamiliar peers at an unfamiliar park.

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Learning to Play with Other Children as a Visually Impaired Child

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Play is one of the ways that young children learn about their world and, at the same time, begin to develop their social and language skills. There are a number of things you can do to help your child learn to interact with other children by walking her through the steps of a social situation.

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Here are some ideas for math activities I have created to mix learning into children's play. These ARE an activities and technically not play, but I have seen that it frequently shifts into play as the children take over the game.

Math play baskets/boxes

To provide play opportunities that encourage counting and exposure to math principles.

A series of baskets or boxes

Loose parts

Mat/square of fabric

Equipment to take photos and print out images, (laminate) and attach to baskets.

Metal ring to connect images together

A small basket or box

Five blocks. All the same size, All the same colour. A square of fabric to work on. A defined space.

Label attached to basket/box with the number five and a photo of the five blocks positioned like a domino 5.

The children are encouraged to think of how many different ways they can construct with the blocks... 2D and 3D. Take photos and add them to a little metal ring so that the children can see previous designs. Can they copy a design? This way the children are creating their own math and design book.

Change the shapes of the blocks. Either change to five new shapes or mix of shapes.

Change colours of the blocks to two colours, three colours, four colours and five different colours.

This will increase the number of designs... as the same shapes can be arranged in different colour orders.

Having a variety of colours and/or shapes will bring pattern making into the game (red blue red blue red) which is important in maths

To extend the math and design book further into literacy, stories/descriptions of their creation can be written down and added. If using a tablet this can be done in an app directly and printed out like a book (the photo, and the text). or the book can remain a digital tool for children to look through, rather than printing out. This means, on some book creating apps, children can record their voices to tell the story of their patterns, and children can listen to each other, making them less dependant on an adult to read for them.

A small basket/box with ten blocks. To be used in the exact same way as above, including the extension. Labelled with the number ten and word ten, and a photo of the blocks in two sets of five as above.

There can be several baskets of five and ten available. Each clearly with its own contents shown on the label. This makes tidying up the baskets at the end of the play session also a math activity, sorting and counting. Children can work separately or together, combining their baskets to create bigger constructions or patterns.

Encourage children to take a basket of five and a basket of ten. Work out together how many blocks do they have, and then let them create. This way children are learning to count up to fifteen, if this is deemed appropriate and/or necessary. The tidying up is a part of the counting process.

Simple addition and subtraction, as well as division and multiplication will occur naturally in the play.

Instead of blocks other loose parts can be used. Buttons, sticks, animal figures. Outside boxes and baskets can be designed where BIG blocks and loose parts are used so that children need to collaborate to design and construct, they can even create small obstacle courses with the box of five or box of ten if you have planks for example to balance on (2 planks and 3 big blocks to make a long bridge).

Baskets of five and ten for water play, or sand play. Many things can be sorted into math boxes, so that when the children are tidying up the spades they are putting 5 yellow ones in one box, and 5 red buckets in another. Or 2 yellow spades, 2 red rakes, 4 green buckets and 2 blue plates in a box... it can mean that when children want to play they can choose a play box that you have put together that they are responsible for and when they have finished playing they tidy up the box and return it to the shelf. Children can mix and match in the sandbox, but the tidying up is back into the boxes/baskets that are clearly marked on the outside so that the children know. This way children are learning about responsibility, you are guaranteeing that they are learning to count while at the same time maximising the amount of time children are able to freely play.

It can be an idea to do small numbers in the beginning so that the children do not get overwhelmed at taking responsibility and tidying up. And also limit how many baskets you use, so that the adults are not overwhelmed by scaffolding the children's use of these boxes/baskets.

Alternatively there can be a loose part math self and the children use small shopping bags made of cloth with numbers on, 1, 2, 3, 4 ,5 etc and several of each. The children can come "shopping" at the loose part shelf and choose the number of things that they feel capable of taking responsibility of. At the end of their play they count the things back into their bag and return them to the loose-part shelf (either a shop or library like loaning).

Instead it could be done that there are enough cloth bags for each child, and a small paper is stamped/written with the number of things that they choose to borrow from the loose part shelf. There can be a helper at the start of the play session who writes or stamps the number after they count the things into the bag and checks them out by receiving the paper and counting the contents of the things back onto the shelf.

Through play to encourage the children to learn counting and to experience math principles such as addition and subtraction.

5-15 small soft toys, easy to hold in a child's hand, with tails preferably (to pull down from heights). Ideally something that makes sense in your local context, or connects to a project the children are engaged in. Five items per basket.

Before the children arrive, hide the soft toys around the classroom (or the outdoors on dry days if they are soft toys - on wet days small bath toys could be used outdoors).

Choose easy places at first, and get harder the more the children get used to the game.

Position them high and low, sometimes so just a tail is in reach to encourage stretching to reach, or so that they need to get a chair to retrieve it or ask for help, (as asking for help is also an important life skill).

There are five soft toys per basket. If hiding 5 then only one basket is in use, if 10 are hidden then two baskets are used. This increases the opportunity for counting and also for addition and subtraction...

For example... there are two in one basket and three in the other basket, how many do we have all together? 5, so how many are left? Five. Then the children also have to see which basket there is still space to put the toy in, as one basket might fill first.

It is not important that one basket it completely filled before the other, but it is also OK if children use this strategy as part of making it easier to work out how many are left to find.

While the children are looking for the toys don't forget to help them build mathematical terms such as behind, in front of, under, in between, on top. This means when you are hiding the items you are also planning to use these terms.

An extension might be that the children can place them in any basket they wish, and at the end they check to see if there are too many in one of the baskets, and too few in another basket (more mathematical terms to be used) and they can then adjust them using maths to ensure they are five in each basket. Five is used, as it connects to fingers, encourage children to use their fingers to help them work out how many are left to find, or are more than or less then.

It can be extended with a fourth basket, bringing it up to 20, and beyond if the children are ready for further challenges.

Baskets can be increased to contain 10 items each.

The toys in these baskets are teacher tools, and NOT for free play. The children can be encouraged to design their own baskets and things to hide if they want to do this on their own. So having extra bags and baskets and small items that can be used in multiple ways can be a good idea for the children to take the activity idea into their own play. it also means that there is no/little risk that the activity items get lost.

These extra baskets/bags/boxes of 5 and/or 10 items can be provided and used by the children for free play. The children could use them for hide and seek games themselves, or other counting games.

An outdoor set could be rubber ducks in baskets. These ducks can be used in the children's own free play version of this game, as well as for other play, a circle of ducks, a square of ducks, a line of ducks, telling duck stories/small world play.

If they are different colours they can be made into patterns, ie a basket of yellow ducks, a basket of blue ducks etc. Or by size.

Other animals can be used instead of ducks that will withstand wet weather if used outside.

By having resources in boxes/baskets of ten it can also encourage children to think mathematically while tidying up. Although I would not encourage all resources to be arranged in this way, just some of them.

in this outdoor session 10 oranges were hidden in the forest for the children to find. This was connected to a storybook by Elsa Beskow called the Sun Egg about an orange that was accidentally dropped in the forest and was mistaken for the sun's egg.

Two baskets were provided as a way to collect the found oranges and aid mathematical thinking - counting, addition, subtraction (to work out how many were left to find). Afterwards the children were free to play the game themselves and develop it. We did though suggest just 5 oranges as remembering where they hid them was not always easy.

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Here are some ideas for math activities I have created to mix learning into children's play. These ARE an activities and technically not play, but I have seen that it frequently shifts into play as the children take over the game. Math play baskets/boxes Aim To provide play opportunities that encourage counting and exposure to math principles.

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Continuing my sharing of my play observations where I chose not to just observe children in preschools and play-spaces but to also observe in other areas too. The following observation was made in a square in Stockholm. It is located just outside of central Stockholm, but is very much urban. It is also a newly built area and it is obvious that many of the details make it easier for people to sit, meet up and play in this space across all ages. As in the previous observation, I do not state gender - and use them and they instead of s/he and him/her this is to encourage a reflective nature of the play. I do have a record of the genders that I have kept separate.

A space where children happen to play. As they pass by, or while parents are in shops (supermarket), one family had seemingly come here to play.

Most played by family constellations.

There were a few situations where children mixed.

The space is designed with playful aspects although not as a playground.

Toddlers in this space enjoyed the gentle slopes. Looks of delight on faces as they could pick up speed going down hill.

The slight slopes made it easy for the children on bikes to easily bike up to then feel the thrill of going down with more ease and speed. One child watched the steps for a long time before making the decision to go down them on their bike and then complaining loudly about how it hurt their bottom. One child was learning to ride a bike (three siblings on bikes), the mother was running alongside. The child fell many times and after about ten times moaned loudly and with frustration "I can't" before getting back on the saddle and trying again.

Similar situations could be observed by the rocks. Some children could easily climb up, others could not. Height/age did not seem to be the defining reason being able to get up. There were clear strategies. The children shared these, and were not always successful. But with perseverance all children except one (who was admonished by their adult) managed to get to the top... it took 20 minutes for one child to finally make it.

Toddlers watched their siblings getting onto the rock and also tried. After a while they got very frustrated. The mother decided to point out something that they could climb on rather than help them up. The toddler was satisfied with this solution.

The three biking siblings also played a complex game using the benches, ground and walls - it looked like a computer stealth game - they rolled across the wooden ground, jumped over the back of the bench to hide and under the bench. The parent was on another set of benches further away. After a while another adult joined the mother, this adult seemed to be one of the youngest siblings preschool pedagogs. The game shifted to "could they get to the pedagog without being noticed".

At this point they got told off by an elderly couple because they were not socially/physically distancing. The children adapted. But later got told off again, the elderly couple moved away, shouting at the mother for her lack of control over her children etc. The mother responded by saying it was harassment (non white family being told off by white old couple).

The children's play was big, but there were other elderly people on the benches, they were the only ones that reacted. Pandemic fears could have played into this, or the old fashioned, don't disturb us while we sit here in the sun.

Interesting point about these 3 siblings. They had taken their shoes off. They were asked to put their shoes back on when their play extended beyond the wooden ground surfaced areas. It is HIGHLY unusual to be sock feet in early March in Stockholm.

Most children had a parent close by. But not all. Some were children walking through, some were children playing while their adult was inside the supermarket.

There was an age range of 1-14 years of age playing in the space during this time.

The child that was admonished for climbing the rock had found a piece of junk that they used as a step to mount the rock. This got left next to the rock, that subsequent children then benefitted from.

There was a small amount of stick play. The large stick (must have been transported from the forests that surround this area - inner city national park) was used primarily to hack into the two dirty small piles of snow that were left. These piles would have been enormous from the snow the other week and the area being plowed. Two piles, about 2 square metre and 20cm high resembling grains of ice, and a thick layer of black dirt on top. This play did not engage for long, the stick was thrown away javelin style and rock climbing resumed.

Some children tested out parkour skills, jumping up, across and down the many surfaces offered in the area. There must be some bruised knees as they missed sometimes when jumping up with two feet, but they measured how high they could jump and found the areas that they could practice best on.

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Continuing my sharing of my play observations where I chose not to just observe children in preschools and play-spaces but to also observe in other areas too. The following observation was made in a square in Stockholm. It is located just outside of central Stockholm, but is very much urban.

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Suzanne Axelsson

Uppdaterat: 25 jan.

Original Learning is a reflective approach to view the roles of play, learning, teaching and understanding, and how adults can become play-responsive educators in order to meet the needs of each evolving child. Play is the brain's way to adapt to a complex world, and it will always seek out ways to play in order to thrive. This will happen throughout life, although how and what we play will change over time as we gain more experience and knowledge of the world around us. Play is the original way to learn.

The Original Learning Approach is like a loom, where the warp threads represent play and the learning and teaching are woven into it in order to achieve understanding. It is a reciprocal relationship. There are ten essential threads to be woven - wonder, curiosity, joy, knowledge, imagination, interaction, risk, time, reflection and listening. These guide the educators so they can create inclusive, meaningful play and learning environments where the children can engage in sense-making, meaning-making and world-making.

Being aware of the history and power of every thread is critical, to avoid stereotypes, bias and prejudice. Ensuring all stories are heard.

OLA has no peak or final destination, it is the journey where detours, revisiting and going off-road is encouraged.

Original Learning explained with Lego

Original Learning In the autumn my book about the Original Learning Approach will be available... This one minute share does not give space for the complexity of the approach.

Original Learning is a reflective approach to view the roles of play, learning, teaching and understanding, and how adults can become play-responsive educators in order to meet the needs of each evolving child. Play is the brain's way to adapt to a complex world, and it will always seek out ways to play in order to thrive. This will happen throughout life, although how and what we play will change over time as we gain more experience and knowledge of the world around us. Play is the original way to learn.

The Original Learning Approach is like a loom, where the warp threads represent play and the learning and teaching are woven into it in order to achieve understanding. It is a reciprocal relationship. There are ten essential threads to be woven - wonder, curiosity, joy, knowledge, imagination, interaction, risk, time, reflection and listening. These guide the educators so they can create inclusive, meaningful play and learning environments where the children can engage in sense-making, meaning-making and world-making.

Being aware of the history and power of every thread is critical, to avoid stereotypes, bias and prejudice. Ensuring all stories are heard.

OLA has no peak or final destination, it is the journey where detours, revisiting and going off-road is encouraged.

Original Learning explained with Lego

Original Learning In the autumn my book about the Original Learning Approach will be available... This one minute share does not give space for the complexity of the approach.

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Original Learning is a reflective approach to view the roles of play, learning, teaching and understanding, and how adults can become play-responsive educators in order to meet the needs of each evolving child. Play is the brain's way to adapt to a complex world, and it will always seek out ways to play in order to thrive.

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The more I learn about play the more I feel that the whole truth about play is not being shared. Recently, I have been enjoying looking at historical photographs of children at play. What has struck me is how segregated the play was (and probably still is in many places). Most of the photos are of b…

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‘He can’t read yet, but he can build a campfire: welcome to Viking parenting’

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A British writer who lives in Denmark explains why a little bit of risk (and a lot of fresh air) makes for a happier child

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Children's Learning by Observing and Pitching, previously referred to as learning through Intent Community Participation, involves the following features (from Rogoff, 2014, Human Development):

(1) Community organization incorporates children in the range of ongoing endeavors of their families and communities. Children are treated as regular participants in the community, with expectations and opportunities to contribute according to their interests and skills, like everyone else .

(2) Learners are eager to contribute and belong as valued members of their families and communities. They engage with initiative, to fulfill valued roles. Other people present are trying to accomplish the activity at hand, and may guide or support the learners' contributions.

(3) The social organization of endeavors involves collaborative engagement as an ensemble, with flexible leadership as the people involved coordinate fluidly with each other. Learners are trusted to take initiative along with the others as everyone fluidly blends their ideas and agendas at a calm mutual pace.

(4) The goal of learning is transforming participation to contribute and belong in the community. Such transformation involves learning to collaborate with consideration and responsibility, as well as gaining information and skills. (A paradigm shift is involved in thinking of learning as transformation of participation rather than as the acquisition of knowledge and skills [see Rogoff, 1997, 1998].)

(5) Learning involves wide, keen attention, in anticipation of or during contribution to the endeavor at hand. Guidance comes from community-wide expectations that everyone contributes with responsibility (as in cultural values indicating that everyone in a family pitch in to help with household work). Guidance may sometimes also come from other people engaged in the activity, supporting learners' opportunities to observe and contribute and sometimes providing pointers regarding the ongoing shared activity.

(6) Communication is based on coordination among participants that builds on the shared reference available in their mutual endeavors. This involves a balance of articulate nonverbal conversation and parsimonious verbal means. When explanation occurs, it is nested within the shared endeavors, providing information to carry out or understand the ongoing or anticipated activity. Narratives and dramatization that bring remembered or hypothetical scenarios to life also guide learning and development in a way that contextualizes information and ideas in the service of skilled problem-solving and appropriate action.

(7) Assessment includes appraisal of the success of the support provided for the learner as well as of the learner's progress toward mastery. The purpose of assessment is to aid learners' contributions, and it occurs during the endeavor. Feedback is available from the outcome of learners' efforts to contribute to the endeavor and others' acceptance, appreciation, or correction of the efforts as productive contributions.

Source: Rogoff, B., Alcalá, L., Coppens, A.D., López, A., Ruvalcaba, O., & Silva, K.G. (2014). Children learning by observing and pitching-in in their families and communities. Special Issue, Human Development.

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Learning by Observing and Pitching In Overview - Learning by Observing and Pitching In

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In some communities where children are included in a wide range of activities, they are keen observers and learn through contributing to the ongoing activities of their community. This website presents theory and research on this cultural tradition for learning, which involves observing and pitching-in to family and community endeavors.

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Learning Through Intent Community Participation

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Learning Through Intent Community Participation

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this will look like work through western eyes... yet it is self motivated and self chosen...
Mayan

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(PDF) Firsthand Learning Through Intent Participation

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This article examines how people learn by actively observing and "listening-in" on ongoing activities as they participate in shared endeavors. Keen observation and listening-in are especially valued and used in some cultural communities in which children are part of mature community activities.

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It's crucial to bring the brain and neuroscience into the play therapy process if we really want to understand what is happening in the mind and bodies of a child and the therapist. For a long time the play therapy field has emphasized the child's process, and hasn't emphasized the therapist's process sufficiently. What neuroscience is helping us understand is that the effectiveness of the therapy relies on the relationship. We've known this for a long time; in fact, I would argue that most people in the therapy world would agree that the relationship a therapist has with a client of any age is really the most important part of the process. But neuroscience is helping us understand *why* it is the most important part of the process and thus why we need to study what is happening for the therapist just as much as what is happening for the child.

Interpersonal neurobiology is beginning to reveal just how deeply connected we are to each other, literally. When two people interact, they "feel" each other through "resonant circuits" and are affected by each other even if they are not consciously aware of it. Understanding the neuroscience behind these processes is such a helpful way to see the valuable role that the therapist plays in the therapeutic relationship.

We can miss the opportunity to deeply understand and appreciate the power of the therapeutic relationship when we leave neuroscience out of the equation. Without it, we can also miss the insight necessary to train therapists in the areas that contribute most to the healing of another person.

Using neuroscience allows us to understand what is happening in the brains and bodies of the child and the therapist when they interact together. It helps us move into an understanding that there is an energetic exchange taking place between the therapist and the child and that the quality of this exchange is an essential part of the play therapy process. It also helps us begin to understand *how* play therapy works. And once we understand how it works-what is happening in the brains, minds and bodies of our child clients-we can become more creative in our interventions and support a child in a way that is truly healing. Play therapy can become focused on rewiring the brain and healing from the bottom-up, so that there is a higher probability for lasting change to occur.

Neuroscience is the gateway into the future of play therapy. It allows therapists to understand what is happening inside of themselves, what is happening inside of their child clients and ultimately what is happening between them in the playroom. Play therapists have the ability to take a child's healing to levels and depths that they haven't been able to access before and neuroscience is the bridge to get there.

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The Significance of Neuroscience in Play Therapy

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By Lisa Dion, LPC, RPT-S It's crucial to bring the brain and neuroscience into the play therapy process if we really want to understand what is happening in the mind and bodies of a child and the therapist.

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All children, if given the chance, will play, preferably with other children. The games they play are often creative, rough and tumble, and of course―fun. Some consequences are obvious:

Fun is a positively reinforcing emotion. It makes kids happy.

Play encourages exploration with fewer constraining boundaries than the drone of regular life.

Play is an effective way to socialize and make friends.

Play stimulates initiative and engagement, rather than passively observing what others do.

But there is another less obvious reason, one that is biological. In a review in the American Journal of Play (yes, there really is a scholarly journal on play), evidence is provided from controlled studies in rats and some primates. These studies show that when young animals are encouraged to play they develop improved social competence, cognition, and emotional regulation later in life. Play experience also makes them more adaptable to unexpected situations.

It is true that play is not a developmental feature in all species. The capacity (and need) for play is most evident in higher mammals with developed neocortex and that live in complex social environments. Play fighting is adaptive in predator species, like bears and lions that depend on aggression for survival as adults. In all species that exhibit juvenile play, play is a developmental tool that promotes the neocortical executive control regions to control other neural systems.

Play fighting is especially interesting because the juveniles must construct and obey certain rules. They intuitively recognize that they must not bite too hard, for example, and must give the opponent at chance to win sometimes or at least hold their own in the contest. The juveniles are clearly learning self-control, which will serve them well as adult. This reminds me of the touch football games that kids play.

Species that most obviously exhibit juvenile play are humans, dogs, cats, and ravens. In species where adults play, play can have immediate functions such as defusing social tensions and dominance relationships. Rats are an interesting case. They engage in juvenile play much more than other rodent species. Adult rats seem to exhibit novel mental capabilities, especially those involving social interactions that are not so prominent in other rodents.

When members of a play-oriented species are denied access to juvenile play, they can become dysfunctional adults. For example, rats raised in social isolation show physical and chemical deficiencies in their brains and they have behavioral abnormalities linked to impaired executive control function. They show excessive anxiety to stressful or fear-inducing situations. They over-react to benign social interactions. They are less able to coordinate movements with a partner, both in sexual and non-sexual contexts. They are less able to solve mental tasks. Similar problem are seen in monkeys deprived of juvenile play. Being raised by a surrogate mother is emotionally and intellectually devastating, but less so if the surrogate is robot-like and can interact in play-like behavior with the infant.

Juvenile play sculpts the brain to be more adaptable later in life. In modern human society, juvenile play is often obstructed by such externals as over-scheduling, too much adult supervision, and too many restrictions. The restrictions are often for reasons of safety, which is understandable in today's world. When I was a child, we had a lot more freedom to play, and in safety. It was not unusual in the summer time for a kid to leave home after breakfast and not return until supper, going alone to a park or neighbor kid's house to play unsupervised as we wished. Sadly, that is too much freedom these days. In this respect, the "good old days" really were the "good old days."

Source:

Pellis, S. M., Pellis, V. C., and Himmler, B. T. (2014). How play makes for a more adaptable brain. Ame. J. Play. 7 (1) 73-98

" Memory Medic's new book has just been released: "Improve Your Memory for a Healthy Brain." Smashwords.com

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All children, if given the chance, will play, preferably with other children. The games they play are often creative, rough and tumble, and of course―fun. Some consequences are obvious: Fun is a positively reinforcing emotion. It makes kids happy. Play encourages exploration with fewer constraining boundaries than the drone of regular life.

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panksepp

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All people have emotions - although some are more in touch with them than others - but most people don't know how emotions work. Dr. Jaak Panksepp, a neuroscientist, psychologist, and psychobiologist, coined the term "affective neuroscience" to refer to the study of the neural mechanisms of emotion.

Panksepp, the Baily Endowed Chair of Animal Well-Being Science in the department of veterinary and comparative anatomy, pharmacology, and physiology at Washington State University's College of Veterinary Medicine and emeritus professor at the department of psychology at Bowling Green State University, wrote the book "Affective Neuroscience: The Foundations of Human and Animal Emotions" and has authored more than 400 scientific articles dealing with the physiological mechanisms that underlie motivated behavior. He also co-edited such works as "Handbook of the Hypothalamus and Emotions and Psychopathology," serves as editor of the series "Advances in Biological Psychiatry," and currently serves as research co-director of the Hope for Depression Research Foundation, which promotes research into the origins and treatment of depression. An expert on brain mechanisms of emotions, indeed laughter in nonhuman animals, Panksepp recently spoke with Brain World about the importance of fun, laughter, and play for children.
Brain World: What exactly is play?
Jaak Panksepp: I would say the only thing we can be sure about is the kind of physical play that animals enjoy. And, of course, we are animals, so our play is very similar. There is no ambiguity among young children; they instinctively know what play is. Academics get confused, parents get confused - calling what their children are doing "naughty," "aggressive," "being bad" - but kids are having fun, so we know that there is that one play system in the brain.

We know there is at least one that controls physical and social play. There is also exploratory play and object play, for instance a kitten playing with a ball of yarn, which require much more interpretation, because there are no demonstrated brain systems for these. And they are much harder to study in the laboratory. We were the first ones who developed standard techniques for studying play in the laboratory. They are robust, so anyone can now systematically study play, at least in laboratory rats.
BW: How did you create the robust environment for play?
JP: First of all, the animals have to be comfortable and safe. The animals also need to be young, and the animals need to be hungry for play. Just like when you study food intake or water intake, you have to be hungry or thirsty; likewise, we can induce a hunger or desire for play by depriving animals of play for a while. If you don't make the animals hungry for play, they won't be as motivated to play when you test them. Often they just explore. But if they haven't played for a while, they are very eager for playful interactions.
BW: Kids like to play games, read books or go on the internet and engage in social networking. Is that play?
JP: I think so. But the main kind of play is when animals physically engage each other in rough-and-tumble activities. Physical play is fun. But playing games is also fun. However, if we didn't have a play instinct, maybe neither kind of play would exist. However, playing games is not "primary-process" play. The most primitive parts of the brain generate various primary-process emotions, including physical play. Playing games is likely to be a secondary process, dependent on learning and memories. Few people are studying the primary processes. To do that, you must think in a very Darwinian way, and understand that emotions emerge first from very ancient regions of the brain, which connect up to more recent, higher brain regions that control learning and thought. This is a very important principle. Mother Nature built some important things into ancient regions of the brain - we don't have the clear image of that, all the other knowledge of the brain is very weak, except senses such as vision. They are pretty straightforward.
BW: So you think play is a primary or primitive process. What are primary processes?
JP: These are "memories" that evolution built into our brain - various senses such as vision, various emotions and feelings. There are both primitive and modern parts in the brain. The primitive parts contain "tools" that all people need to live. On top of that all animals have learning and memory, and some even have thoughts. But to understand the brain we also have realize that certain experiences, such as emotions, arise from very ancient brain regions. Without those primitive brain systems, people wouldn't survive; they would not have children or social attractions.

Animal research is needed to understand such ancient parts of mind. Indeed, in human brain imaging, up to 95 percent of neural activity is is in a category called "dark energy," with scientists only seeing maybe 5 percent of the fluctuating brain activities. The other 95 percent of the brain often is not seen, and many primary processes are happening there. They are easier to see in animal behavior than in human brain imaging.
BW: Can you tell me more about your research of laughing rats and the relationship between laughing and emotion?
JP: Without laughter there will not be much joy in life. It's a little shocking how little we know about how brains generate positive feelings. When we discovered laughter-type sounds in rats, I think people laughed at us a bit. But now know more about the "laughter" of rats than humans. And we have learned that a study of these happy sounds can illuminate human problems, even drug addictions and depression. Even though we cannot do detailed research on these systems with humans, we have mapped out the brain networks in rats along with some of the controlling brain chemistries, and currently it is one of our major measures of depressive feelings in animals. This allows us to focus on the feelings of rats rather than just their behavioral changes. Laughter and joy are aspects of both brain and mind. We still have a science that respects animal behaviors and brain molecules more than mind functions they create. That should change as we learn to understand the minds of other animals.
BW: How do you recognize that the rats are laughing?
JP: We actually looked for it, first in the form of "play vocalizations." Since rats communicate with very high (ultrasonic) sound frequencies, we need special equipment to listen in, and when we did there were lots of "chirps" when rats were playing, especially when they are very excited and chasing each other. We had already shown that play was somewhat dependent on hearing, and very dependent on touch. Of course hearing is special form of touch - we hear by sensing air pressure waves along our cochlear membranes vibrates. With our ultrasonic equipment we had been studying play vocalizations for half a dozen years, when I woke up one morning with the thought: What if that sound was laughter? And we promptly went ahead and tickled some rats, and those sounds were provoked very easily. We brought them under "experimental control."
BW: Do you have a playground for rats? And what is the ideal play environment?
JP: We don't really have a playground, just regular test boxes. We were interested largely in how the brain controls social play. "Playground" usually means there are objects. As soon as there are objects, the rats can be distracted by them, and real play goes down.

I think young children rarely get as much play as their brains need in our country. Physical play is at times considered bad behavior, and medications for ADHD, such as Ritalin, all reduce play. By doing this, we are taking the desire to play away from our children. Human problems need to be dealt with in human ways. We have to develop a society that understands play, and the many good things it does for children's brains and minds. We developed the concept of having "play sanctuaries," where children have safe environment to play and develop their own games. We have much to learn about how good play is for the brains of our children.

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The Importance Of Play: An Interview with Dr. Jaak Panksepp " Brain World

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All people have emotions - although some are more in touch with them than others-but most people don't know how emotions work. Dr. Jaak Panksepp, a neuroscientist, psychologist and psychobiologist, coined the term "affective neuroscience" to refer to the study of the neural mechanisms of emotion.

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brain, neuroscience... on RATS

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A Brain Motivated to Play: Insights into the Neurobiology of Playfulness

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Play is an important part of normal childhood development and is seen in varied forms among many mammals. While not indispensable to normal development, playful social experiences as juveniles may provide an opportunity to develop flexible behavioral ...

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This article explores a current paradigmatic transition from a protectionist perspective to one that emphasises opportunities for children's increased participatory play experiences within Irish early childhood education and care contexts. It makes the case for the benefits of play and acknowledges children's rights to play and particularly to participate in challenging or "risky" play. The changing culture of ECEC in Ireland is acknowledged as influenced by external structures on children's opportunities for play and learning. In this regard the impact of key policies including Aistear, Síolta and the initiative "Better Start" are explored. As such the focus is on structural transitions rather than transitions as experienced in the lives of children and their families.

A landmark in how children are viewed in Ireland has been a recognition of all children from birth to age eighteen as citizens with rights (United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989 ratified by Ireland 1992) including the right to engage in play (Article 31). While there is no universally accepted definition of play, the process of play has become intrinsically linked with social and cultural theories of learning and development (Bruner 2008). However, children's access to the affordances of play is dependent on adult gatekeepers, whose social and cultural attitudes to play will impact on how such experiences are mediated in home and out-of- home contexts. Kernan and Devine (2010, p. 371) observe that

One feature of modernity has been the institutionalising of childhood space - the demarcation of specific places within which children are gathered, primarily for the purposes of play, learning and 'caring'.

Greater female participation in the workforce has increased demand for out-of-home care. Recent research suggests that children in Ireland on average spend less time outdoors than the daily one hour afforded prison inmates (Brennan as cited by Bray 2016). Various reasons have been suggested for the decline in outdoor activities, including the growing proliferation of indoor screen- based technologies. Recently, concerns around long-term physical and mental health, and rising obesity levels in young children has focused attention on increasing children's outdoor play and physical activities (Sandsetter 2012, Maynard and Waters 2014). This article adopts a holistic focus on children's right to engage in play, with an emphasis on experiences within indoors and outdoors ECEC contexts prior to formal schooling. Recent transitions in the early years sector are discussed alongside implications for children's opportunities to actualise play affordances in ECEC.

Play matters in early childhood

The ubiquitous nature of play in children's lives is summed up by Cole-Hamilton and Gill, (2002, p.14):

Children play wherever they are. This might be indoors or out. Children play in their home, at school, in childcare and play provision, and in the public and private places they visit with their friends or with adults.

Trevarthan's studies (2004) indicate that children's intrinsic motives for playful collaborative meaning making commence in earliest infancy. This understanding is elaborated through analysis of early "meta-conversations" where infants have been shown to respond to, as well as elicit the liltingly playful interactions of parents and close carers, often described as "motherese".

In Ireland, an historical expectation for parents to provide for children in the early years has meant that out-of-home care and education has developed in an ad hoc way with a mixture of voluntary, community and private providers. This market-based model has been critiqued for high costs, identified by Barnardo's and Start Strong (2012) as some of the most expensive in Europe. Workers in the sector have also been campaigning against the low status, pay and conditions within the profession (Association of Childhood Professionals 2016). Education and care prior to primary school is mostly regulated by Tusla which is a child and family agency, under the remit of the Department of Children and Youth Affairs. The Department of Education and Skills has also started to inspect preschools. Responsibility for primary school education lies with the Department of Education. A division in policy and practice is reflected in the higher qualifications, pay, status and working conditions associated with primary schooling. In 2010, investment in ECEC prior to formal school underwent a major transition with the introduction of the ECCE free preschool scheme (Department of Children and Youth affairs 2013b). The universal nature of the scheme was welcomed yet also critiqued, for the continued lack of emphasis or supports for children in the vital birth to three stage of development.

However, Aistear, the early years framework (National Council for Curriculum and Assessment 2009) does emphasise the importance of supporting holistic development for all children from birth to age six. The emergent and dynamic nature of the framework involved considerable research and engagement with literature on national and international best practice. Síolta (2006), the national quality framework, reflects similar aspirations and principles for children from birth to age six. The image of the child is one of an active playful learner developing and responding within multiple cultural contexts both indoors and outdoors). Hayes (2010) emphasises the importance of the mediating role of the early years professional in supporting children's emerging dispositions and learning interests. Increasingly, the significance of outdoor play in support of children's holistic development, has been identified in research (Maynard and Waters 2014). Both understandings are implicit in the interpretation of Aistear and Síolta.

Balancing the right to protection with the right to experience 'risky play'

The affordances of early years environments have been linked to both the qualifications of early year's professionals and individual pedagogical abilities to recognise play affordances (Kernan 2010). The preschool regulations primary focus on health and safety over the provision of holistic developmental benefits has been critiqued by Start Strong (2012). New preschool regulations (DCYA, 2016) set minimal qualifications (level 5 on the National Qualifications Framework) for all staff working directly with children in ECEC contexts. This benchmark is arguably low given that research evidence of high quality adult/ child interactions in ECEC has consistently been linked to engagement of highly qualified staff with opportunities for ongoing education and training (Melhuish 2004). Current expectations and increased responsibilities for ECEC staff to implement Aistear and Síolta remain at odds with the low qualifications requirement and the lack of paid non-contact time to upskill and experience ongoing training and development.

Adult attitudes to the Irish weather have also been identified as a barrier to children's opportunities to experience outdoor play, commonly associated with challenging and stimulating affordances (Kernan and Devine 2010). A lack of emphasis at regulatory level on provision or planning for outdoor space has also been critiqued. New regulations now require all early year's settings to provide suitably "safe and secure" outdoor spaces for all children to have access to on a daily basis (DCYA, 2016).

"Risky play" affordances contain both emotional and physical aspects and by inference require space and place which provides a balance between the right to protection and the right to participate. Stephenson (2003, p.36) defines "risky play" as: "attempting something never done before; feeling on the borderline of out-of- control - often because of height or speed; and overcoming fear." An aspect of risky play relates to how much adults participate in acknowledging children as citizens with rights and expertise in their own lives in the here and now (Clerkin 2014).

Balancing play, risk and challenge

Bridging gaps between policy and practice

Aistear and Síolta are not compulsory. However, their increasing use in both pre-primary and primary schooling has been observed and both frameworks have been received positively in Ireland and abroad (Murphy 2015). A higher capitation afforded to services implementing the ECCE scheme establishes new minimum qualifications for ECEC workers, with no such provision for children in the birth to three age group. In 2014 attempts to address the continued lack of initiatives for the youngest children, and media reporting of the poor quality and treatment of children in some settings led to the establishment of "Better Start" (DCYA 2016), a national quality development service. Its main function is to provide mentoring supports for services to address quality concerns identified in Tusla inspection reports. However, issues of qualifications, pay and conditions for ECEC workers remain contentious.

Paradigmatic transition from protectionism to increased participation?

Despite recent transitions in ECEC at policy level in Ireland, a top down tendency still reflects policy implementation indicative of a view that the older the child, the more worthy of investment. The impacts are manifold, including the financial constraints on early years settings to engage, retain and support highly qualified staff to implement Aistear and Síolta and initiatives such as Better Start. A primarily protectionist view of childhood associated with a custodial level of care rather than the promotion of children's holistic development in the early formative years is indicated within the low qualifications benchmark of the preschool regulations.

At a societal level we need to challenge the low pay and status of the early year's professional role. Research on practitioner attitudes to outdoor play also indicate a need, at training level, to encourage all students to challenge personal attitudes to play, risk and play affordances. The vital mediating role of the early years professional requires informed practice in order to address parental and societal concerns on balancing children's right to protection with the right to participation in suitably challenging and risky play. The risk of not doing so may be too high.

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Play affordances in early childhood education and care | Children's Research Network (en-IE)

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This article explores a current paradigmatic transition from a protectionist perspective to one that emphasises opportunities for children's increased participatory play experiences within Irish early childhood education and care contexts. It makes the case for the benefits of play and acknowledges children's rights to play and particularly to participate in challenging or "risky" play.

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Even though children increasingly spend most summer days inside or at a full-day camp program, the idealistic image of summertime is still one of free play: neighbors racing bikes, friends building a fort, siblings producing a show, a family on the beach.

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The goal of this chapter is to examine the significance of social play in normative development, and the harmful consequences of non-social play. Specifically, we review research which has examined (1) the prevalence of social and non-social behaviors in early childhood; (2) individual and developmental differences in the expression of particular types of these behaviors; (3) those constructs or phenomena that predict, are correlated with, and are the putative consequences of particular forms of playful endeavor; and (4) various methods used to assess these behaviors.

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Taken together, the findings reported above suggest strongly that the cultural milieu and

societal values may encourage or inhibit demonstrations of highly sociable or highly unsociable

behavior. In studying intercultural and cultural variations in children's play, we can better

recognize the unique cultural properties that are reflected in children's activities (Roopnarine,

Lasker, Sacks, & Stores, 1998).

developmental significance, both positive and negative, of social and non-social activity in the

... Due to the centrality of play for children's early development, researchers have tried to understand the environmental and genetic precursors of children's play quality (e.g., Cheah et al., 2001). Typically, the focus has been on individual characteristics such as age, sex, and temperament and less on contextual and dyadic variables such as parenting beliefs/strategies and parent-child interactions. ...

... Another innovative aspect is the focus on the father's role in the child's social and nonsocial behaviors, since the literature is mostly focused on mothers (e.g., McShane and Hastings, 2009;Hastings et al., 2010), and as Cabrera et al. (2018) stated, fathers are parents too and should be fully integrated both in research and in parenting interventions. Since children who consistently display a low quality of peer interactions may be more susceptible to later social-emotional difficulties (Cheah et al., 2001), having the means to identify these difficulties early on should be a priority in early education. ...

Project CSTARS involves Chinese and Korean immigrant families with young children ages 3-5 years residing in Maryland. The (1) community and social resources available to these families, (2) parent ... [more]

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The overall aim of this project is to examine Muslim-American adolescents' (ages 12 to 18) identity development and adjustment in the United States. We use a variety of methods including focus grou ... [more]

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The goal of this chapter is to examine the significance of social play in normative development, and the harmful consequences of non-social play.

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Do you know how my 5th grade teacher taught us the planets? She sang it to us. When her former students would come back and visit, she would always ask if they remembered the order of the planets. And they'd all end up singing it back to her. Imagine these big high school juniors and seniors singing in the middle of a 5th grade class?!

And even now, when I say the order of planets, the melody plays in my head. It stuck with me. Because I learned it through play.

The best way to learn anything is through play. Children can not only learn about science, math and engineering through play, but they can also learn important social skills while playing. Children can learn about problem solving, advocating for themselves, decision-making skills, working in groups, sharing and resolving conflicts.

As children develop and grow, so does their way of playing. Mildred Parten did some great work observing youngsters at play, and developed the stages of social play for children. Let's take a brief look at how social play develops and changes over time for children. There are six stages of social play and it starts at birth.

1. Unoccupied play

I know this can be hard to believe, but play starts at birth. You know those random movements that Infants make with no clear purpose? This is actually the beginning of play.

2. Solitary play

This stage, which starts in infancy and is common in toddlers, is when children start to play on their own. When engaged in solitary play, children do not seem to notice other children sitting or playing nearby during this type of play. Just because it starts in infancy and toddlerhood doesn't mean it needs to stop. All age groups can (and should!) have some time for independent, solitary play.

3. Onlooker play

Onlooker play happens most frequently during the toddler years, but can happen at any age. This stage is when children watch others play. The child who is looking at the others who are playing may ask questions of other children, but there is no effort to join the play. This may happen when a child is shy, or unsure of the rules, or is hesitant to join the game.

4. Parallel play

Parallel play is usually found with toddlers, although it happens in any age group. Parallel play starts when children begins to play side-by-side with other children without any interaction. Even though it seems like they are not interacting, they are paying attention to each other. This is the beginning of the desire to be with other children. This stage really starts to lay the groundwork for the more complex social stages of play.

5. Associative play

At around three to four years of age, they eventually become more interested in the other children rather than the toys. At some point, a child will start interacting more with the other child they are playing with; this is called associative play. They start asking questions and talking about the toys and what they are making. This is the beginning of understanding how to get along with others. During associative play, children within the group have similar goals (for example: building a tower out of blocks). However, they don't set rules and there's no formal organization.

6. Social play

Children will really begin to socialize starting around three or four. They begin to share ideas and toys, and follow established rules and guidelines. They play shop and figure out who will play what role. They can work together to build something or maybe play a simple game together. This is really where a child learns and practices social skills, like cooperating, being flexible, taking turns, and solving problems.

As children proceed in the stages of play, their play becomes more complex and involves more and more interacting with others. For children to practice social skills like cooperating, compromising and problem solving, the best way to do that is to let them play. They'll remember the rhythms and melodies of social interactions much more smoothly if we allow them the time and space to play.

Here's a free printable about the social stages of play that you can download (plus 5 more free printables) for you!

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Do you know how my 5th grade teacher taught us the planets? She sang it to us. When her former students would come back and visit, she would always ask if they remembered the order of the planets. And they'd all end up singing it back to her.

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snapshot in what we think we know... connecting to gaming

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How Your Personality Affects What You Play | Psych of Play

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Psychological approaches to the study of play

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Psychological approaches to the study of play

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includes short descriptive film of what it is

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With the return to school for some children just around the corner, and lockdown restrictions easing, the British Psychological Society has launched two short films to help parents, carers and education professionals use play to support children to make sense of the changes happening in their lives.

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1977

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A leading researcher in the field of cognitive development says when children pretend, they're not just being silly-they're doing science

Walk into any preschool and you'll find toddling superheroes battling imaginary monsters. We take it for granted that young children play and, especially, pretend. Why do they spend so much time in fantasy worlds?

People have suspected that play helps children learn, but until recently there was little research that showed this or explained why it might be true. In my lab at the University of California at Berkeley, we've been trying to explain how very young children can learn so much so quickly, and we've developed a new scientific approach to children's learning.

Where does pretending come in? It relates to what philosophers call "counterfactual" thinking, like Einstein wondering what would happen if a train went at the speed of light.

In one study, my student Daphna Buchsbaum introduced 3- and 4-year-olds to a stuffed monkey and a musical toy and told them, "It's Monkey's birthday, and this is a birthday machine we can use to sing to Monkey. It plays "Happy Birthday" when you put a zando" (a funny-looking object) "on it like this." Then she held up a different object and explained that it wasn't a zando and therefore wouldn't make the music play. Then she asked some tricky counterfactual questions: "If this zando wasn't a zando, would the machine play music or not?" What if the non-zando was a zando? About half the 3-year-olds answered correctly.

Then a confederate took away the toys and Daphna said, "We could just pretend that this box is the machine and that this block is a zando and this other one isn't. Let's put the blocks on the machine. What will happen next?" About half said the pretend zando made pretend music, while the pretend non-zando did nothing (well, pretend nothing, which is quite a concept even if you're older than 3).

We found children who were better at pretending could reason better about counterfactuals-they were better at thinking about different possibilities. And thinking about possibilities plays a crucial role in the latest understanding about how children learn. The idea is that children at play are like pint-sized scientists testing theories. They imagine ways the world could work and predict the pattern of data that would follow if their theories were true, and then compare that pattern with the pattern they actually see. Even toddlers turn out to be smarter than we would have thought if we ask them the right questions in the right way.

Play is under pressure right now, as parents and policymakers try to make preschools more like schools. But pretend play is not only important for kids; it's a crucial part of what makes all humans so smart.

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Let the Children Play, It's Good for Them!

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Walk into any preschool and you'll find toddling superheroes battling imaginary monsters. We take it for granted that young children play and, especially, pretend. Why do they spend so much time in fantasy worlds? People have suspected that play helps children learn, but until recently there was little research that showed this or explained why it might be true.

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to be infantile is to be supreme

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You've described human development as more like reverse metamorphosis than simple growth, with babies as exploratory, bright butterflies and adults as caterpillars, inching along their narrower paths. Can you expand?
The central idea is that we should think of childhood as a separate evolutionary form, adaptive in its own right, and with its own special kinds of neurological and psychological structure. In particular, the evolutionary argument is that childhood - our uniquely protracted human period of immaturity and helplessness - is designed to give us a protected space in which we can learn and imagine. As adults we put what we have learned and imagined to productive work.

A recurring theme of your book is the idea that playful immersion in hypothetical worlds teaches us how to make sense of the real one. And you think this is actually what makes us human?
This is one of the most interesting ideas to come out of the new formal work on computational models of development, called causal Bayes nets or probabilistic models. The great advantage of these models is that they let us represent and construct counterfactuals - possible worlds as well as actual ones. I don't think I appreciated how important that ability is until recently. After all, the human advantage is not only that we can learn about more different environments than any other creature but that we can imagine and create new environments. If you look around the room you're in now everything in it - the right-angled table, the woven fabrics, the electric light - was once just a possibility in somebody's head. We live in an imaginary world. And that process of imagination begins in the protected pretend play of early childhood.

You often seem genuinely aggrieved that the minds of babies have been underrated and misperceived. Is psychology as guilty of this as other disciplines and wider culture?
Well, as we parents say, 'I'm not hurt, just terribly, terribly disappointed'. Psychologists like Piaget have to get the credit for seeing, really for the first time in history, just how significant babies might be. Of course, even Piaget systematically underestimated children, but then every time I do a new study I discover that I've underestimated them myself. But there is still an impulse in much of psychology to see children as defective adults. For example, I often hear neuroscientists lump together children, patients and animals - an evolutionary absurdity that reflects an implicit assumption that adult humans are somehow the psychological pinnacle.

One of your explanations for this underestimation is that nearly all the great philosophers have been men! Given that psychology, here in the UK at least, is becoming a largely female discipline, perhaps children's minds will move to centre stage?
It's important to say that there is no idea here that somehow men and women do different kinds of science. But undoubtedly what you know and care about, and so what you look at, shapes the questions you ask - earthworms were around for aeons but nobody thought about actually paying attention to them till Darwin. This is particularly true for babies since there is such a large gulf between what you see when you look at babies cursorily and what you see when you know them well, although there is still more to learn from studying them scientifically. I think that as more women do psychology, and more male scientists spend time caring for babies, the significance of babies will become more widely accepted.

You come from 'a somewhat lunatic artistic intellectual family', and one of your sons is a hip-hop jazz fusion musician. Is there a danger this environment could lead you to overestimate the centrality of imagination and creativity in infants?
It might be a danger, if it weren't for the fact that the kids in my lab keep surprising me! Almost every time we do an experiment I start out thinking that the kids won't be able to hack it, and end up amazed at how much they can do. It's the science that is really convincing and the science just keeps coming up with more and more evidence for the power of young minds.

There seems little doubt that young minds are powerful, but some reviewers have questioned whether you are guilty of 'anthropomorphising'. For example, you write that 'even nine-month-olds understand some important statistical ideas'. Are you confident enough in the experimental techniques of psychology to disregard this possibility?
Of course, this raises interesting philosophical questions. What does it mean to 'understand'? Does it require the kind of self-conscious reflective articulation we see (sometimes) in adults? One of the greatest discoveries of cognitive science has been that the brain computes, infers, predicts and generalises and we can use psychological techniques to discover just what it is computing and inferring. And another great discovery is that the relation between that computation and our conscious adult experience of understanding and inference is very complicated. Even as adults we often seem to understand, predict or compute even though we don't have a conscious 'understanding experience'. I actually think it's too easy to say that this sort of understanding in babies is just 'unconscious' or 'implicit' - I am fairly sure that it is associated with some vivid phenomenology and experience. But almost certainly that experience is not like adult experience.

You write that 'All the processes of change, imagination and learning, ultimately depend on love.' Clearly love is ideal, but don't a lot of unloved children turn into highly imaginative individuals?
Here is one of those interesting points about childhood that is easy to overlook. Even 'bad' parents already provide a degree of care to children that would count as profound devotion if it were offered to anyone else. They have to or the children literally wouldn't survive. I think I take pretty good care of my highly beloved partner - but it really comes to a half-hour of cooking and a couple of hours of company each evening, after leaving him alone to take care of himself all day. A caregiver who only took that much care of a baby would be an abusive monster! So even the minimum baseline of caregiver love is already a lot - and we know that children thrive with much more than that. Moreover, studies suggest that resilient children are those who do find love somewhere, even if it isn't the love of parents.

You have noted that parenting in today's middle-class America is unusual, because comparatively few people are involved in the care of each child and so parents are more intensely involved in it. What impact does this have?
It's not so much that parents are more intensely involved in care as that they are more self-conscious about it. For most of history we learned how to take care of children the way we learned most important skills: we watched other people do it and we practised when we were young. With the end of the extended family and fragmented and mobile societies there are now many people who hold a baby for the first time when they have a baby themselves. So there is a deep anxiety and a great hunger for some expert technological solution.

The writer Michael Pollan makes a similar point about food. It used to be that people simply ate what they saw their mothers cook and then cooked that way themselves. More choices and less experience turn eating into a self-conscious technology-driven goal-directed kind of work - a method to get healthier. And of course, the irony is that being less absorbed in trying to eat healthily is actually healthier! In the same way people feel that there is some parenting secret that will make their baby smarter. And yet the science suggests that simply letting children explore the world in a rich way with devoted, attentive caregivers is by far the best way to get them to thrive and learn. And, a further irony, for all the intense focus on 'parenting', in fact, many parents are less supported and more stressed and isolated than ever before.

Maybe they could learn a thing or two from children? You have said that 'To be infantile is to be supreme'.
I suspect I am so crazy about babies because I am also a capital R Romantic - I'm attracted to the sort of open-ended creativity that is so characteristic of babies and young children. Someone wrote that the title of Richard Holmes' new book on Romantic poetry and science in the early 19th century could have been the title of my book too - The Age of Wonder. Often adult art and science, and even more mundane activities like travel and certain kinds of meditation can reproduce some of that childlike wonder in children. But, of course, adult art and science and meditation also require just the sort of uniquely adult discipline and focus and executive control that you don't see in children. Real Romantic poets were rather a pain because they seem to have required about as much looking after as babies do.

There's only been about five minutes in your entire life you haven't been around babies and children. What's left to discover?
Oh, it would take many lifetimes just to get started. But right now what I'm working on is how caregivers play a role in implicitly teaching children what they need to know. The really enormous advance of the last 10 years has been that we're finally starting to understand how its possible for children to learn so much abstract, coherent, highly structured new knowledge from such fragmented evidence. I genuinely believe that the old battles between nativism and empiricism have been put to rest by the new computational work on probabilistic models and learning algorithms. But that work has also made it clear that the real problem is how children decide which pieces of evidence to attend to - which things to learn about - and caregivers may play a really crucial role there.
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One nagging thing...
I've had three of my own children and spent my professional life thinking about children. And yet I still find my relation to my children deeply puzzling. Our love for children is so unlike any other human emotion. I fell in love with my babies so quickly and profoundly, almost completely independently of their particular qualities. And yet 20 years later I was (more or less) happy to see them go - I had to be happy to see them go. We are totally devoted to them when they are little and yet the most we can expect in return when they grow up is that they regard us with bemused and tolerant affection. We are ambitious for them, we want them to thrive so badly. And yet we know that we have to grant them the autonomy to make their own mistakes. In no other human relation do we work so hard to accomplish such an ill-defined goal, which is precisely to create a being who will have goals that are not like ours.

This is Professor Gopnik's contribution to last year's Research Digest special, on 'one nagging thing you still don't understand about yourself'. For more from some of the world's top psychologists, search for 'one nagging thing' at www.researchdigest.org.uk/blog
Reading
www.alisongopnik.com

Gopnik, A. & Schulz, L. (Eds.) (2007). Causal learning: Psychology, philosophy, computation. New York: Oxford University Press.
Gopnik, A. & Schulz, L. (2004). Mechanisms of theory-formation in young children. Trends in Cognitive Science, 8, 8.
Gopnik, A., Glymour, C., Sobel, D. et al. (2004). A theory of causal learning in children: Causal maps and Bayes nets. Psychological Review, 111, 1, 1-31.
Gopnik, A. (2009). The philosophical baby. Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Gopnik, A. (2009). From butterfly to caterpillar: How children grow up. New Scientist, 4 August [ http://bit.ly/Ml1sq].
Interview from 'The Big Think': http://bigthink.com/ideas/16940

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You've described human development as more like reverse metamorphosis than simple growth, with babies as exploratory, bright butterflies and adults as caterpillars, inching along their narrower paths. Can you expand? The central idea is that we should think of childhood as a separate evolutionary form, adaptive in its own right, and with its own special kinds of neurological and psychological structure.

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What do babies think
play biology/neuroscience

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TED Talk Subtitles and Transcript: "Babies and young children are like the R&D division of the human species," says psychologist Alison Gopnik. Her research explores the sophisticated intelligence-gathering and decision-making that babies are really doing when they play.

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Alison Gopnik - The Amazing Minds of Very Young Children

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The Biology of Education

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Peter Gray: The Biology of Education - How Children Learn Through Self-Directed Play and Exploration

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About Dr. Brown

Trained in general and internal medicine, psychiatry, and clinical research, Dr. Stuart Brown enjoyed a playful childhood and the benefit of growing up in an era when children, when they weren't in school or asleep, lived their lives independently engaged in play with their peers. As an adult, he pioneered studies on the importance of play through research on homicidal young males, and felony drunk drivers, finding a startling common thread in their stories: serious lack of play in childhood.

As his career progressed through roles as Asst Professor of Psychiatry at Baylor College of Medicine, Fellow in Psychiatric Research at Harvard's McLean Hospital, Chief of Psychiatry at Mercy Hospital and Medical Center, and an Associate Professor at UCSD School of Medicine in San Diego, CA, Dr. Brown believed that play could be the key to discovering the full potential that is in everyone, but also that defining "play" would require more in-depth understanding of its essential nature. He was surprised that much of the play-related research he reviewed was fragmented and siloed. He also noted the absence of quantitative confirmation of clinical observations, not to mention a scientific and evidence-based way of understanding, and suggesting, how to improve play and give us all permission to play more.

Over his career, he documented thousands of in-depth personal play profiles irrefutably demonstrating the negative emotional and multi-sensory consequences associated with a play-deprived life. In addition, this work also confirmed that the active presence of ongoing play is present in the accomplishments of the very successful.

In 1989, upon leaving clinical medicine, he decided to pursue play in even greater depth. To gain insights, Dr. Brown turned to animal play research. Working with the National Geographic Society and Jane Goodall, he became acquainted with the premier animal play experts in the world, observed animal play in the wild, and began to understand play as a long-evolved behavior important for the well-being and survival of all animals. As a result of his extensive studies, Dr. Brown came to understand that humans are uniquely designed to enjoy and participate in play throughout life and launched the organization, the National Institute for Play, to promote the integral role play has in human development and overall well-being. He has written and lectured about play in numerous public and scholarly forums, has directed and produced several documentaries and learning series about play and similar topics for CBS, PBS, and BBC, and written the book Play: How It Shapes the Brain, Opens the Imagination, and Invigorates the Soul.

About the National Institute for Play

The National Institute for Play (NIFP) is a 501c(3) non-profit public benefit corporation committed to bringing the unrealized knowledge, practices, and benefits of play into public life. It is gathering research from diverse play scientists and practitioners, initiating projects to expand the clinical scientific knowledge of human play and translating this emerging body of knowledge into programs and resources which deliver the transformative power of play to all segments of society, so that people of all ages and abilities understand why remaining playful for life is critical for health and happiness. The National Institute for Play is led by its founder, Dr. Stuart Brown., a Board of Directors with extensive experience in the business, academic, professional sports and non-profit sectors, and a Council of Advisors consisting of distinguished, multidisciplinary scientists and play practitioners.

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Dr. Stuart Brown | National Institute for Play | PlayCore

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About Dr. Brown Trained in general and internal medicine, psychiatry, and clinical research, Dr. Stuart Brown enjoyed a playful childhood and the benefit of growing up in an era when children, when they weren't in school or asleep, lived their lives independently engaged in play with their peers.

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Play and fun, though seemingly purposeless, are fundamental aspects of the human experience.

It wouldn't be a stretch to say that we're wired for play. But why? By definition, play is an activity without purpose or aim -- but it does have important implications for learning and development.

We can look to the animal kingdom to see how fundamental play is to human nature, and to understand why we might have evolved to seek out and enjoy fun. In a new special issue of the journal Current Biology, scientists share insights on fun and play in various animal species in order to shed light on the importance of amusement in our everyday lives.

"The brain activity associated with 'having fun' presumably leads in some way to activation of reward centers in the brain... This would give a proximate explanation for why we pursue fun, but why has this reward-relationship evolved in the first place?" Geoffrey North, editor of Current Biology, writes in an editorial. "What evolutionary advantage is there to engaging in the kind of activities we associate with fun? As usual with an evolutionary question it is helpful to take a broad look at what appear to be similar behaviors in other species -- in particular, to consider fun in other animals, and what functions it might have that could contribute to their evolutionary fitness."

As North insists, fun can be an important area of inquiry in biology, "touching on important issues of how we learn to interact with the world."
Here are some fascinating insights on the biology of play.
Feeling pleasure is part of a mechanism used to ensure animal fitness. It's a way for them to safely and enjoyably practice important skills, such as agility and fighting skills.

"Play is evolution's way of making sure animals acquire and perfect valuable skills in circumstances of relative safety," writes biologist Richard Byrne.

Specific types of play can also contribute to the development of cognitive skills that might not immediately be obvious. For instance, baboons have been observed teasing cattle by pulling their tails when the cows are behind a wire fence and therefore can't retaliate. Byrne suggests, because our enjoyment of teasing comes from imaging how the victim feels, that baboons may possibly have some theory of mind ability not yet recognized by scientists.

Similarly, elephants like to chase harmless animals, seemingly for their own enjoyment. Although we're not sure why they do this, it may also be that they are practicing some sort of cognitive skill, such as theory of mind.
Dolphins play, but not in the way we think they do.
Dolphins are often taken to be playful creatures because of their ever-present smiles, which, as Dr. Vincent Janik points out, is a "feature of their anatomy they have no control over."

While jumping in the surf and chasing one another may not exactly be play activities for dolphins, the sea mammals do enjoy fun in other ways. Biologists have noted that dolphins often stop what they are doing when large ships approach, in order to ride in the bow waves of the ship, only to return to where they were after the boat has passed. "Dolphins clearly do seem to spend time playing," Janik writes.
Some reptiles like to have a good time.
Lizards, turtles and crocodiles have all been found to exhibit convincing evidence of play, according to biologist Gordan Burghardt, although there are relatively few examples overall of play in reptiles and amphibians. Komodo dragons engage in "complex interactions with objects," similar to the behavior of dogs. Aquatic Nile short-shelled turtles, too, enjoy bouncing basketballs and floating bottles.
Octopuses may be the only celaphods that play.
While most cephalopods have not been observed to exhibit play-like behavior, there are some documented instances of play in two species of octopus. Biologists have found that these two types of octopus tend to engage in play when confronted with foreign objects.

"When encountering a novel non-food object, Octopus vulgaris shows a sequence of behaviors that moves from a 'What is this object?' exploratory behaviour to playful 'What can I do with this object?' interactions, involving manipulative behaviors such as pushing, pulling and towing," writes biologist Sarah Zylinski. "I have watched a captive Octopus bimaculoides... pounce on a fiddler crab and then release it unharmed, repeating this release and recapture many times over, as a cat might with a mouse, and other people who have spent time observing octopuses have similar anecdotes of play-like behaviors."
Even birds have the capacity for fun.
Neurobiologists studying birds have found that the avian brain may experience pleasure and reward similar to how the mammalian brain does. If birds are capable of experiencing pleasure, they argue, then they are also capable of having fun.

Play, though relatively uncommon in birds, has been observed in crows and parrots. The play of these two species is similar to what has been observed in primates -- "elaborate acrobatics, manipulating objects, and different types of social play, including play fighting," write Dr. Nathan Emery and Dr. Nicola Clayton of University College London.

Singing may also be a form of play in these birds, Emery and Clayton suggest.
Human infants like clowning around.
Infants form a sense of humor by clowning around and noticing how others respond to absurd behavior, according to psychologists Vasu Reddy and Gina Mireault. In fact, infants joke around before they can even speak or walk -- and a baby's laughter can provide us with important insights on how they see the world. Infants react to "clowning" behavior, such as pulling hair and blowing raspberries, can show us that they are aware of others' intentions.

"As [infants] discover others' reactions and, indeed, others' minds, they also discover the meaning of 'funny', a construct that varies across and within cultures, regions, families, and even dyads," write Reddy and Mireault. "Infants become attuned to the nuances in humour through their social relationships, which create the practice of contexts of humorous exchange."

BEFORE YOU GO

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What Playful Animals Can Teach Us About The Biology Of Fun

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Play and fun, though seemingly purposeless, are fundamental aspects of the human experience. It wouldn't be a stretch to say that we're wired for play. But why? By definition, play is an activity without purpose or aim -- but it does have important implications for learning and development.

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very old 1977 text, with obvious problems with the language. But included to show how we often look at play from before as something children all had, when really for some children they clearly did not. Stereotypes and bias kept some children from play according to lack of understanding of biology in part

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Tedtalk

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A pioneer in research on play, Dr. Stuart Brown says humor, games, roughhousing, flirtation and fantasy are more than just fun. Plenty of play in childhood makes for happy, smart adults -- and keeping it up can make us smarter at any age.

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easier to read than the biology of play... but at the same time it raises stuff as possibilities as the reason for play that Biology of Play states is not exactly true

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From an evolutionary biology point of view, it's not immediately obvious why humans spend so much time on recreation and play. In humans, as well as other animals, time spent playing is time not spent looking for food. Play could be a distraction from looking out for predators. Play could cause needless injuries—even traumatic death. Viewed from the lens of species survival, the drive to play seems like it would be a huge disadvantage. But yet, all humans in all cultures like to play.

Source: Steve Hillebrand , U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

The universality of play argues that it is an innate feature passed down from our ancestors. Furthermore, playing is not exactly a minor part of our lives. It is a big and important part of who we are. This behavior cannot simply be an evolutionary side effect or a genetic accident. We’re not talking about a tiny appendix in our abdomen. Play is a huge part of the human experience, especially among the young, and thus there must be value in it.

Just like organs or tissues, behaviors will be carefully honed over time by natural selection. Behaviors that enhance survival and/or reproduction of individuals will develop through the generations and become part of the innate “nature” of the species. Such as the suckling of all infant mammals, many of our behavioral urges are driven purely by instinct.

So what is the purpose or benefit of play? To understand our behaviors, it is often helpful to examining correlates in other animals. (That's the whole thrust of my book!) But do animals even engage in play?

Source: Vember/Pixabay

Let's start with dogs. Undoubtedly, dogs are naturally given to wrestling with and chasing each other. However, rather than purely for fun, these behaviors could be attempts to establish dominance within a social context and a means to establish trust and familiarity. This doesn’t necessarily mean that these behaviors aren’t also fun for the dogs, but it does mean that we can’t claim that they are, per se, evidence that animals play just for the fun of it, like humans do. That’s the kind of play that we are talking about—just plain old having fun. That’s what we humans do. We just have fun. For humans, play is for play’s sake.

Or is it? Maybe our definition of play is the problem. If we think of play as doing something enjoyable that has no other purpose, then of course we won’t find another purpose—we’ve made not having a purpose part of the definition. Instead, we need to keep an open mind about hidden purposes of play. We play because it is fun, but it may also be serving other purposes—that’s what we’re looking for.

After all, if we discover biological benefits to playing, then it really isn’t “just for the fun of it.” It only seems that way. Perhaps the example of dogs playing together really is a clue to the function of play for other species, including us. Perhaps the secret to understanding the function of play is the realization that playful acts can be fun and serve some other purpose for the species.

Defining Play

Defining play is a complicated business, but I find Gordon Burghardt's painstaking work to be the authority on the subject. He has convincingly established a five-point standard that well captures the essence of playful behavior. (He focuses on non-human animals but it holds for us as well.) For the purpose of this discussion, we can use the simple, though unscientific shorthand, "That which is fun/enjoyable but not other things like sex, eating, hunting, etc." When it comes to play and fun - we know it when we see it.

Source: Pete/Flickr

It's also important to remember that the "enjoyment" of fun is mostly secondary to its purpose. Pleasure is a neurological phenomenon that drives us to seek certain experiences that are good for our evolutionary future. Pleasure drives us to eat, have sex, wield power, and, of course, to play. Pleasure drives individual to do things, but that's just a trick. The goals of each of those things are wildly different. So the question is - why has evolution programmed us to enjoy seemingly pointless activities like playing baseball, doing puzzles, and engaging in make-believe?

The many benefits of different kinds of play

I spend most of the first chapter of my book summarizing many studies on the benefits of play for humans and other animals. I then analyze each of these "modalities" of play against the backdrop of our evolutionary history. Here are the highlights:

Source: Brocken Inaglory/Wikicommons

1.) Play for establishing social rank. Although the image of animals fighting each other for dominance is common, all-out fights-to-death are rare in most species. Instead, wrestling and other feats of physical strength are used to establish the dominance hierarchy. It is safer to the individuals and better for group cohesion (in social-cooperative species).

2.) Play for learning social rules. Many animals learn social etiquette and other important behaviors through playing. This involves correction, coercion, and reconciliation, but the benefit is social cohesion, orderly hierarchy, and cooperation for mutual aid. Animal behaviorist Marc Bekoff, a leading expert on animal play, has extensively studied its important role in the social fabric of wolves.

3.) Play as practice. This idea is that some forms of play serve as a warm-up for doing the real thing as adults. Cats play-hunt inanimate objects and some monkeys engage in play-mothering as juveniles. The jury is out whether play-practice actually helps or is merely an outlet for the instincts that will take shape as the animals (including humans) mature.

4.) Play to establish motor coordination. Fine control of muscle movements requires a lot of practice and feedback training. The fun of play drives animals to stay active and to especially practice certain kinds of movement that helps them develop their motor skills.

5.) Play as social bonding. In social animals, play helps to promote bonding among group members, relieve in-group tension, and establish trust. The group that plays together stays together.

6.) Play for managing stress. Humans aren't the only animals that get stressed out. Certain forms of play serve to lower stress hormones and, in so doing, promote mental and physical health.

7.) Play for developing certain cognitive and creative skills. Separate from fine-motor control and the practicing of certain tasks or skills, playing can help in the general development of our brains and minds. It can encourage creativity, planning, problem solving, and a whole bunch of task-specific skills like spatial reasoning and logic. For both humans and animals, play is a low-risk way to develop our cognitive abilities.

There are certainly more, but I discuss these benefits of play because they have solid research studies with both humans and animals that explore the mechanisms and benefits. Humans are a playful species, as are all animals.

One of the most important features of play is that it is only engaged when an animal is in a "relaxed field," meaning they are adequately fed, healthy, and not under imminent predator threat. This is why we see animals playing in captivity more than we do in the wild, since they are relatively protected and their temporal needs are met. When animals in captivity are NOT playful, we know that they are stressed and the stress may come from the captivity itself.

Make sure you make some time to play today!

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Nathan H. Lents, Ph.D., is a professor of molecular biology at John Jay College, of the City University of New York.

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Animal behavior helps illuminate why we play.

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2010
Interesting look at animals and humans and the biology of play

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body language impacting power balance

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Your Body Language May Shape Who You Are | Amy Cuddy | TED

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kaboom

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Access and Belonging: Still an Issue Today

The laws changed, but privatization, racialized disinvestment and harassment continue to keep Black people out. The story of Black birdwatcher Christian Cooper, who was harassed and threatened in Central Park last year by a white woman, is only one example of how Black people are systematically excluded from or made to feel unwelcome in spaces like parks and playgrounds.

The consequences fall on a spectrum just like racism anywhere else: exclusion from decision-making and programs, subtle glances of suspicion, overt threats, police intervention and even death in the case of kids like Tamir Rice, a child killed by police while innocently playing at his neighborhood playground, or Iesha and Clendon Elmore.

It was a hot July day in 1995 when Iesha and Clendon went looking for a place to play in their Washington, D.C. neighborhood. With no playground in sight, they turned to a nearby abandoned car and climbed in. Faulty locks trapped the two children inside and, tragically, they died from heat exhaustion.

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Why the Fight for Access to Playgrounds is a Racial Justice Issue | KABOOM!

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The laws changed, but privatization, racialized disinvestment and harassment continue to keep Black people out. The story of Black birdwatcher Christian Cooper, who was harassed and threatened in Central Park last year by a white woman, is only one example of how Black people are systematically excluded from or made to feel unwelcome in spaces like parks and playgrounds.

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J Urban Health. 2018 Oct; 95(5): 739-749.

Abstract

The current study examined racial/ethnic differences in use of parks and park facilities and features and self-reported park use and perceptions. We conducted observations in a nationally representative sample of 193 neighborhood parks in 27 US cities over a 1-week period between April and August of 2016 using the System of Observing Play and Recreation in Communities (SOPARC). To determine the propensity of different racial/ethnic groups to use parks relative to expectation based on their representation in the surrounding neighborhood, we calculated the percentages of park users of each race/ethnicity and compared these to the percentages of racial/ethnic groups residing in the neighborhood within a 1-mile radius of the park based on 2010 U.S. Census data. In the same parks, we administered an intercept survey to assess park users' self-reported use and perceptions of the park ( N  = 1872). We examined racial/ethnic differences in self-reported use and perceptions of parks using GEE models that adjusted for several individual- and park-level covariates. Hispanics comprised a disproportionate percentage of observed park users. Racial/ethnic groups generally did not differ in their self-reported park use and perceptions, except for the social context of park visits. In adjusted models, Hispanics had significantly higher odds of visiting with a child family member (OR = 1.44) and lower odds of visiting alone than non-Hispanic whites (OR = .55). Findings highlight Hispanics' greater propensity to use parks and indicate that parks may serve a communal purpose for Hispanics that they do not serve for other racial/ethnic groups.

Keywords: Racial/ethnic differences, Park use, Neighborhood parks, Park observations, Park visits

Research on how parks are used suggests differences in the types of active recreation and sports in which park users of different racial/ethnic backgrounds engage. For example, in Los Angeles, CA, whites were more likely than blacks and English-speaking Hispanics to report exercising in the park []. In a national survey, non-Hispanic whites had higher odds of reporting an active park visit than non-Hispanic blacks, but did not differ from Hispanics []. The same survey identified racial/ethnic differences in specific types of park-based activities: Non-Hispanic whites were significantly more likely to report walking or hiking than non-Hispanic blacks, while Hispanics and other race/ethnicities were more likely to report running/jogging and playing sports than non-Hispanic whites []. In an on-site survey of users of Lincoln Park in Chicago, whites were more likely than other racial/ethnic groups to report engaging in individual active sports, such as walking and bicycling and, within active group sports, tennis was more common among whites, basketball was more common among blacks, soccer was more common among Hispanics, and volleyball was more common among Asians [].

Racial/ethnic differences in self-reported preferences for organized recreation vs. nature-based activities in parks have also been documented. One study found that blacks are more likely to prefer organized recreation activities than whites []. A survey of residents in Atlanta, GA, and Philadelphia, PA found that African American and Hispanic respondents ascribed greater importance to the presence of recreational facilities in parks than Asians and whites [].

Altogether, the existing evidence base indicates racial/ethnic differences in how parks are used, if not in the overall frequency of park use. However, the evidence base is also characterized by mixed findings, which likely stem from methodological limitations. First, most studies have examined parks in only one or two cities. Thus, different findings across studies may simply reflect differences between cities in patterns of park use. Moreover, most of these studies are limited in their generalizability across the USA. Studies conducted with nationally representative samples are needed to understand racial/ethnic differences in park use on a national level. Second, most studies of park use have relied on self-report of residents' park use, which has been validated [], but is still subject to recall bias. An alternative method that does not depend on participants' recall is to assess park use objectively by conducting systematic observations of parks.

Designed to fill these gaps in the literature, the current study had the following aims: (1) to quantify racial/ethnic differences in overall park use, (2) to identify park features that are differentially associated with park use by different racial/ethnic groups, and (3) to explore racial/ethnic differences in reasons for park use and park-related preferences and behaviors. Systematic observational data were collected to permit objective assessment of racial/ethnic differences in overall park use and use of specific park features and facilities, and park user survey data were collected to illuminate possible reasons for racial/ethnic differences in park use.

Methods

Data Sources

Observational Data

Systematic observations of park users were collected as part of the national study of neighborhood parks (NSNP). Two waves of data were collected, one in 2014 and one in 2016; in the current study, we present findings from the second wave only. At the beginning of the NSNP, a representative sample of neighborhood parks was selected from 25 US cities with a population of 100,000 or more according to the 2010 U.S. Census using a two-stage stratified sampling strategy. The 289 cities with a population of 100,000 or more were divided into nine strata, with eight strata based on population (200,000-1,000,000 and 100,000-200,000) and region (West, Northeast, Midwest, and South), and the ninth stratum comprising cities with a population of more than 1 million. In the first sampling stage, 25 cities were randomly drawn from the 9 strata. In the second sampling stage, 174 parks were selected from a list of public parks in each of the 25 selected cities; lists of parks were retrieved directly from the city's Department of Recreation and Parks or from their website in 2013. The selection targeted parks between 3 and 20 acres and was restricted to avoid including parks less than one mile from each other and to ensure distributions of chosen parks were similar with regard to sizes and local poverty rates for all neighborhood parks within each city. For the first wave, the final sample of parks represented approximately 10% of all eligible neighborhood parks in the sampled cities; a more detailed description of sampling procedures is available elsewhere []. For the second wave of data collection, we conducted observations in nearly all the same parks in the 25 cities sampled for the first wave and added two cities in geographic areas of the country that had previously been sparsely sampled. Parks were selected from the two new cities using the same inclusion and exclusion criteria and sampling procedures in the first wave. In total, observations were conducted at 193 parks in 27 cities in the second wave sample.

Observations of park users were conducted by trained data collectors using the System of Observing Play and Recreation in Communities (SOPARC), a validated observational tool []. SOPARC uses momentary time sampling and direct observation methods to assess park use and characteristics. Existing research confirms the high inter-rater reliability of SOPARC to assess the total number of people observed by age, gender, and race/ethnicity []. For each wave of data collection, two to four local field staff in each selected city were recruited and trained.

Each park was mapped and divided into subareas called target areas that could be observed in one scan. Target areas typically included one type of facility (e.g., play equipment, basketball court, lawn) or supported only one type of activity (e.g., tennis). All of the target areas were numbered so that every single observation occurred in exactly the same order. Observations of the entire park were generally completed within 1 h. Based upon a previous study indicating that 12 observations selected on different days and different times of day were sufficient for reliably estimating weekly park use [], each park was observed according to the following schedule: Tuesday, 8 AM, 11 AM, and 2 PM; Thursday, 12 PM, 3 PM, and 6 PM; Saturday, 9 AM, 12 PM, and 3 PM; and Sunday, 11 AM, 2 PM, and 5 PM. Staff tried to observe a park during a single week, but when the weather was inclement, the observation was rescheduled for the next available day (same time of day and day of week) that was not raining. Each park user in a target area was counted. For both waves, data were collected between April and August.

Park User Survey Data

We conducted intercept surveys of users of the same parks where observations data were collected in 2016. The purpose of the survey was to gain insight into users' reasons for visiting the park and park-related preferences and how these might explain racial/ethnic differences in park use. Data collectors administered pencil-and-paper surveys to park users on the same days that they conducted systematic observations of parks in between hours of observation. Quota sampling was conducted in each park, with the quota determined by the number of people observed in the park at baseline. Eligibility criteria for participation were being at least 18 years old and able to complete the survey in English or Spanish (surveys were available in English and Spanish). Data collectors approached park users, briefly described the survey and its purpose, and asked them if they were at least 18 years old; if they indicated that they were, they were invited to complete the survey. Surveys were completed in 178 of the 193 parks at which observations data were collected; there were no surveys completed for some parks because of the absence of park users during data collection periods. The refusal rate for survey participation was 45.7%. In total, 1872 park users from 178 parks and 27 cities completed surveys. The great majority of participants completed the survey in English (86%, n  = 1612).

In the current study, we analyzed data on the social context of participants' visits to the park, their main reasons for visiting the park, favorite features of the park, the amount of their exercise and physical activity that occurs in the park vs. other locations, and sociodemographic characteristics. To assess the social context of participants' visits to the park, we asked, "When you visit this park, who do you usually come with or meet?", and instructed participants to check all that apply of the following response options: adult family member; child family member; non-family child or adult for whom I provide care; friends; team, class or league members, or instructors; come alone. We assessed participants' main reasons for visiting the park with the following question: "What are the main reasons that you visit this park?" Participants were asked to check all that apply of the following response options: exercise/physical activity, play games/sports, bring children, meet friends, and relax. We also asked participants to indicate their favorite features of the park and offered them the following response options, with the instructions to check all that apply: lawn, large shade trees, sports facilities, walking path/loop, playground. Finally, we assessed the proportion of participants' exercise and physical activity that occurs in public parks and recreation centers, private health clubs, streets and sidewalks, and at home. For each location, we asked participants to use the following response scale: all, most of it, about half, some, or none. We also assessed park users' sociodemographic characteristics, including gender, age, race/ethnicity (Hispanic, white, black, Asian/Pacific Islander, American Indian/Alaska Native, other), children under the age of 18 years old, and highest level of education completed.

Statistical Analyses

Observational Data

We analyzed the observational data to quantify (1) racial/ethnic differences in overall park use and (2) racial/ethnic differences in the use of specific types of target areas in parks. To examine racial/ethnic differences in overall park use, we first calculated the total number of observed park users in each racial/ethnic group by summing the number of people in each racial/ethnic group over all parks in the NSNP sample. Then, we computed the percentages of people in each racial/ethnic group out of the total number of park users in all racial/ethnic groups. This method of calculation has been used in previous research that has examined differences in park use by race/ethnicity, as well as gender, age, and other characteristics []. Next, because the observed racial/ethnic distribution of park users might simply reflect the racial/ethnic composition of residents of the neighborhood around the park, we adjusted observed percentages of park users of each race/ethnicity by dividing them by the percentage of residents living within a 1-mile radius of the park in each racial/ethnic group based on 2010 U.S. Census data. The resultant ratios are thus interpreted as the propensity of a particular racial/ethnic group to use parks relative to what would be expected based on their representation in the neighborhood around the park.

We also examined racial/ethnic differences in the use of different types of target areas. To streamline this analysis, we grouped target area types into the following categories: (1) passive use areas, which include lawns, picnic areas, bleachers, and seating areas; (2) sports facilities and fields, which include basketball courts, baseball fields, sports fields, tennis courts, pools, and skate parks; (3) exercise and fitness areas include walking loops, exercise areas, gymnasiums, and fitness zones; (4) dog parks; and (5) play areas. For each race/ethnicity and target area category, we computed the observed percentage of users as the percentage of users of that race/ethnicity observed in that target area category out of all users observed in the same target area category. Then, we adjusted observed percentages of target area users of each race/ethnicity by dividing them by the percentage of residents living within a 1-mile radius of the park of that race/ethnicity based on 2010 U.S. Census data. To determine whether the resultant ratios were significantly different from one, indicating that target area users of a particular race/ethnicity were observed significantly more or less frequently than would be expected based on their representation in the surrounding neighborhood, we calculated a one-sample, two-tailed z test for proportions for each racial/ethnic group and target area category.

Park User Survey Data

We analyzed the park user survey data to examine racial/ethnic differences in self-reported patterns of park use and preferences for park features. Given the nested data structure in which park users are nested in parks, which are nested in cities, we estimated generalized estimating equation (GEE) regression models to adjust for clustering of observations within these levels of analysis. For dichotomous variables, we estimated binary logistic regression models. For ordinal outcomes, such as the proportion of exercise and physical activity that occurs in different locations, we estimated ordinal logistic regression models. For all outcomes, we ran two sets of models in which we estimated (1) the bivariate association between race/ethnicity and the outcome without adjustment for covariates (i.e., unadjusted models) and (2) the multivariate association between race/ethnicity and the outcome with adjustment for several potentially confounding covariates (i.e., adjusted models), including individual sociodemographic characteristics (age, gender, highest level of education, has children under the age of 18) and park-level characteristics that have demonstrated significant associations with park use in other analyses of the NSNP data (park size in acres, the number of residents residing within a 1-mile radius of the park, and the percentage of people in poverty residing within a 1-mile radius of the park) [].

Results

Observations of Park Users

Racial/Ethnic Differences in Neighborhood Park Use

We found significant racial/ethnic differences in the propensity to use parks, relative to the racial/ethnic distribution of residents of the surrounding neighborhood. Specifically, compared to the local population distribution, Hispanics were more likely to use parks, and members of other racial/ethnic groups were less likely. As shown in Table , the observed percentage of Hispanic park users (40%) was significantly greater than would be expected based on the percentage of Hispanic residents of the surrounding neighborhood (26%) ( p < .0001); in other words, Hispanics' propensity to visit parks was roughly 1.5 times greater than would be expected based on their representation in the surrounding neighborhood. By contrast, the observed percentage of park users of Asian and other racial/ethnic groups (other than Hispanic, white, or black) (5%) was less than half of the percentage of Asian and other racial/ethnic residents of the surrounding neighborhood (12%) ( p  < .0001). The percentage of white park users (37%) was also significantly lower than would be expected given the percentage of white residents in the surrounding neighborhood (43%). The percentage of black park users (18%) was nearly identical to the percentage of black residents of the surrounding neighborhood (19%).

Table 1

Race/ethnicity

Total weekly park use in person hoursa

Percentage (%) of all park users in person hoursb

Percentage (%) of residents within 1-mile radius of parkc

Ratio of % park users to % residentsd

Racial/Ethnic Differences in Park Use as a Function of Park Facilities and Features

As shown in Table , Hispanics were observed 1.73 times more frequently in passive use areas, 1.48 times more frequently in sports facilities and fields, 1.27 times more frequently in exercise and fitness areas, and 1.27 times more frequently in play areas than would be expected based on their representation among residents within a 1-mile radius of parks with at least one target area in the corresponding category. By contrast, relative to what would be expected based on the racial/ethnic composition of the surrounding neighborhood, whites were observed .81 times less frequently in passive use areas, .90 times less in sports facilities and fields, and .78 times less in exercise and fitness areas. The opposite pattern was observed in dog parks, which was the only type of target area in which Hispanics were observed .19 times less often and whites were observed 1.89 times more often than would be expected based on their representation in the surrounding neighborhood. Blacks were observed .84 times less in passive use areas, .95 times less in sports facilities and fields, .20 times less in dog parks, and .89 times less in play areas and 1.2 times more often in exercise and fitness areas than would be expected based on the racial/ethnic composition of the surrounding neighborhood. Those of Asian and other racial/ethnic groups were observed using passive use areas .33 times less, sports facilities and fields .33 times less, exercise and fitness areas .75 times less, dog parks .31 times less, and play areas .67 times less than would be expected based on their representation in the surrounding neighborhood. All differences described in this paragraph are significant at p  < .001.

Table 2

Park User Survey

Sociodemographic Characteristics of Park User Survey Participants

As shown in Table , participants were, on average, 39 years old (SD = 13.40 years old). Slightly less than half of participants were male (47%), and nearly two thirds had at least one child under the age of 18 years old (65%). The most-commonly endorsed racial/ethnic category was non-Hispanic white (43%), followed by Hispanic (30%), non-Hispanic black (18%), and non-Hispanic Asian/other (8%). Over 40% of participants reported that they had completed college or graduate school (41%). Roughly one quarter of participants indicated that they had completed some college without obtaining a 4-year degree (26%), and another quarter reported that they had completed high school or obtained a GED (24%). Less than 10% reported that they had completed the 7-11th grade (6%) or 6th grade or less (3%).

Table 3

Racial/Ethnic Differences in the Social Context of and Reasons for Park Use, Favorite Park Features, and Amount of Physical Activity that Occurs in the Park and Other Locations

As Table shows, the main aspect of patterns of park use and park-related preferences on which racial/ethnic groups differed was their social context for park visits. In unadjusted analyses, relative to non-Hispanic whites, Hispanics had significantly higher odds of usually visiting the park with an adult family member (OR = 1.24), child family member (OR = 1.44), non-family care recipient (OR = 1.81), or friends (OR = 1.33) and significantly lower odds of visiting the park alone (OR = .45). In adjusted analyses, Hispanics continued to have significantly higher odds of visiting the park with a child family member (OR = 1.44) and significantly lower odds of visiting the park alone (OR = .55) relative to non-Hispanic whites. Non-Hispanic blacks had significantly higher odds than non-Hispanic whites of reporting that they usually visited the park with friends in unadjusted (OR = 1.70) but not adjusted analyses, and alone in unadjusted (OR = 1.39) and adjusted (OR = 1.47) analyses.

Table 4

There were some racial/ethnic differences in the main reasons for visiting the park in unadjusted analyses. Specifically, relative to non-Hispanic whites, Hispanics had significantly lower odds of reporting exercise/physical activity (OR = .65) and significantly higher odds of reporting bringing children (OR = 1.48) as one of their main reasons for visiting the park. In addition, non-Hispanic blacks had significantly higher odds of reporting meeting friends (OR = 1.87) and relaxing (OR = 1.47) as main reasons for visiting the park relative to non-Hispanic whites. However, none of these associations continued to be significant after adjusting for individual-level sociodemographic characteristics and park-level characteristics.

Racial/ethnic groups generally did not differ in their choice of favorite park features. The one exception to this was the lawn: Hispanics had significantly lower odds than non-Hispanic whites of citing this as their favorite park feature in unadjusted (OR = .61) and adjusted (OR = .68) analyses, and non-Hispanic blacks had significantly lower odds of choosing lawn as their favorite park feature than non-Hispanic whites in unadjusted analyses (OR = .68).

With respect to locations of exercise and physical activity, non-Hispanic blacks had significantly higher odds than non-Hispanic whites of getting more of their exercise and physical activity in public parks and recreation centers (OR = 1.52) and at home (OR = 1.62) in unadjusted analyses. However, neither of these associations continued to be significant in adjusted analyses. Hispanics had significantly lower odds of getting more exercise and physical activity on streets and sidewalks than non-Hispanic whites in unadjusted (OR = .55) and adjusted (OR = .46) analyses.

Discussion

The current study augments the existing evidence base by documenting objectively measured racial/ethnic differences in park use in a nationally representative sample of US* neighborhood parks. To our knowledge, this is the first and only study of this kind. Unlike past research in this area, most of which has been conducted in only one or two cities, we found that Hispanics used parks more frequently than would be expected based on their representation in the neighborhood surrounding the park, and their propensity for park use exceeded that of whites, blacks, and other racial/ethnic groups.

To identify park facilities and features that might be differentially attractive to racial/ethnic groups, we also examined the use of specific target areas of the park by different racial/ethnic groups. In general, Hispanics were more frequently observed in multiple categories of target areas than would be expected, indicating that their preference may be broadly for parks, rather than localized to specific park facilities or features. Hispanics' greater propensity to be observed in sports facilities and fields and exercise and fitness areas converges with findings from a previous national self-report survey suggesting that Hispanics and other race/ethnicities were more likely to report running/jogging and playing sports in parks than non-Hispanic whites []. All other racial/ethnic groups were generally observed in most target areas less often than would be expected, with some exceptions: Blacks were more commonly observed in exercise and fitness areas, and whites were more commonly observed in dog parks. Thus, these park features may be particularly valued by blacks and whites.

We also compared park users of different race/ethnicities on their self-reported patterns of park use and preferences, finding that racial/ethnic groups were generally more similar than different in their self-reported favorite parts of the park, reasons for park use, and locations of physical activity after adjusting for a wide array of individual- and park-level covariates. We detected racial/ethnic differences in self-reported survey data primarily in the social circumstances of park visitation. Specifically, relative to non-Hispanic whites, Hispanics had significantly greater odds of reporting that they visited parks with a child family member and significantly lower odds of reporting that they visit parks alone, even after adjusting for several individual- and park-level covariates. Non-Hispanic blacks, by contrast, had significantly higher adjusted odds of reporting that they visited the park alone relative to non-Hispanic whites. These findings suggest that parks may serve a significant communal purpose for Hispanics that they do not serve for other racial/ethnic groups. Our findings partly converge with and partly diverge with those of past research, which has found differences between whites and all racial/ethnic minorities in the social circumstances of park visitation, but has not found that Hispanics were more inclined to use parks for social purposes than other racial/ethnic minorities [].

Strengths and Limitations

The current study's primary strengths are the large, nationally representative sample of neighborhood parks in which observations data were collected and surveys of park users were administered. Indeed, the NSNP is the first and only study of this kind. This affords greater confidence in the generalizability of findings to users of neighborhood parks across the USA.

The current study also has limitations, one of which is that it does not offer insight into why non-park users do not use parks, as data from both observations and surveys were collected only on park users. In addition, there are some aspects of parks that we did not assess in the survey that might be particularly important to some racial/ethnic groups. For example, we did not assess concerns about experiencing racial discrimination in parks, which has been identified as an issue of particular importance to blacks in other research [].

Conclusion

Findings from the current study highlight that, while some racial/ethnic minority groups (Hispanics) are using parks more than would be expected, other racial/ethnic minority groups (blacks and Asians) are using parks less than would be expected. This suggests that greater effort may be needed to draw more blacks and Asians to their neighborhood parks by adding programming or features that are desirable to these subgroups.

Acknowledgements

This study was supported by a grant from the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute to Deborah Cohen (R01HL114432). The authors express their appreciation of the data collectors who observed park use and participants in surveys.

Footnotes

¹ The response rate could not be calculated because it was not possible to determine the number of park users who were eligible to complete the survey. Instead, we report the refusal rate, which is the number of people who were invited to complete the survey and refused divided by the total number of people who were invited to complete the survey.

References

3. Bedimo-Rung AL, Mowen AJ, Cohen DA. The significance of parks to physical activity and public health: a conceptual model. Am J Prev Med. 2005;28(2):159-168. doi: 10.1016/j.amepre.2004.10.024. [[ PubMed] [ CrossRef] Google Scholar]

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9. Carlson SA, Brooks JD, Brown DR, Buchner DM. Peer reviewed: racial/ethnic differences in perceived access, environmental barriers to use, and use of community parks. [ Prev Chronic Dis 2010;7(3). PMC free article] [ PubMed]

14. McKenzie TL, Cohen DA, Sehgal A, Williamson S, Golinelli D. System for Observing Play and Recreation in Communities (SOPARC): reliability and feasibility measures. J Phys Act Health. 2006;3(s1):S208-S222. doi: 10.1123/jpah.3.s1.s208. [[ PubMed] [ CrossRef] Google Scholar]

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How Do Racial/Ethnic Groups Differ in Their Use of Neighborhood Parks? Findings from the National Study of Neighborhood Parks

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J Urban Health. 2018 Oct; 95(5): 739-749. The current study examined racial/ethnic differences in use of parks and park facilities and features and self-reported park use and perceptions. We conducted observations in a nationally representative sample of 193 neighborhood parks in 27 US cities over a 1-week period between April and August of 2016 using the System of Observing Play and Recreation in Communities (SOPARC).

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Interestingly, this disparity across racial and ethnic groups is not reflected in an annual national survey by the outdoor recreation industry. The survey, which covers a wide variety of outdoor activities, including mountain biking, fishing, camping, and much more, finds that overall participation rates for Hispanics, whites, and Asian Americans are around the same at 50 percent, all higher than the participation rate for blacks at 34 percent. But it also finds that Hispanics and blacks who do recreate spend more time doing so: 87 and 86 outings per year, on average, respectively, compared to 76 for whites and 74 for Asians.

Why, then, do we see differences across racial and ethnic groups for public land visitation? If African Americans and Hispanics/Latinos are spending time outdoors, as the survey suggests, why not in national parks, national forests, and national wildlife refuges?

Barriers to Participation in Outdoor Recreation

Researchers and outdoor advocates have pointed to several potential barriers to minority enjoyment of public lands.

1. Affordability and Access. Visiting remote national parks such as Glacier or Yellowstone can be expensive and time-consuming, presenting significant obstacles to lower-income Americans, especially hourly workers with limited vacation time. Even closer-to-home sites such as state parks often have entrance fees, and some outdoor recreation activities-including camping-require expensive equipment.

2. Early Childhood Experiences. Some experts writing on this topic have highlighted that early childhood experiences of engaging with the natural world can shape a person's views of self-confidence and enjoyment of nature well into adulthood. One of the organizations working to change this pattern, City Kids Wilderness Project, has been serving youth in the District of Columbia since 1996. They bring DC students to Jackson, Wyoming, for an intensive program of experiential learning through outdoor recreation. Check out this recent video about their work.

3. Cultural Factors. David Scott and KangJae Jerry Lee wrote in the George Wright Forum in 2018 that cultural factors provide people with a "template" about the kinds of outdoor recreation-and leisure more generally-they feel they need to conform to. Thus, cultural factors can facilitate participation in outdoor activities by some groups but inhibit it for others. Ambreen Tariq, an Indian-American Muslim woman, describes her experiences being the only woman of color in many outdoor recreation settings in an article for the REI Co-op Journal. For her, enjoying the outdoors includes overcoming feelings of not fitting in. She started the Instagram account @BrownPeopleCamping to promote diversity in the outdoors and help people like herself find a community. For a poignant but comical take on what it's like to be "the only one" read, J. Drew Lanham's "9 Rules for the Black Birdwatcher".

4. Discrimination and White Racial Frames. Prior to the 1964 Civil Rights Act, African Americans were banned from, or segregated at, public recreation sites, including national and state parks. This legacy lives on, and many minorities report feeling excluded at parks where interpretive exhibits and historical information often feature only white Americans. The problem is exacerbated by a lack of diversity among park rangers and other employees: 83 percent of National Park Service employees are white; 62 percent are male. The outdoor recreation industry is no better. Marinel de Jesus comments on the white- and male-dominated nature of the industry and how far it has to go to diversify both its customer base and workforce.

5. Historical Trauma and Concerns of Physical Safety. In a 2018 study, survey participants were asked to describe why African Americans might be fearful of visiting forests. According to the paper, 66 percent of participants did discuss thoughts and experiences which suggest that the historical trauma of slavery and lynchings in Jim Crow era is associated with the environment for many African Americans. In this paper, 19 year old Pharaoh explains: ". . . So, nature is not something for Black people, um they killed us a lot in nature. They would do a lot of wild things, like plantations . . . . Yeah they would hang us in trees, so maybe that's why black people don't go to the forest, don't want to see a tree." This can also be seen in the popular Billie Holiday song "Strange Fruit" where she poignantly sings "Black bodies swinging in the southern breeze, Strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees."

All of the above suggests a very real concern exists in communities of people of color regarding not having significant community support or not feeling safe in our public lands.

The Path Forward

Things are slowly starting to change, however. Women and people of color are leading the way by working to improve the way that outdoor recreation is represented in the public sphere and creating spaces where people of color feel encouraged to take part in the great outdoors. Rue Mapp, Founder and CEO of Outdoor Afro, explains in this video how her organization ties outdoor recreation activities to black history to help African Americans re-establish relationships with America's public lands. In addition to Outdoor Afro, other active groups include Latino Outdoors, The Black Outdoors, Pride Outside, and Diversify Outdoors. People who are looking to get outside but do not want to be "the only one" of their particular community might find a home in one of these organizations.

In our view, two policy moves would also help. The first is increased funding for state and local parks. The Land and Water Conservation Fund (LWCF), which has been the primary source of federal funding for parks and conservation since 1965, includes a stateside program that provides grants for state and local park projects. The LWCF was recently reauthorized as part of the John Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act, but as we've shown in previous posts, the stateside LWCF program has dwindled over the years. In 2016, $110 million was distributed to the states through the LWCF, and although this was more than double the spending in the prior ten years, it was only 20 percent of the average spending (in inflation-adjusted dollars) in the first 15 years of the program. Providing more public lands closer to where people live will improve access to outdoor recreation for people with more limited financial resources and could go a long way to promoting diversity in parks and public lands.

Our second recommendation is directed at the new state outdoor recreation offices. As these offices promote economic development around public lands and outdoor recreation-which is an emphasis in all of these new offices-they should make diversity a focus. Utah, for example, provides grants for development of outdoor amenities in rural communities with revenues from a hotel tax. The state could target these funds to more diverse communities, including Native American tribal communities. New Mexico, one of the newest states to establish an outdoor recreation office, could be leading the way. The state has established an " Outdoor Equity Grant Program," which partners with private businesses to provide grants to offset some of the costs of outdoor recreation for low-income youth, including equipment costs, entrance fees, and travel costs. Following up on the effectiveness of this new first-of-its-kind state initiative will be important and provide lessons for other states.

These policy moves are not enough, however, and it is critically important not to rush into a new diversity initiative or costly new programs without first understanding the landscape, having many conversations with people in diverse communities, and developing policies and programs in tandem with the communities you intend to serve. Not doing this engagement can create a great backlash. Diversity initiatives, and other such measures are important first steps towards having more inclusive national parklands but further study must be done into the root causes for this situation in order to develop better informed policies at the national level.

Lastly, whether you are preparing for this weekend by packing up for a family road trip to visit one of America's parklands or national monuments, spending time outdoors enjoying family barbeques, playing sports, or listening to your favorite songs while sipping sweet tea on your front porch, let us remember: "This land was made for you and me."

This land is your land, this land is my land
From the California to the New York island
From the Redwood Forest, to the Gulf stream waters
This land was made for you and me

As I went walking that ribbon of highway
I saw above me that endless skyway
And saw below me that golden valley
This land was made for you and me.

-Woody Guthrie, 1940

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Diversity in the Great Outdoors: Is Everyone Welcome in America's Parks and Public Lands?

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Interestingly, this disparity across racial and ethnic groups is not reflected in an annual national survey by the outdoor recreation industry. The survey, which covers a wide variety of outdoor activities, including mountain biking, fishing, camping, and much more, finds that overall participation rates for Hispanics, whites, and Asian Americans are around the same at 50 percent, all higher than the participation rate for blacks at 34 percent.

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Global Playground's mission is to raise awareness and share resources with people of the developing world to create educational opportunities where they do not exist.

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Parks and playgrounds for Palestine and Lebanon - Anera

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Anera partners with local municipalities and nonprofit organizations to identify areas suitable for parks and playgrounds for Palestine and Lebanon.

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Playgrounds for Palestine - An act of love.

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An act of love. on Playgrounds for Palestine...

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Indigenous play

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California Indian Museum and Cultural Center Santa Rosa, CA
The Indigenous Play for Active Lives kiosk is an interactive and portable sidewalk display that engages kids and families in play and physical activities while teaching them to sing, count, and speak in Native American languages. The Children's Museum of Sonoma County (CMOSC) will host the display for 3 months and then it will travel to other sites throughout the Greater Bay Area on an ongoing basis.

Background

Native American youth often face difficulties in trying to identify with tribal traditions and connect with their peers. Dr. Nicole Lim, director of the California Indian Museum and Cultural Center (CIMCC) director, is dedicated to helping the youth address these challenges by teaching cultural competency, correcting stereotypes, and creating a resource for California Native youth to identify with each other. With the help of the CIMCC's Tribal Youth Ambassadors, she created Indigenous Play for Active Lives or IPAL.

The Tribal Youth Ambassadors are a group of 12- to 18-year-old leaders who have been trained in history, public speaking, and other skills that they use to represent Native communities. The Ambassadors created videos that are displayed from the IPAL kiosk. These videos combine traditional elements, like songs in the Native Southern Pomo language, along with contemporary elements, like a video of hip-hop dancing.

The kiosk incorporates other playful elements, like cut-out figures of animals and kids, and activities, like dancing and games. Images of tribal youth decorate the kiosk and depict different aspects of tribal life.

Impact

"When a Native child goes in there and sees people demonstrating their culture, it gives them pride. That's a really important thing to have." - Dr. Lim

The kiosk has already reached hundreds of kids and families while displayed at the CIMCC and the Children's Museum of Sonoma County. Throughout the warmer months, it will continue to be showcased at museums and festivals in the region. The kiosk represents the traditions of its creators even in their absence, bringing to light Native American traditions for all to see.

Moveable/pop-up Play

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California Indian Museum and Cultural Center Santa Rosa, CA The Indigenous Play for Active Lives kiosk is an interactive and portable sidewalk display that engages kids and families in play and physical activities while teaching them to sing, count, and speak in Native American languages.

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spaces that reflect the people who live in the area

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Indigenous Playspace, Windmill Drive, Wendouree

A lovely playspace with indigenous themes throughout, Beautiful features include mosaic animals in the path, eagles flying above on poles, big wooden platypus, little sandpit, stories on information boards such as Bunjil the Eagle and Baarlijan the Platypus. Some lovely unusual musical instruments, wooden seats and more modern (dare I say garish) orange slide plus swings.

Around this area are plenty of tables with some shade. 100m away is a huge shelter with BBQs, table and plenty of seats around the outside. There is a great adventure playground close by.

Location

Windmill Drive, Wendouree 3355 | View Map

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Indigenous Playspace, Windmill Drive, Wendouree All Playgrounds (Ballarat City Council) Central Outside Melbourne

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A lovely playspace with indigenous themes throughout, Beautiful features include mosaic animals in the path, eagles flying above on poles, big wooden platypus, little sandpit, stories on information boards such as Bunjil the Eagle and Baarlijan the Platypus. Some lovely unusual musical instruments, wooden seats and more modern (dare I say garish) orange slide plus swings.

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Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development

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Indigenous peoples have thrived on the land now called Canada, since time immemorial. Many cultures and distinct peoples took shape over this time, all intimately tied in co-evolution with land. Nature remains integral to Indigenous systems across the country - encompassing those of languages, politics, governance, and of course, education and childrearing. Through colonization, these systems encountered new ones, intrinsic to Euro-Western cultures. There are fundamental differences of worldview between Indigenous and European cultures, values, practices, and actions. ¹ Understandings of outdoor learning and play are no exception. There is much to learn from Indigenous perspectives on outdoor play, perspectives that are rooted in the very places that all children play today.
Subject
No matter the culture or place, early learning discourses are filled with references to children's laughter, fun, and curiosity when playing outdoors. Play is human nature, and through history, Indigenous children spent much time immersed in play, exploring, splashing, digging and wandering where the outdoors and adventures awaited them. As Indigenous scholar, Kathy Absolon expresses: ²

"Searching was [also] central to my experience in the bush. I spent most of my childhood to young adulthood in the bush. The absence of fences, neighbors and physical boundaries led way for the natural curiosities of a child to grow and be nurtured. My curious nature ushered me to find my way in the bush."

Internationally, the different Indigenous cultures have as many ways to express being 'in the bush' as there are Indigenous approaches to outdoor play. These vary from speaking about being 'on the land,' 'on country,' 'in the forest,' as well as 'nature-based experiences'. 3,4 Indigenous worldviews tend to place humans as part of nature, in reciprocal relationship with other animals, plants, rocks, water, and ecosystems. When time spent in nature is part of everyday living and learning, it becomes a wide-ranging and inclusive experience - as diverse as life itself. Even before children can walk, they engage in play using all of their senses in nature. Dene Elders and knowledge keepers express that time must also be protected for play while on the land for life-long learning: ⁵

"Parents and Elders allow play at the same time as teaching. A child's own play and curiosity lend themselves well to teaching opportunities. Elders believe that play is essential to learning."
Problems
These Indigenous traditional settings with the natural opportunities for children to experience being outdoors seem to have been displaced from mainstream learning, as Euro-Western approaches have dominated the public education system in Canada. In these contemporary approaches to early learning, children are often corralled and controlled by well-meaning adults into set time limits and environments, usually consisting of bright colourful play structures, rather than in natural settings where the land is the "classroom" and the mud, insects, and trees are the "teachers." As Herrington, Brunelle, & Brussoni describe the modern emphasis on health and safety, risk aversion, and fixed playgrounds are having: ⁶

"an unfortunate and unintended effect [on the] creation of outdoor play spaces that consist of primarily equipment rather than natural play elements - what landscape researcher Helen Woolley calls Kit, Fence, Carpet, or KFC. ⁷ These KFC spaces are rated as having the fewest opportunities for play compared to play spaces incorporating natural elements and risk-taking."

We have overstructured our environments through the evolution of the Western system. With these shifts in play spaces during the past century and into the new 21 st century, many concerns have arisen related to the development of children's agency, happiness and well-being. Casey describes that children's sense of identity, connection to community, social relations, contact with natural environments, and physical growth are being negatively impacted due to the many parameters that impinge upon children's outdoor play. ⁸ These parameters deny Indigenous worldviews of children as part of the environment.
Research Context
There appears to be a high need in the outdoor play scholarship to consider Indigenous research that respects and honours the child in his natural learning and growth patterns, rather than to focus so adamantly on what adults deem important. Knowledge keepers and Elders who contributed to the NWT Indigenous curriculum shared their perspective: ⁹

Among the Dene, it is said that the child is born with integrity. The child has worth. It is the birthright of the Dene child to be acknowledged and respected for this. The child who is not respected cannot become what it is meant to be... [that is] a capable person.
Key Research Questions
With this Indigenous worldview to guide the thinking on children's birthrights towards becoming capable people that are integrated in their environments, can Indigenizing approaches provide a more balanced approach to developing practices, programs and policies that impact children's growth and development in outdoor play?
Recent Research Results
Inuit advocate and educator, Rowan argues that Indigenous ways of knowing and being are essential for children's outdoor learning. ¹⁰ She speaks of thinking with land, water and ice, allowing access to Indigenous, and more specifically Inuit approaches, when planning and delivering land-based experiences. She describes her outdoor learning activity with preschool children, an Elder-educator, and staff going out on the land to search for avaalaqiat (willow branches) to prepare branch backpacks. The pedagogy of such outdoor excursions is grounded in a worldview focusing on knowing and experiencing. "These dual elements are tukisiumaniq, which means building understanding or making meaning in life; and silatuniq, which means experiencing the world". Together they bring forth the essence of outdoor play and learning. These Indigenizing elements of outdoor play add depth by making sense of the natural world that surrounds children. Cree scholar, Michael Hart adds: ¹¹

"It can be said [Indigenous] knowledge is holistic, personal (subjective), social (dependent upon inter-relations), and highly dependent upon local ecosystems. It is also intergenerational, incorporates the spiritual and physical, and heavily reliant on Elders to guide its development and transmission."
Research Gaps
Although beneficial in its approach, Indigenizing early learning and outdoor play epistemologies and perspectives present only limited appearance in the Euro-Western dominated scholarship. Warden shares: ¹²

In terms of research into outdoor learning, the consideration of indigenizing pedagogies is minimal, with more emphasis being placed on UK and Scandinavian research into land-based experiences in wilder spaces. Carruthers, Den Hoed and Spoel (cited in ¹²) state, 'Aboriginal people have been offering sophisticated, land-based education to their children for millennia.'

This limited presence in the Eurocentric literature is in large part due to the fact that written literature comes from Eurocentric systems. To bridge this gap, it becomes incumbent on Indigenous researchers and leaders to contribute to the scholarship on Indigenizing outdoor play in the early learning discourses in order to consider a more naturalistic approach to children's growth, development and learning. It is equally important for non-Indigenous researchers and educators to recognize that knowledge comes in many forms, and will be accessed differently when Indigenizing outdoor play. Using an ethical space, Indigenous and non-Indigenous educators can share a working relationship where values, worldviews and knowledge co-exist respectfully and guide decision making, policy and practice. ¹
Conclusions
When Indigenous children participate in outdoor play, they will experience the gifts of Indigeneity, as they develop their ways of knowing, being, doing and believing. And all children, Indigenous or non-Indigenous, will feel a sense of belonging in the place where they learn to play together, as they tap into cultures, practices and worldviews of the Indigenous peoples and lands. Indigenous based philosophies and approaches need to be honoured and acknowledged, and be an integral part of the policy development voice as it relates to outdoor play.
Implications for Parents, Services and Policy
Caregivers and early childhood educators need to pay attention to the many powerful features of Indigenous knowledge across the nations, which can enhance children's learning over the continuum of education. With Indigenous knowledge guiding outdoor play pedagogy, practices and policy, children will gain the exposure to understanding elements of Indigeneity, such as the holistic development of not only their minds, but also their bodies, hearts, and spirits as they experience the outdoors. They may also experience that when learning is personal and relational while facilitated on the land with Elders, knowledge keepers, and extended cultural families, they can begin to understand the ecosystem around them. Moreover, by focusing on Indigenizing outdoor play, children can experience the energy and medicines of the land, along with place-based stories, circle learning, ceremonies, language, and the cultural and spiritual teachings of Elders and Knowledge keepers. Connecting with Indigenous cultures means connecting with land through many dimensions.
References

1. Ermine W. The ethical space of engagement. Indigenous Law Journal. 2007;(6-1):194-201.

2. Absolon K, Willett C. Aboriginal research: Berry picking and hunting in the 21st century. First Peoples Child & Family Review: A Journal on Innovation and Best Practices in Aboriginal Child Welfare Administration, Research, Policy and Practice. 2004;1(1):5-17.

3. Bateman A, Hohepa M, Bennett T. Indigenizing outdoor play in New Zealand: A conversation analysis approach. In: Waller T, ed. The Sage handbook of outdoor play and learning. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Ltd; 2017;530-544.

4. Lee-Hammond L. Belonging in nature: Spirituality, indigenous cultures and biophilia. In: The SAGE handbook of outdoor play and learning. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Ltd; 2017.

5. NWT Government. A Dene way of life. Yellowknife, NT: Department of Education, Culture and Employment; 2004.

6. Herrington S, Brunelle S, Brussoni M. Outdoor play spaces in Canada: As if children mattered. In: Waller T, ed. The Sage handbook of outdoor play and learning. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Ltd; 2017:143-160.

7. Woolley H, Lowe A. Exploring the relationship between design approach and play value of outdoor play spaces. Landscape Research. 2013;38(1):53-74.

8. Casey T. Environments for outdoor play: a practical guide to making space for children. Thousand Oaks, CA: Paul Chapman Publishing, SAGE Publications Ltd; 2007.

9. NWT Government. Dene Kede curriculum. Yellowknife, NT, Canada: Department of Education, Culture, and Employment. 1993.

10. Rowan MC. Relating with land/engaging with elders: Accessing indigenous knowledges in early childhood education through outdoor encounters. In: Waller T, ed. The Sage Handbook of Outdoor Play and Learning. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Ltd; 2017:395-412.

11. Hart M. Indigenous knowledge and research: The míkiwáp as a symbol for reclaiming our knowledge and ways of knowing. First Peoples Child & Family Review: A Journal on Innovation and Best Practices in Aboriginal Child Welfare Administration, Research, Policy and Practice. 2007;3(1):83-90.

12. Warden C. Nature pedagogy - an exploration of the storied narratives that illustrate its application across spaces inside, outside and beyond. In: Waller T, ed. The Sage handbook of outdoor play and learning. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Ltd; 2017:279-294.

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Outdoor play | Indigenizing Outdoor Play | Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development

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Indigenous peoples have thrived on the land now called Canada, since time immemorial. Many cultures and distinct peoples took shape over this time, all intimately tied in co-evolution with land. Nature remains integral to Indigenous systems across the country - encompassing those of languages, politics, governance, and of course, education and childrearing.

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1 Stop Playgrounds is aiming to help as many First Nation communities in Canada to to install new playground equipment in First Nation communities and K-12 schools. 1 Stop Playgrounds offers the best playground equipment available and can help replace dangerous equipment that is old and outdated. This is a very important issue to tackle due to safety concerns for First Nation children. First Nations school children suffer serious injuries every month due to faulty and old playground equipment.

By utilizing the experience and high quality equipment from 1 Stop Playgrounds, we can help the First Nations students and children have a safer and more positive spaces to play in. This project is important because we want our children to be able to play safely. Stop Playgrounds of Saskatchewan is a leading commercial playground and recreational equipment dealer and provides the absolute best services available. We are a full-service playground, site amenity and surfacing company committed to providing you with the most professional, knowledgeable and experienced team, all of whom are eager to satisfy your recreational and playground needs. However large or small your project may be, our staff is ready to work with you from design inception through installation and beyond.

We think this shows the quality of workmanship and dedication we have for our customers. We do not just sell and install our products. We take every effort to ensure our customers understand the processes, costs of ownership and any other detail that is essential to an end result that we are all happy with. We also take the time to follow up on our projects to make sure everything is performing the way they expected and let them know that we are here if any concerns do arise.

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First Nations Playgrounds | 1 Stop Playgrounds Ltd

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1 Stop Playgrounds is aiming to help as many First Nation communities in Canada to to install new playground equipment in First Nation communities and K-12 schools. 1 Stop Playgrounds offers the best playground equipment available and can help replace dangerous equipment that is old and outdated.

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Level Playground is an initiative which encourages children to develop personal identities that reflect their true selves and enable them to create healthy, safe and respectful relationships.

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Level Playground is an initiative which encourages children to develop personal identities that reflect their true selves and enable them to create healthy, safe and respectful relationships.

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The design of playgrounds and public environments for children is usually based on general assumptions about children's activities, gender roles in society and a simplified physical environment. This project seeks to initiate discussions about gender-neutral public play environments with high play value in order to motivate designers and political stakeholders to put the topic on their agenda. The project aims to start discussions, produce design ideas and promote a gender-neutral play environment in Izmir, Turkey.

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Playgrounds Beyond Gender Roles - Svenska institutet

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The design of playgrounds and public environments for children is usually based on general assumptions about children's activities, gender roles in society and a simplified physical environment. This project seeks to initiate discussions about gender-neutral public play environments with high play value in order to motivate designers and political stakeholders to put the topic on their agenda.

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Film about Stockholm Parklek (manned parks)

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Film about Stockholm Parklek (manned parks)

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Här får vi ett bildsvep över stadens lekplatser 1970. Barn som klättrar i ställningar, spelar boll, syr, målar, åker rullskridskor, snickrar och gungar. Speakerröster berättar hur lekparkerna på flera olika sätt bidrar till barnens utveckling och gör dem till bättre samhällsmedborgare. "De ska få känna sig som en del i en helhet."

Det är Gatukontorets parkavdelning som beställt filmen - och som anordnat de pedagogiska lekparkerna i Stockholm. I filmen berättas stolt att "de har löst det så att Stockholm ligger faktiskt hästlängder före, ja inte bara andra städer i Sverige, utan i hela Europa. Hit kommer folk från alla möjliga länder för att hämta impulser." Det betonas att parkavdelningen har utbildat folk som samarbetar med "folk som forskar i barns beteende". Filosofin är att barnen ska lära sig av varandra och "göra grejorna själva utan vuxnas välmenta larvsnack."

1970 har Stockholm 160 lekplatser och enligt berättarrösten var målet var att i princip varje unge ska ha en lekpark inom 400 meter.

Färgfilm, 20 min 43 sek.

Så här anger du källa för film och rörlig bild

Om du använder filmen som källa ska du alltid ange vem eller vilka som gjort filmen och filmens utgivare samt var originalfilmen finns. Ange också att filmen är hämtad från Stockholmskällan, samt datum för hämtning. Ex: http://www.stockholmskallan.se/Soksida/Post/?nid=28835 Hämtad 2020-02-09

Upphov

Stockholms stadskansli

Utgiven av

Inspelad för Stockholms stads gatukontor, parkavdelningen

Objekt-ID

Kungliga biblioteket
FI08-0360

Har du frågor om filmen?

Alla filmer i Stockholmskällan får ses och visas fritt i icke-kommersiella sammanhang. För annan typ av användning kontakta alltid det museum, arkiv eller bibliotek där originalfilmen finns. Ange länken till textens sida i Stockholmskällan så är det lättare för dem att hjälpa dig vidare.

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Du får använda materialet fritt i undervisning och andra icke-kommersiella sammanhang om du anger upphov (fotograf, författare, konstnär). För annan användning kontakta det museum, bibliotek eller arkiv som har originalet i sina samlingar. Mer om Creative Commons licenser

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Barn på stan - en film om parkleken i Stockholm

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Här får vi ett bildsvep över stadens lekplatser 1970. Barn som klättrar i ställningar, spelar boll, syr, målar, åker rullskridskor, snickrar och gungar. Speakerröster berättar hur lekparkerna på flera olika sätt bidrar till barnens utveckling och gör dem till bättre samhällsmedborgare. "De ska få känna sig som en del i en helhet."

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We couldn’t find the page you were looking for. This is either because:

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History of Adventure Playgrounds.
The story of adventure play in the UK is very much a London story. London is the spiritual home of adventure play in the UK - the place where the concept of 'junk playgrounds' arrived from Denmark courtesy of the landscape architect and children's rights campaigner, Lady Allen of Hurtwood, in the years following World War II.

In the early 1950s several more permanent Adventure Playgrounds were established one in Crawley in 1954; Grimsby and Lollard Street, Lambeth in 1955; Liverpool in1956; all started entirely by voluntary effort, the last two being supported by the National Playing Fields Association. Gradually the concept took root in Britain, and more Adventure Playgrounds were set up. At first they were generally initiated by determined individuals, but increasingly they came to be distinguished by the close involvement of the local communities that they served. Local Adventure Playground Associations were set up and local management committees were formed.

Lady Allen of Hurtwood always stressed that unlike conventional playgrounds they should not be concreted over: it was essential to have plenty of bare earth on which to dig, build and muck about.

Indeed, the huge wooden constructions erected by staff and kids together out of builder's yard scrap and planted deep in the ground have become their trademark. These homemade structures are a combination of tree-house, walkways, and enormous slides, festooned with nets, ropes, swings, old rubber tyres, and often dazzlingly painted: ambitious, imaginative, and fun. The very first playground, Lollard Street, in Lambeth, started with little more than a workman's wooden hut. But gradually playgrounds have acquired bigger and better buildings, an area of hardstanding for ball games, and variations of their own.
A timeline of how Adventure Playgrounds came to be. (courtesy of Londonplay.org.uk)
1930s

Danish landscape architect C Th Sorenson is inspired by the sight of children playing with leftover materials on construction sites

1940

Large swathes of London are levelled during the Blitz. Despite the death and destruction all around, as children in war torn areas across the globe do, London's youngsters discover thrilling new playgrounds among the ruins.

1943

During the Nazi occupation of Denmark, Emdrup becomes the first city to open a playground based on Sorenson's ideas. Filled with 'junk' including wood, tyres, bricks, rope and old furniture and vehicles, nothing in the playground is static or expensive. John Bertelsen is the first 'play worker'.

1946

Lady Allen of Hurtwood visits Emdrup and, inspired by the concept, returns to London to begin a campaign to establish adventure playgrounds in England. Her article in the Picture Post, proposing that bombsites are utilised for this purpose, attracts significant interest and the movement is born. An excellent article on Lady Allen can be found here

1948

The UK's first junk playground is opened on the site of a bombed church in Camberwell, London. It survives three years before the land it occupies is sold for development (so it has ever been thus)

In response to the increased interest in the junk playground movement, Drummond Abernethy is appointed as secretary of a new Playground Committee within the National Playing Fields Association (NPFA), later to become Fields in Trust. Lady Allen suggests that junk playgrounds are renamed 'adventure playgrounds'.

1951

The UK's second junk playground opens on a former bombsite in North Kensington's Clydesdale Road. Lady Allen is a member of the committee.

1956

Donne Buck immigrates to London from New Zealand and throws himself into the adventure play movement. Within a year he is running a new adventure playground in Shoreditch - the beginning of an involvement with adventure playgrounds spanning 50 years. More information about Donne's work can be found here

1962

London Adventure Playground Network is established

1970

In February the Handicapped Adventure Playground Association (HAPA) opens the first adventure playground for disabled children, in Chelsea.

1971

The London Adventure Playground Association is established

1977

By now there are about 100 adventure playgrounds in London - the Sunday Times produces a colour supplement with a picture of 'the ideal adventure playground'.

1984

Adventure Playgrounds: an introduction is published by the National Playing Fields Association (now Fields in Trust). The first (and last) of an intended series of booklets, it is still relevant today.

2000

London Play launches the inaugural London Adventure Playground of the Year Awards - won by Dog Kennel Hill AP.

2005

Somerford Grove Adventure Playground is opened in Haringey, north London. The first new playground to be built in London for many years.

2013

Wandsworth council lays waste to its adventure playgrounds - Battersea Park Adventure Playground is bulldozed and Kimber Road becomes a skate park. York Gardens is to be remodeled with off the shelf equipment

History of Lollard Street Adventure Playground.

Image and Text (C) London Borough of Lambeth, (c)2003-2013. "Lollard Street Adventure Playground. In 1955 a joint initiative from the LCC, Lambeth Borough, the National Playing Fields Association and the local community helped to set up this enterprise, converting a derelict bombsite into an adventure playground for children of all ages.

This view shows the Lollard St Adventure Playground Association and a leader keep an eye on the children, who are involved in converting the site into a playground." More information from the Lambeth Archives.

Following cuts to government funding which meant that Lambeth Council was unable to run the playground themselves, Lollard Street Adventure Playground re-opened under the management of the Kennington Association on October 25th 2013.

Since then the playground has been developed into a thriving adventure playground providing a place for the local children and young people to play again. Through the hard work of fundraising the playground has managed to keep open through these tough times and is aiming to establish itself as high quality play provision that will be around for another 50 years and more.

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History of Adventure Playgrounds. The story of adventure play in the UK is very much a London story. London is the spiritual home of adventure play in the UK - the place where the concept of 'junk playgrounds' arrived from Denmark courtesy of the landscape architect and children's rights campaigner, Lady Allen of Hurtwood, in the years following World War II.

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Skrammellegeplasden in Emdrup has been described as the birthplace of 'modern' playwork. The junk playground has served as a beacon and inspiration for playworkers all over the world but is now under threat from similar financial constraints that have closed several much-loved adventure playgrounds in this country like and . Changes by the local authority will see children segregated by age to make the playground a more traditional day care centre. Older children will be moved out. Staff and supporters are afraid this will lead to increasing restrictions in free play and risk, losing the 'children's democracy' and autonomy that has characterised the site for over 70 years.

Skrammellegeplasden occupies a special place in the history of children's play. In the 1930's the Danish architect C.Th.Sorensen imagined a 'sort of junk playground in which children could create and shape, dream and imagine and make dreams and imagination a reality'. This was based on his observation of children playing with the building materials on a new housing construction and his belief that children should be allowed to play without adult intervention. Rather than provide adult-built equipment and purpose built structures, loose parts - packing cases, bricks, water, trees to climb and earth to dig - should be available to children for them to create their own playground.

The first playground inspired by this vision was built at Emdrup on the outskirts of Copenhagen in 1943. This was surrounded by a six foot bank and wire fence to prevent noise and offer a sense of seclusion for the children. It was decided the site could not be left without supervision. The first leader, set the tone.

'The children are sovereign and the initiative must come from them. The leader can make suggestions, but he must never demand. He must obtain tools and materials needed or requested by children, but he must at any moment be prepared to give way to new activities. To organise and arrange programmes is to stifle the imagination and initiative and preclude children whose lively curiosity and interests demand new outlets.'

Adventure Playground Concept

The adventure playground concept was introduced into Britain by after a visit to Emdrup. It was championed in the 1950's by the National Playing Fields Association . The idea was quite straightforward. Through the provision of tools and materials and discrete adult supervision children could dig, build, change their environment and engage in co-operative projects using their own initiative to create their own play space. This spirit still lives on in the many adventure playgrounds in England and places like in north Wales or the Baltic Street Adventure Playground in Glasgow.

The supporters of Skrammellegeplasden are concerned that the character of the playground will be altered forever. That the younger children will miss out on the interaction with their older peers and their parents will not be given the choice to allow their children to come and go as they are now. They have asked for messages of support addressed to the Mayor and Town Council about how the playground is a 'special and unique place' that has inspired them and influenced their work with children.

Retrieved from: Love Outdoor Play https://loveoutdoorplay.net/2016/02/02/save-skrammelselegepladsen-i-emdrup/

Photo Credit: Photo by Luizzitos ( https://www.flickr.com/photos/luizzitos/)
References: https://pasningogskole.kk.dk/institution/35539×0/fritidshjem

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Skrammellegeplasden in Emdrup has been described as the birthplace of 'modern' playwork. The junk playground has served as a beacon and inspiration for playworkers all over the world but is now under threat from similar financial constraints that have closed several much-loved adventure playgrounds in this country like Stonebridge and Battersea.

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Play facilitation: the science behind the art of engaging young children

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This white paper presents emerging evidence that playful practices can support a variety of learning outcomes, and that educators and caregivers have a critical role in facilitating young children's learning through play. It offers key insights around realising playful practices in early learning settings serving children aged three to six - what we know, and what we have yet to discover.

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WHAT PEOPLE SAY

PopUpPlay has been one of the best parts of our summer. This pandemic has been a nightmare on so many levels. But I think camp will be one of the things that my daughter really remembers, more than the disruption and disappointments. It has been a mental life saver for me... having activities and materials provided, as well as other friendly faces to interact with has taken a huge burden off me, and has allowed me to funnel energy to managing the other parts of life. I really can't express how much we have enjoyed the camps, and even more, how much of a lifeline it has been.

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Learn through Play | United States | PopUpPlay

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WHAT PEOPLE SAY PopUpPlay has been one of the best parts of our summer. This pandemic has been a nightmare on so many levels. But I think camp will be one of the things that my daughter really remembers, more than the disruption and disappointments. It has been a mental life saver for me...

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also access to other Stockholm playgrounds

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Liljeholmsgränd 15, Stockholm

Fruktlekparken ligger i Trekantsparken nedanför Liljeholmstorget och intill sjön Trekanten. Det är en större lekplats med lekskulpturer i form av frukter utformade av konstnären Johan Ferner Ström.

Utemiljö

På lekplatsen finns bland annat gungor, rutschkana och karuseller. Intill lekplatsen finns, förutom sjön Trekanten, även stora gräsytor som passar för till exempel bollspel, solbad eller picknick.

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Liljeholmsgränd 15, Stockholm Fruktlekparken ligger i Trekantsparken nedanför Liljeholmstorget och intill sjön Trekanten. Det är en större lekplats med lekskulpturer i form av frukter utformade av konstnären Johan Ferner Ström. På lekplatsen finns bland annat gungor, rutschkana och karuseller. Intill lekplatsen finns, förutom sjön Trekanten, även stora gräsytor som passar för till exempel bollspel, solbad eller picknick.

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my neck of the woods

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Accessibility: The playground does not include accessible equipment.

Safety: The playground has a wooden fence and gate along one side but otherwise is open. There is a small rock drop-off on the opposing side behind some trees. Visibility is good within specific parts but not across the whole playground. The tower structure is quite high and may not be suitable for younger children.

Shade: The playground is very well shaded as it is surrounded by trees.

Seating: There are many green benches situated around the playground, plus spectator seating at the sports field.

Picnic area: There are a few picnic tables around the playground and a small clearing with sand where you could have a picnic.

Restroom and changing table: There is no restroom or changing table in the playground.

Strollers and bikes: There are some bike racks near the sports field. There are no specific areas to lock a stroller, but the playground has a lot of open space to park them.

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Accessibility: The playground does not include accessible equipment. Safety: The playground has a wooden fence and gate along one side but otherwise is open. There is a small rock drop-off on the opposing side behind some trees. Visibility is good within specific parts but not across the whole playground.

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dark winters need to light to play

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Tyréns was commissioned by the Municipality of Umeå to design and illuminate the Hedlundagungen Park.

Situated 700 metres from the centre of Umeå lies the two-hectare Hedlundadungen Park, a densely populated pine forest. The dark winter days and long summer nights meant that a unique solution was required for this playground. It was envisioned that the playground should be for both play and physical activity with a design response that illuminated the park and provided a sense of comfort and safety among the tall dense pine trees.

Integral to the success of the project was the extensive community engagement undertaken, inviting schools and nurseries to take part in the reimagining of the park. A strong sense of importance was placed on retaining the pine trees and embedding its qualities into the design. As a result, the pine cone became the centre of the design process and inspired the playground equipment, walls, lighting and the surroundings of the park. Landscape architects and lighting designers realised this vision for the park.

The result - an illuminated large adventure playground with high, physically challenging climbing structures, illuminated fountain, a new adventure trail, a running track and an outdoor gym. As well as providing places for comfort, shelter and respite. Importantly, the park provides a sense of delight for children of all ages, and at all levels - with bird houses, climbing play for small children, toddler activities, a sandbox with a wheelchair-adapted table, water pumps and gutters, themed seating areas, and carousels. Lighting designers configured a design for the park, giving it a new character - with fountain jets highlighted in ephemeral colours, warm coloured spotlights and pine cone lighting that drapes across the play areas like fairy lights. All of which, make for an enchanting park during the darker days. The ambience of the park results in a natural, safe, soothing and inviting playground, during all times of the day and year.

One important feature for the design and layout of the park was to create seasonal variations as much as possible. The lighting has a warm colour scheme that embraces the snowy Sweden winter season. The new running track can be used for cross-country, skiing during the winter, and the open space at the dry deck acts as a smaller skating rink.

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Tyréns was commissioned by the Municipality of Umeå to design and illuminate the Hedlundagungen Park. Situated 700 metres from the centre of Umeå lies the two-hectare Hedlundadungen Park, a densely populated pine forest. The dark winter days and long summer nights meant that a unique solution was required for this playground.

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The story of adventure play in the UK is very much a London story. London is the spiritual home of adventure play in the UK - the place where the concept of 'junk playgrounds' arrived from Denmark courtesy of the landscape architect and children's rights campaigner, Lady Allen of Hurtwood, in the years following World War II. The first 'junk playground' opened in Camberwell in 1948 and today there are around 90 adventure playgrounds in the capital. Here you can learn a bit about their history.

1930s

Danish landscape architect C Th Sorenson is inspired by the sight of children playing with leftover materials on construction sites

1940

Large swathes of London are levelled during the Blitz. Despite the death and destruction all around, as children in war torn areas across the globe do, London's youngsters discover thrilling new playgrounds among the ruins.

1943

During the Nazi occupation of Denmark, Emdrup becomes the first city to open a playground based on Sorenson's ideas. Filled with 'junk' including wood, tyres, bricks, rope and old furniture and vehicles, nothing in the playground is static or expensive. John Bertelsen is the first 'play worker'.

1946

Lady Allen of Hurtwood visits Emdrup and, inspired by the concept, returns to London to begin a campaign to establish adventure playgrounds in England. Her article in the Picture Post, proposing that bombsites are utilised for this purpose, attracts significant interest and the movement is born. An excellent article on Lady Allen can be found here

1948

The UK's first junk playground is opened on the site of a bombed church in Camberwell, London. It survives three years before the land it occupies is sold for development (so it has ever been thus)

In response to the increased interest in the junk playground movement, Drummond Abernethy is appointed as secretary of a new Playground Committee within the National Playing Fields Association (NPFA), later to become Fields in Trust. Lady Allen suggests that junk playgrounds are renamed 'adventure playgrounds'.

1951

The UK's second junk playground opens on a former bombsite in North Kensington's Clydesdale Road. Lady Allen is a member of the committee.

1956

Donne Buck immigrates to London from New Zealand and throws himself into the adventure play movement. Within a year he is running a new adventure playground in Shoreditch - the beginning of an involvement with adventure playgrounds spanning 50 years. More information about Donne's work can be found here

1962

London Adventure Playground Network is established

1970

In February the Handicapped Adventure Playground Association (HAPA) opens the first adventure playground for disabled children, in Chelsea.

1971

The London Adventure Playground Association is established

1977

By now there are about 100 adventure playgrounds in London - the Sunday Times produces a colour supplement with a picture of 'the ideal adventure playground'.

1984

Adventure Playgrounds: an introduction is published by the National Playing Fields Association (now Fields in Trust). The first (and last) of an intended series of booklets, it is still relevant today.

2000

London Play launches the inaugural London Adventure Playground of the Year Awards - won by Dog Kennel Hill AP.

2005

Somerford Grove Adventure Playground is opened in Haringey, north London. The first new playground to be built in London for many years.

2013

Wandsworth council lays waste to its adventure playgrounds - Battersea Park Adventure Playground is bulldozed and Kimber Road becomes a skate park. York Gardens is to be remodelled with off the shelf equipment

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The history of adventure play - London Play

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Danish landscape architect C Th Sorenson is inspired by the sight of children playing with leftover materials on construction sites Large swathes of London are levelled during the Blitz. Despite the death and destruction all around, as children in war torn areas across the globe do, London's youngsters discover thrilling new playgrounds among the ruins.

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(Covid-19) Service Update. 8/2/2021

Dear Parents and Carers and Awesome Children,

We thank you all for your support and understanding during these challenging times.

We are not able to offer our normal play service due to the Covid-19 pandemic but recognise and advocate the importance of play on children and young people's well being during this Lockdown period.

Following the Government's Outdoor Playground Guidance we have been able to open the playgrounds for outdoor play sessions for Islington children and young people and will be continuing this during the February Half Term Holiday period.

Implementing the Covid-19 safety measures recommended by the Government means we have to operate in a very different way.

Our play service will be available outside in the playground and not in the building, so please ensure children and young people have the appropriate clothing. This is because outdoors is so much safer; it is much more difficult to catch the virus outdoors.

We are asking that if you need to drop off your child/young person at the playground that only 1 parent/carer attends for drop off or collection. Parents/carers will be asked to bring their children to the gate and not enter the playground.

The Adventure playgrounds are only open to children that live or go to school in Islington.

Signage will be displayed at each site giving the maximum number of children aloud on the playground at any one time.

Outdoor play equipment will also have signs with the maximum number of children able to access at one time.

Regular and thorough cleaning will be carried out daily and at intervals throughout the day.

Staff will keep a 2 meter distance between themselves and children unless the child needs medical attention or help in a dangerous situation (both of these situations are rare).

We cannot guarantee that children will always social distance but adults will frequently remind children about social distancing regulations

Children will be required to wash their hands on arrival at the playground in an outdoor washing area and will be asked to wash their hands regularly throughout the day or when accessing different outdoor play equipment.

We ask that children and parents/carers attend their closest playground by walking or cycling and do not use public transport to get to playgrounds to minimise risk.

Children should bring a water bottle, there will be access to cold water outside in the playground.

Due to the Covid-19 measures for outdoor playgrounds children are not allowed to eat on site.

You can read more about the specific protective measures that will be in place and access our general Covid-19 risk assessment below.

If you have any questions please feel free to contact the individual playground managers by phone or email. These details can be found on the individual playground page, navigated through the menu bar above.

Government advice on outdoor playgrounds can be found here,
COVID-19: Guidance for managing playgrounds and outdoor gyms - GOV.UK (www.gov.uk)
We hope you will continue to be understanding and work with us during this pandemic to ensure we can offer a safe play environment for as many children and young people as possible. Support us by following the measures we put in place and respecting our staff, who are following the government guidance to keep everyone safe.

We continue to hope that it will not be too long before we can get back to normal and all Islington children can play freely with no restrictions on the adventure playgrounds together as a whole community - what a celebration that will be!

We truly appreciate all your support, love and patience in these hard and uncertain times that we are all facing.

Most importantly - stay safe, and let's remember: Hands, Face , Space to play our part in stopping the spread of the virus and protecting our NHS.

The following are specific protective measures that are in place at each playground, due to coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak, which includes:

Specific protective measures

Communicating with Parents

About us

We're making sure our playgrounds in Islington live up to the name our young adventurers gave us. Well, we don't want them to rename us Boring, do we?
What makes us awesome?

Explore our playgrounds

Adventurers can choose how they play and what they want to do

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Dear Parents and Carers and Awesome Children, We thank you all for your support and understanding during these challenging times. We are not able to offer our normal play service due to the Covid-19 pandemic but recognise and advocate the importance of play on children and young people's well being during this Lockdown period.

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Adventure Play Hub is London's oldest adventure playground. It was opened in 1957 and throughout the years, the playground has been, and continues to be, managed by a committed group of volunteers and parents.

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The Playground | St John's Wood | Adventure Play Hub

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Adventure Play Hub is London's oldest adventure playground. It was opened in 1957 and throughout the years the playground has been, and continues to be, managed by a committed group of volunteers and parents. ​

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Different kinds of playwork, and different kinds of playworker are needed in different contexts and by different communities. The play workers at Baltic Street take on roles which are specific to our site, the wider context we work in, their own personalities and the interests and needs of our community of children. The best way to find out more about them and what they do is drop in. The following links are good places to start if you are interested in finding out more

Playwork Code of Practice 2007- PATH

Playwork Primer - Penny Wilson

Playwork Principles - PlayWales

Journal of Playwork Practice, Policy Press and Common Threads

Play Deprivation: Impact, Consequences and the Potential of Playwork, PlayWales

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Different kinds of playwork, and different kinds of playworker are needed in different contexts and by different communities. The play workers at Baltic Street take on roles which are specific to our site, the wider context we work in, their own personalities and the interests and needs of our community of children.

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The term play work is often associated with Play Worker. We see play work as an activity that uses play to engage children safely when their parents or carers cannot be present to look after them and/or to help them to learn.

The objectives of play work are not therapeutic, although some therapeutic benefit may occur as a secondary effect. The role of the provider is one of care and support. Play Workers do not normally receive or need clinical supervision.

Another example of the difference with therapeutic play is the use of games. Normally in play work games are played where rules are applied. In therapeutic play the child may make up, use and change the rules.

Play work may also be used in nursery or primary schools to assist the educational process.

Play therapy may be used to augment a play work service.

Return to The Therapeutic Play Continuum

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The term play work is often associated with Play Worker. We see play work as an activity that uses play to engage children safely when their parents or carers cannot be present to look after them and/or to help them to learn.

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I recently had the fantastic experience of attending the 16th National Playwork Conference in Eastbourne. The conference is run by a non-profit play organisation called Meynell Games they deliver training, playwork services and sell playwork books. You can learn a bit more about the conference here http://www.playworkconferences.org.uk/ and, if you're looking for books on playwork Continue reading "National Playwork Conference 2018 (I was there, lucky me!)"

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I recently had the fantastic experience of attending the 16th National Playwork Conference in Eastbourne. The conference is run by a non-profit play organisation called Meynell Games they deliver training, playwork services and sell playwork books.

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Conflict Resolution

Recess doesn't have to be chaotic. At a better recess, kids acquire tools to work out disagreements and differences.

Leadership Skills

When they're playing amongst their peers, kids have a valuable opportunity to develop a sense of fairness, confidence, and communication.

Academic Success

Kids who are engaged during recess are more likely to participate in class, which means better attendance and better grades.

Updates

Playworks is thrilled to welcome five new members to our National Board of Directors. Each brings a unique set of talents and perspective that will support Playworks' mission. The individuals who...

When Playworks began our equity journey several years ago, we knew it would be a long term investment in our people, partners, and communities. We committed to centering equity as...

Join our team! Playworks is changing the way children experience school every day by leveraging the power of safe and healthy play. Our core values of inclusion, respect, healthy community, and healthy play are the foundation of our organization and are infused in all aspects of our work, including recruiting and retaining the best talent we can.

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Playworks has been ensuring children experience safe, healthy play every day for over 25 years. Click on your state to explore what Playworks is doing near you.
Learn More

Events

Make sure your playground is prepared for play. Join us as for the first webinar in the return of The Game Plan, a free, four-part series designed to provide practical...

View all events ›

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Playworks helps kids to stay active and build valuable social and emotional life skills through the power of play.

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Playworkers work with children and young people aged approximately 4-14 to provide them with rich play environments in which they can have free choice and control over their play, use their imaginations and develop their skills and knowledge at their own individual pace. They understand that children should not be in a cage - that they need space to be free range, make choices and explore the world. Playworkers aim to create a rich play environment that stimulates children's natural drive to play.

Playworkers understand that play is a right for all children and young people, as declared by Article 31 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. They know that children and young people have a natural drive to play, and that this play instinct has helped the human race (and many other animals) to evolve, and to develop skills that are useful, and often essential, for life. Play helps to develop many skills including:

physical skills (e.g. climbing, jumping, balancing, fighting, strength, coordination, reactions, risk awareness)

social skills (e.g. negotiating, sharing, debating, arguing, communication, listening, standing up for yourself)

intellectual skills (e.g. problem-solving, reading, vocabulary, reasoning, time, general knowledge)

creative skills (e.g. artistic skills (painting, mosaic, woodwork, drawing, etc), fine motor skills, imagination)

emotional skills (e.g. regulation of emotions, resilience, empathy, understanding how feelings affect actions)

Playworkers understand that free play enables children and young people to 'play out' any difficult or confusing issues that affect their lives, and can have a therapeutic affect. 'Free' play is when children are able to direct and command their own play, with no adult interference, no adult rules (such as with board games) and no adult incentive (such as prizes).

Playworkers adhere to a guiding framework for their work called the 'Playwork Principles'. More information about these can be found on the Playwork Principles page, which is in the 'About Play' section.

Playwork Settings
Playworkers work with age 4-14 (approximately) in a variety of environments, often in out-of-school settings such as after school clubs, breakfast clubs, holiday playschemes, playbuses, adventure playgrounds and as play rangers. They understand that children are exposed to a lot of education in their lives (through school, homework and classes) and although education is important, play is equally important as it increases health, happiness and wellbeing. The playworker's job is to facilitate high quality play opportunities for children and young people, and they do this by preparing an exciting, stimulating and enticing play space, by only getting involved in play if asked to by a child/children and by valuing the playing child above all else.

The Play Cycle
Playworkers are able to observe a number of stages in a child's play, and use the following terms to describe what is happening in play.
Play Drive: The idea to play starts inside the child's mind, and they might then do an action or send out a signal (a Play Cue) to start the play.
Play Cue: a signal sent out by the child (to another child, children, adult, animal or even an inanimate object) inviting the other to join in with the play. For example, a child might throw another child a ball to catch, or they may say, "Shall we play?"
Play Return: this is a signal returned in response to a Play Cue showing that they would like to join in the play. For example, a child might catch a ball thrown to them, and throw it back.
Play Flow: When a child is absorbed in their play, they are in the Play Flow, which can last for minutes, hours or sometimes days at a time.
The Play Frame: The imaginary or real boundary around the child's/children's play, which can be altered by changing the space, people, things, etc in it to maintain and extend the Play Flow.
Annihilation: When a child/children decide to end the play (or when they are forced to end their play, or their play is interrupted by an adult) the Play Frame 'pops' and is extinguished, and the cycle of play ends.
The Play Cycle: All the above elements together constitute the Play Cycle, starting with the Play Drive and ending with annihilation of the play.
This comes from the ground-breaking Colorado Paper by Perry Else and Gordon Sturrock. You can find it here.

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Playworkers work with children and young people aged approximately 4-14 to provide them with rich play environments in which they can have free choice and control over their play, use their imaginations and develop their skills and knowledge at their own individual pace.

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These principles establish the professional and ethical framework for playwork, and describe what is unique about play and playwork, and provide the playwork perspective for working with children and young people.
They are based on the recognition that children and young people's capacity for positive development will be enhanced if given access to the broadest range of environments and play opportunities:

All children and young people need to play. The impulse to play is innate. Play is a biological, psychological and social necessity, and is fundamental to the healthy development and well being of individuals and communities.

Play is a process that is freely chosen, personally directed and intrinsically motivated. That is, children and young people determine and control the content and intent of their play, by following their own instincts, ideas and interests, in their own way for their own reasons.

The prime focus and essence of playwork is to support and facilitate the play process and this should inform the development of play policy, strategy, training and education.
For playworkers, the play process takes precedence and playworkers act as advocates for play when engaging with adult led agendas.

The role of the playworker is to support all children and young people in the creation of a space in which they can play.

The playworker's response to children and young people playing is based on a sound up to date knowledge of the play process, and reflective practice.

Playworkers recognise their own impact on the play space and also the impact of children and young people's play on the playworker.

Playworkers choose an intervention style that enables children and young people to extend their play. All playworker intervention must balance risk with the developmental benefit and well being of children.

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Playwork Principles - Child's Play Canada

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These principles establish the professional and ethical framework for playwork, and describe what is unique about play and playwork, and provide the playwork perspective for working with children and young people. They are based on the recognition that children and young people's capacity for positive development will be enhanced if given access to the broadest [...]

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'Playwork' originated in the adventure playgrounds created in the middle of the twentieth century to provide children's spaces within urban environments. Playwork practice is currently used by professionals working with children in an extensive range of international settings, from parks to prisons and deserts to development projects. The practice of playwork draws on a number of diverse disciplines for its theoretical and technical foundations, and playwork practice and its origins are studied by scholars from a wide range of fields.

Journal of Playwork Practice aims to advance playwork research and practice by providing the first ever interdisciplinary platform for the publication and dissemination of scholarship relevant to playwork practice. Journal of Playwork Practice bridges the playwork theory-practice divide by facilitating practitioner access to research relevant to their practice, and enables researchers interested in 'playwork' to access a hitherto inaccessible field of practice and its literature.
What people are saying about Journal of Playwork Practice
This journal provides a good platform for enriching the knowledge of playwork practitioners and is therefore an essential playwork resource." Aby Chau, Playright Children's Play Association

"A rigorous and serious accessible journal that will inform and provide research tools towards further development of practice and understanding within the playwork field." Jess Milne, winner of Lifetime in Play award

"An excellent, high quality resource that will support and inform the work that we do and contribute to informing the playwork practice of the practitioners that we work with." Rachel Maflin, Play Development Office, Gavo

"I welcome Journal of Playwork Practice as a playwork-led forum and anticipate the emergence of a lively, authoritative and distinctive addition to scholarly writing on childhood." Tim Gill, author of No Fear

Shelly Newstead (Managing Editor), Common Threads, UK

Jennifer Cartmel (Associate Editor), Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia
Eric Worch (Associate Editor), Bowling Green State University, USA

Professor David Ball, Professor of Risk Management and Director of the Centre for Decision Analysis and Risk Management, Middlesex University, England.

Dr John Barker, Lecturer/Social Work Representative on HSSC Ethics Committee - Social Work, Brunel University, England.

Dr Barbara Chancellor, RMIT University, Australia.

Dr Keith Cranwell, Chair Thurrock Play Network and Trustee London Play.

Mark Gladwin, trustee of Play England and Yorkshire Play, England.
Marie-Claire Hartshorne, Glyndwr University, UK

Rebekah Jackson, Childcare Co-ordinator, Wrexham County Borough Council, Wales.

Eva Kane, PhD Student in Child and Youth Studies, Stockholm University, Sweden.

Dr Pete King, Lecturer in Childhood Studies, Swansea University, Wales.

Chika Matsudaira University of Shizuoka Junior College, Japan

Dr Johan Meire, Researcher, Kind en Samenleving, Belgium.

Pauline O'Kane, Director Resource and Support, Network of Community Activities, Australia.

The Hon Dr Jocelynne Annette Scutt, Visiting Fellow, Lucy Cavendish College, Cambridge University, England.

Dr Hannah Henry Smith, Teen Pregnancy Prevention Program Coordinator, Office on Children and Youth, Institute for Innovation in Health and Human Services, James Madison University, USA.

Professor Peter K Smith, Emeritus Professor of Psychology at the Unit for School and Family Studies, Goldsmiths College, University of London, England.
Martin van Rooijen, University of Humanistic Studies, Utrecht, Netherlands

Professor Dr John Wall, Professor and Chair Philosophy and Religion, Rutgers University, USA.

Philip Waters, Eden Project and European Centre for Environment and Human Health, England.

Rob Wheway, Director and Principal Consultant, Children's Play Advisory Service, England.

Mike Wragg, Senior Lecturer in Playwork, Leeds Metropolitan University, England.

'Playwork' originated in the adventure playgrounds created in the middle of the 20th century to provide children's spaces within urban environments. Playwork practice is currently used by professionals working with children in an extensive range of international settings, from parks to prisons and deserts to development projects. The practice of playwork draws on a number of diverse disciplines for its theoretical and technical foundations, and playwork practice and its origins are studied by scholars from a wide range of fields. Journal of Playwork Practice aims to advance playwork research and practice by providing the first ever interdisciplinary platform for the publication and dissemination of relevant scholarship to playwork practice. Journal of Playwork Practice bridges the playwork theory-practice divide by facilitating practitioner access to relevant research to their practice, and enables researchers interested in 'playwork' to access a hitherto inaccessible field of practice and its literature.

Journal of Playwork Practice aims to advance the study and practice of playwork practice by providing an international platform for the publication and dissemination of relevant scholarship to playwork practice, from contemporary and historical perspectives and from all aspects of theory, philosophy and policy. It will encompass international and UK perspectives and will include a balance between peer-reviewed research papers and shorter, practitioner-focused contributions; historical and contemporary articles.

Journal of Playwork Practice welcomes empirical and conceptual studies on all aspects of playwork practice from contemporary and historical perspectives. We particularly welcome contributions in the following areas:

epistemological and methodological issues as applied to playwork research, theory and practice

empirical studies and conceptual analyses of theories relevant to playwork practice

the existence and nature of a children's culture

play as currently conceptualised by the Playwork Principles ('a process that is freely chosen, personally directed and intrinsically motivated')

the nature and development of playwork practice in relation to the diverse range of settings in which it is used

the chronological development of playwork practice, from adventure playgrounds to play leadership schemes

comparative studies of playwork practice and alternative methodologies for working with children and young people

analysis and critiques of local, national and international policies and legislation in relation to playwork practice

evaluation of playwork practice employing quantative and qualitative methods

children's experience of playwork practice

biographical essays on key figures in historical and contemporary playwork practice.

In line with our aim of encouraging practitioner research and facilitating dialogue between practitioners and researchers, Journal of Playwork Practice also welcome contributions from playwork practitioners, including:

reviews of classic and contemporary playwork literature

analysis and commentary on literature from all disciplines relevant to playwork practice

reflective essays on theories as applied to playwork practice

reflective accounts on the implications of using playwork practice in diverse settings and cultures

cross-national comparisons of using playwork practice and lessons learnt

examinations of specific areas of playwork practice which identify areas for further research

photo essays that illustrate specific aspects of playwork theory or practice.

Instructions for authors submitting papers for peer-review

It is assumed that submitted papers have not been published elsewhere and that they are not under consideration for publication by other journals. However, in line with our aim of enabling practitioners to access key research relevant to their work, the Editors are happy to consider revisions to, or updates on, previously published existing work. Please contact the Editors for further details.

Please use the term 'playwork practitioner' rather than 'playworker', in line with the conceptualisation of 'playwork practice' adopted by JPP as a form of practice which can be used by adults working with children in any setting regardless of job title.

Scholars from outside the playwork field are under no obligation to relate their material to contemporary playwork practice. In the first instance please email an abstract of no more than 150 words to jpp@commonthreads.org.uk so that the Editors can provide brief feedback on whether the proposed article falls within the remit of Journal of Playwork Practice.

Papers should normally be between 6,000 and 8,000 words in length (including references and abstract).

Please contact the Editors if the proposed paper falls outside this word limit.

Papers should be structured as follows; title, author's name, affiliation, abstract, keywords, main body of text, references and bibliography.

Please submit two versions of your paper. One should be completely anonymised, with all self references removed from the title page, text and bibliography. Please also anonymise Word documents in the 'Properties' section of the file details.

Please include in your covering email a paragraph about yourself: area in which you work, special projects, studies, research interests, background, etc. This paragraph should include an email address which will be published with your paper.

Authors should number all of the pages of the manuscript consecutively, beginning with the title page.

Please follow the additional guidelines as set out below.

Please send all articles to the Editors c/o jpp@commonthreads.org.uk. The Editors are happy to answer queries that arise throughout the submission process.

Peer-review policy - all papers are refereed by at least two reviewers, one of whom will be an expert in the subject area of the paper and one a playwork scholar.
Instructions for authors submitting practitioner articles

Please email a brief outline of your ideas to jpp@commonthreads.org.uk. The Editors will provide feedback on the appropriateness of the proposed article and supply further guidelines for articles which fall within the remit of JPP.

Please use the term 'playwork practitioner' rather than 'playworker', in line with the conceptualisation of 'playwork practice' adopted by JPP as a form of practice which can be used by adults working with children in any setting regardless of job title.

Submitted articles must be original work and must not be under consideration for publication in any other format. The author should state whether s/he is publishing related material elsewhere.

Articles should normally be around 2,000 words. Exact word limit to be agreed with the Editors for each article.

Please include a paragraph about yourself: area in which you work, background, etc. Include an email address that will be published with your article.

Authors should number all of the pages of the manuscript consecutively, beginning with the title page.

Please follow the additional guidelines as detailed below.

Please send all articles to the Editors c/o jpp@commonthreads.org.uk. The Editors are happy to answer queries that arise throughout the submission process or to provide further guidance if required.

Review policy - all practitioner articles are reviewed by the Editors and at least one playwork scholar when appropriate to ensure suitability for publication.
Style and formatting guidelines

British English spelling and punctuation is required.

Please observe the following conventions as far as possible when submitting text; font - Arial, Calibri, Courier, Times New Roman, Verdana, point size - 12 pt, no formatting.

Text should be supplied in .doc, .rtf, .odt or similar format.

Non-discriminatory language is mandatory. Further guidance may be found in Policy Press editorial guidelines (Appendix B: Sensitive language).

Explanatory notes should be kept to a minimum. If it is necessary to use them, they must be numbered consecutively in the text and listed at the end of the article. Please do not embed notes in the text.

Figures/diagrams/maps/tables: please do not embed in the text. Please supply in .eps, .wmf, Excel or Word format. Illustrations and photographs should be saved as one of the following formats: TIFF, EPS (encapsulated PostScript) or JPG at 300dpi.

References
A custom version of the Harvard system of referencing is used:

In-text citations: give the author's surname followed by year of publication in brackets

List all references in full at the end of the article and remove any references not cited in the text

Book and journal titles should be in italics

Website details should be placed at the end of the reference. Do not include dates of access to websites

Spell out all acronyms in first instance

Only use page numbers for journal articles or edited books.

Example of book reference

Dorling, D, 2010, Injustice: Why social inequality persists, Bristol: Policy Press

Example of journal reference

Warin, P, 2012, Non-demand for social rights: A new challenge for social action in France, Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 20, 1, 41-53

Example of chapter within edited / multi-authored publication

Levitas, R, 2011, Utopia calling: Eradicating child poverty in the United Kingdom and beyond, in A. Minujin and S. Nandy (eds) Global child poverty and well-being: Measurement, concepts, policy and action, Bristol: Policy Press, 449-73

Example of website reference

House of Commons Debates, 2010, Work and pensions (CSR), Hansard, 4 November, col 337WH,

www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmhansrd/cm101104/halltext/101104h0001.htm

English Language Editing Service
Policy Press collaborates with Enago to provide Academic English editing and translation services to help authors get their manuscript submission-ready. A special 20% discount is available for all Policy Press authors. Find out more at: https://www.enago.com/policypress/.
Editorial and copyright policy

The Editor has the right to determine whether articles are published either in part, whole or at all.

We do not offer payment to organisations or individuals which submit articles to Journal of Playwork Practice.

Articles are considered for publication on the understanding that on acceptance the entire copyright shall pass to the Policy Press as Publisher of Journal of Playwork Practice. All contributors must sign a copyright agreement before their articles can be published. For jointly authored articles the corresponding author may sign on behalf of co-authors provided that s/he has obtained their consent for copyright assignment. The copyright assignment agreement can be read here.

Contributors must take all steps to ensure that any photos or illustrations can be used for reproduction - that relevant permissions have been granted and that no prior copyright restrictions exist. The publishers can take no responsibility for ensuring that submitted illustrations/photos have permission granted and any complaints in this matter will be referred directly to the contributor.

Where copyright is not owned by the author(s), eg. where an article was written by an author in the course of his/her employment, the corresponding author is responsible for obtaining the consent of the copyright holder. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of articles published in the Journal of Playwork Practice should be addressed to Laura Vickers at Policy Press (Laura.Vickers@bristol.ac.uk). For information on what is permissible use for different versions of your article please see our policy on self archiving and institutional repositories.

Please also read our Journals Editorial Policies and Ethical Guidelines.

All published authors will receive a free copy of the issue in which their article appears, and are entitled to a free pdf offprint of their article on request (please contact pp-journals@bristol.ac.uk to request this).

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Policy Press | Journal of Playwork Practice

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'Playwork' originated in the adventure playgrounds created in the middle of the twentieth century to provide children's spaces within urban environments. Playwork practice is currently used by professionals working with children in an extensive range of international settings, from parks to prisons and deserts to development projects.

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Playwork is a rich and thorough field which offers specific theories and practices to support individuals and teams improve and maintain the integrity of their play support. Without quality training, staff struggle to work with specific children or issues and the whole project drifts towards adult agendas. Best adventure play practice is complex, rigorous, and evolving. It cannot be done alone.

We provide a range of services to help professional groups, community organisations and public institutions improve the opportunities they provide for play. These include professional development workshops as well as consultations on site or project design and long-term coaching. See below for a sample quote from one of our many happy project partners!

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Playwork Training Online | Pop-Up Adventure Play

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Playwork is a rich and thorough field which offers specific theories and practices to support individuals and teams improve and maintain the integrity of their play support. Without quality training, staff struggle to work with specific children or issues and the whole project drifts towards adult agendas.

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)( What is Playwork?

'At its most basic level, playwork is about removing barriers to play, and enriching the play environment...The role of the playworker is to create flexible environments which are substantially adaptable or controllable by the children ...' (

Play England) Professor Fraser Brown 'Qualified, skilled playworkers are trained to put children's play needs at the centre of their work in a variety of settings, enhancing the range and quality of play experiences for all children. They are the best people to run staffed play provision for school-aged children. The role of the playworker is as important as that of any skilled professional working with children and should be respected and rewarded accordingly'.

​We are members of The Playwork Foundation! Click the image to find out more about them and what playwork is all about!.

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( What is Playwork? 'At its most basic level, playwork is about removing barriers to play, and enriching the play environment...The role of the playworker is to create flexible environments which are substantially adaptable or controllable by the children ...'

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podcast

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Playwork is an approach to working with children that aims to support and facilitate the play process - and the emerging profession that practices this approach. Different play or playwork organisations define or describe playwork in slightly different ways

'At its most basic level, playwork is about removing barriers to play, and enriching the play environment...The role of the playworker is to create flexible environments which are substantially adaptable or controllable by the children ...' ( Professor Fraser Brown)

'Playwork (is) the uniquely British profession that understands children's daily lives out of school - their play, their culture and the spaces that best afford it - like no other'. (Professor Roger Hart, City University of New York)

'Playworkers support play that is led by children with no planned outcome i.e. not adult led or directed. Playworkers provide children with a space for them to be themselves and to play in the ways in which they want and need to. Playworkers plan for play, observe and reflect on what they see'. ( Playboard Northern Ireland)

'Qualified, skilled playworkers are trained to put children's play needs at the centre of their work in a variety of settings, enhancing the range and quality of play experiences for all children. They are the best people to run staffed play provision for school-aged children. The role of the playworker is as important as that of any skilled professional working with children and should be respected and rewarded accordingly'. ( Play England)

'Playwork is an emerging professional field with an increasingly recognised and qualified workforce. Playwork offers services which open up opportunities for children to play, and have the freedom to choose what they want to to do'. ( Play Scotland)

'...playworkers enable children to extend their own play and they protect and enhance the play space so that it is a rich play environment. Playworkers ensure that the play space is inclusive - supporting all children to make the most of the opportunities available in their own way. Playworkers see children and young people as competent individuals. They understand the need for children to encounter and create uncertainty and challenge as part of their play. Playworkers neither direct nor organise play, they are trained to judge when or whether to intervene'.

'Playwork is a highly skilled profession that enriches and enhances provision for children's play. It takes place where adults support children's play but it is not driven by prescribed education or care outcomes'. ( Skillsactive)

The Playwork Principles

There is widespread recognition of the Playwork Principles, established in 2005. These should inform playwork practice and underpin playwork education and training. The Playwork Principles are part of the National Occupational Standards for playwork.

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Playwork is an approach to working with children that aims to support and facilitate the play process - and the emerging profession that practices this approach. Different play or playwork organisations define or describe playwork in slightly different ways 'At its most basic level, playwork is about removing barriers to play, and enriching the play environment...The role of...

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Marc Armitage

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Have you ever considered the interesting connection between the ideas of the naturalist Charles Darwin and the work of Simon Nicholson of 'loose parts' fame? No? Well, it's this:

There are those that mistakenly believe that Darwin 'invented' the idea of evolution and the term - except he didn't - the general concept of evolution had been in existence for many centuries before Darwin published his, 'On the Origin of Species' in 1859. Similarly, we hear of people who believe that Nicholson came up with the idea of 'loose parts' - except he didn't - as Nicholson himself acknowledges, the term had already been in use for at least a decade before the publication of his seminal 1971 paper, 'How Not to Cheat Children: the theory of loose parts'. The term itself actually originates within the 1960s 'Discovery Method' educational movement.

The unique contribution that both made to their field was to add the words 'theory of' to the equation. In scientific terms the word theory relates to a framework of ideas that provides an explanation of how something works, and in the case of both individuals their contribution has been about explaining how their respected concepts work.

In the context of 'loose parts', play settings as diverse as nurseries and early learning centres, schools and adventure playgrounds have always had an element of improvisation and recycling with the materials used (we call it being sustainable now), so in that context we could claim that the idea seriously isn't new. But Nicholson added that degree of explanation - the theory - behind the idea that up to 1971 was sorely lacking.

Despite that and the practical application being wide-spread, the theoretical aspects of 'loose parts' are not necessarily well understood. We can see this in the way that 'loose parts' are often perceived and discussed.

Within a learning context, and especially within early learning, we seem to see them as primarily (though not exclusively) associated with art and craft, small construction (making garages and zoos for toy cars and animals for example) and as more acceptable replacements for out-of-the-catalogue teaching materials.

And yet, whereas pretty collections of beads and shells, plastic shapes and buttons, stored neatly in nice wicker baskets or storage tubs, etc. do indeed constitute loose parts, there is a slight problem here. Becoming fixated with seeing 'loose parts' as just these small aesthetically pleasing things at the expense of others that might be less attractive to the adult eye really misses the major idea behind Nicholson's original theory. Let's talk about the ugly side of loose parts.

The ugly side of loose parts

The most often quoted passage of Nicholson's paper is the one about variables and the importance of having things in both number and kind for promoting inventiveness and creativity - that one (you can find it on page 30 of his paper). Yet there is another often over-looked yet possibly more important passage within the paper. And it's about caves.

Using a cave as an analogy for exploring various philosophical questions about perception, truth and knowledge is as old as the hills, and social-anthropologists often use the idea of the cave when explaining concepts of community involvement.

Nicholson takes this idea on with a generalised analogy along the lines of 'children like caves'. The implication being that to study a question like 'why do children like caves' (for caves read loose parts) we might be tempted to observe children in the cave and see what they do whilst there to draw our conclusions from. However, he goes on to say:

... the study of children and cave-type environments only becomes meaningful when we consider children not only being in a given cave but also when children have the opportunity to play with space-forming materials in order that they may invent, construct, evaluate and modify their own caves. (:31) [italics in original]

In other words, these 'space-forming materials', by which we mean 'big loose parts' - such as wooden planks, pallets, old sheets, rope and netting, etc. - are an essential element in a play setting if children are going to get the best out of using loose parts as these are the materials with which children make their own caves. The problem is, these things are often not very nice looking, they can be rather dull in colour, are big, take up more storage space and can look out of place. Once a few of them have become strewn around the play setting there is also a temptation to see them as making our spaces scruffy, unkempt (ugly even) and looking like a rubbish tip. That genuinely puts some people off.

The 'small loose parts' (such as beads and shells) are still important as they often act as the props that are taken 'inside the cave', contributing to a pretend play episode taking place there. But without the big ugly looking stuff the power in those more aesthetically pleasing, neat, tidy small loose parts is diminished. Playing needs a context and often that context is the cave. Without it, playing with loose parts will not reach the potential Nicholson's theory sees in them, and for that we need to embrace the ugly side of loose parts.

Marc Armitage

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Photo: 'the cave' created with large 'loose parts' and small 'loose parts' taken inside as narrative props, at The Treehouse Primary School, Bruges, Belgium (photo taken by Marc)

Please feel free to leave comments here and also share to whatever platforms you wish. For more about Marc check out these social media platforms

www.facebook.com/marc.armitage.at.play

www.twitter.com/marcatplay

www.instagram.com/marcatplay

3-September-2018 at 5:52 am

6-September-2018 at 9:33 am

@bridget Handscomb

7-September-2018 at 11:33 pm

10-September-2018 at 12:04 pm

@Fran Morrison

Yes, Fran! Do so ...

Marc

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a \'shȯrt-rēd'\ piece 900 words about Simon Nicholson's 'Theory of Loose Parts' that asks if we are missing something in our interpretation of his ideas. "Pretty collections of beads and shells, plastic shapes and buttons, stored neatly in nice wicker baskets or storage tubs, etc.

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Child in the city

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Anne-Marie Spencer argues building inclusive play spaces is possible when we consider the whole child, whole environment, and whole community.
Inclusive play. Ask 10 people what it means and it's quite possible you'll get 10 different answers. Adhering to ADA Standards for Accessible Design. Creating access on the playground. Including products for children with disabilities. Ensuring individuals who use mobility devices can use the playground, and so on. The truth is that it means all of these things, and a great deal more.

What is inclusive play?

Simply put, an inclusive play space breaks down barriers to physical access and social participation. It ensures the greatest use of the whole environment, to the greatest extent possible, by creating equitable play experiences on the playground that children of all abilities can use. The term all abilities certainly includes those who use wheelchairs, but inclusion doesn't stop there. True inclusion considers all people, across a broad spectrum of abilities, age, and skill. And while there may be a wealth of opinion on what makes a playground inclusive, inclusion isn't a subject that can be predicated on opinion. Inclusive play spaces are so critical that their design and creation should be founded on scholarly, evidence-based research.

According to the research in Me2: The 7 Principles of Inclusive Playground Design®, Utah State's Center for Persons with Disabilities states that disability is a natural part of the human experience that in no way diminishes a child's right to fully participate in all aspects of childhood, including play. While disability is often mistaken as a child's inability to experience the play environment due to limitations caused by their disability, the disability isn't what is standing in the way. The fault actually lies within the environments that have not been properly designed to provide recreation to a wider context of users. To ensure inclusive design, the right team needs to be included in the planning, and creativity and innovation are needed throughout the process.

Most importantly, however, expertise is compulsory to ensure that the direction, design, and execution result in the desired outcomes. Successful groups who are working to achieve greater diversity and increase inclusion understand that evidence-based, credible, scholarly research is required to identify barriers, create evidence-based recommendations, promote intentional approaches to design, measure outcomes, and provide clear measurable guidelines to promote equal opportunities. Implementation of these steps helps ensure the resulting space benefits the whole child, whole environment and whole community.

An inclusive play environment

There have been a lot of opinions lately on what constitutes an inclusive play product within an inclusive play environment. While there may be products that are not accessible in a play space, a truly inclusive environment will include an equitable experience, in close proximity, so that children who may not be comfortable using one product have another one nearby that offers a similar experience in a way they can participate. Take climbing nets for example, while a child who has use of their legs may climb, recent claims that a child in a mobility device gets an experience equitable to climbing by "holding the net and feeling the vibrations," is simply incorrect.

Climbing is a different experience than feeling the vibrations. The former involves vestibular/proprioceptive stimuli, the latter is a tactile stimulus. In this specific context, one type of stimuli is more desirable, or 'fun', than the other. If the two experiences were equal in their desirability you would see children without disabilities holding the net to feel it vibrate, which you don't. An inclusive environment is designed to support equality of play opportunity to the greatest extent possible in each context, so the context is the primary purpose of the play setting.

If equipment is designed for climbing, the stimuli supported is vestibular/proprioceptive, so the equitable play affordance would offer the same stimuli. Therefore, an equitable experience to the climbing net may involve a climber that features transfer points, handholds, and the ability for all to reach the highest level of the apparatus. Another example to integrate equitable climbing alternatives may be including high and low monkey bars alongside therapeutic rings, providing three ways to utilize upper body strength.

Age-focused play design

It's probably not reasonable to think that every piece of equipment at a playground is going to be usable to the same extent by everyone who comes to play. We can compare this to the familiar concept of safety considerations observed in age-focused play design, in either example, it's a matter of applying different parameters to the choices to ensure that all can experience the environment in a way they find comfortable and equitable. A young child, or one new to the experience may be more comfortable on a 4' slide, while an older, or more experienced slider may gravitate to an 8' slide. Same experience, scaled for each user. A child with the ability to support their body may select a traditional strap seat swing, while a child with limited body control can enjoy the additional support of a chair seat swing. Same experience, scaled for the user.

It's also important to note that an inclusive play space considers much more than access and wheelchair use. For while 85 of 1000 children between the ages of 3 and 21 will have a disability, one will be physical, and the other 84 will encompass communication, cognitive, social/emotional, and other types of disability. Their enjoyment of the environment, and providing equitable experiences to align to this joy, is key to an inclusive space. Playgrounds can be special places where the needs of all children, including those with and without disabilities can be secured by intentionally providing opportunities that embrace the five domains of child development, physical, socio-emotional, sensory, cognitive, and communicative.

Creating a play space for all involves supporting physical development, supporting interactions with peers to develop social learning, problem-solving, social exchanges, cooperative behavior, and the empathy associated with social and emotional development. Positive sensory development requires children with disabilities be able to regulate their sensory input within an environment. Communicative development occurs when children with disabilities are able to independently model social interactions and effectively communicate with their peers.

An inclusive community

Researchers, educators, and early childhood professionals have emphasized the interrelation and interdependence of these developmental domains and processes, which are linked with social and mental health, culture, relationship development, and brain function. Designing environments that consider these domains and processes will encompass both the individual play activities as well as the context of the overall environmental design. Rallying around the health and well-being of children in a meaningful way is a community effort.

When the community recognizes the diverse needs of children and families, and seeks to build solutions through inclusive play spaces, they make a fundamental statement about their community's values and beliefs. Inclusive play offers many benefits that positively impact community outcomes, support diversity, encourage fun, and build community capital and social equity. By utilizing the process as an opportunity to join like-minded stakeholders, an effective strategy can be undertaken that ensures engagement and a lasting legacy for years to come. Thinking strategically about how your inclusive play space can be programmed can also greatly increase usage of the space.

Contact among children with different abilities is often not enough to get children independently playing together, so social intervention strategies can be implemented by educators and programmers to help children understand how to successfully play together, equip them with the tools to ask questions, get accurate information, explore their feelings and learn how to positively interact with their peers. The inclusive activities found in the guidebook 2 Play Together, Playground Activities to Foster Friendships Through Inclusive Play®, incorporate considerations for interactive play based on observations of how children initiate interaction then apply strategies that foster social inclusion. Teaching children how they can play together takes inclusion to the next level and can be critical for meaningful play experiences.

Conclusion

Through thoughtful design, execution, and programming, every play environment can offer more meaningful inclusive play experiences for the diverse needs of members of the community. Whole communities start with inclusive whole environments that have carefully met the needs of the whole child. Whether it is a large destination or a small urban pocket park, every play and recreation setting can uniquely tell the story of a community's dedication to providing the critical benefits of play.

Understanding the value of inclusive play helps communities advocate and invest in the diverse needs of society, resulting in positive community outcomes. By mobilizing resource, educating ourselves on evidence-based, credible inclusive play research, and then aligning efforts, we can raise awareness, break down barriers, foster friendships, and unite communities across the world with amazing results. Together we can put research into action and help advocate for inclusive, multigenerational play destinations that benefit the Whole Child, Whole Environment and Whole Communities™.

Courtesy of Playground Professionals (PGP)

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Anne-Marie Spencer argues building inclusive play spaces is possible when we consider the whole child, whole environment, and whole community. Inclusive play. Ask 10 people what it means and it's quite possible you'll get 10 different answers. Adhering to ADA Standards for Accessible Design. Creating access on the playground.

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All children benefit from being outside, interacting with their environment, learning from nature and developing through play. These experiences can be especially powerful for children with disabilities and inclusive play makes these opportunities available to all children, regardless of ability and background. Inclusive play doesn't mean that every element is accessible to everyone, but it does mean that the combination of experiences adds to something equally great for each child. Some children can't climb to the top of a rope, some don't want to, others really need to. The same is true with quieter, more creative activities. Diverse and flexible opportunities are needed.

It doesn't need to be complicated, but it does require thought. It means thinking about what different children can access - what can a child engage with if they use a wheelchair, or if they have autism or get distracted easily? Can disabled and non-disabled friends and siblings play together?

Diversity of play

Play is by nature diversity - how does this get missed so often in play design? Play can be physical, noisy and challenging, but equally it can be quiet, creative and reflective. Some children love the social aspects, others need more contemplative space.

Some children want to charge about and others are happier quietly playing in a sand pit. Some will be more prone to injury from others knocking into them.

Diversity of children

Some children use wheelchairs, either all or part of the time, and some use walking aids. Children with certain health conditions have reduced stamina or may need to avoid boisterous play.

Visual impairment can mean total blindness but more often partial sight with ability to make out some colours, contrasts and patterns.

Hearing impairment may be total deafness, and for some BSL as a primary language, and most commonly partial hearing.

Learning difficulties include leaning disability, sensory processing disorders, behavioural issues, Autism and specific forms like dyslexia.

Mental health problems can be short or long-term, and there is increasing prevalence of anxiety and depression in young people.

Designing inclusive play

Create a rich mix of play opportunities

Physical: eg open space for running/wheeling, tree or logs for climbing and balance; a wall for ball games; open space for running/wheeling; markings for chalk games; play equipment for different physical challenges.

Creative: eg quiet spaces with natural materials for making things; weeping trees and sensory domes for dens; story telling space; sensory plantings to support activities.

Social: eg areas for chatting and reading; tables and chairs for card and board games; open spaces for group activities.

Engage the senses

All children benefit from an approach that engages all the senses so aim to maximise opportunities.

Choose materials and activities to explore through all the senses - interesting textures, shapes, solidity, weight, pattern, colour, temperature.

Heighten sensory stimuli in some areas, reduce it in others, to provide choice.

Consider children with sensory impairments, eg things to explore through touch, reflected light or strong colours and contrast. Interest through sound and vibration.

Make different types of space

Make spaces where children have a choice of busier, more active areas and quieter areas.

Consider boundaries to reduce scope for children to wander, or for other security issues.

Provide quiet space that serves as time-out for children who need it.

Include shelter from inclement weather and strong sun, and seating.

Zone for type of use and avoid segregation.

Make it accessible

Children must be able to get to the play area - from school, home or car park - so think about the whole journey, not just the space itself.

Within the play area, aim for a surface that has good impact absorption but is relatively firm (avoiding deep loose materials for example)

Consider widths, height and reach for different children, including scope to include wheelchair-adapted play facilities.

With physical play, choose a range of physical options - some focused more on upper body motor skills for example.

Include options for wheelchair-users to fully engage. Ensure 'run-about' areas include options for trikes and wheelchairs.

Consider accessible information and signage, for example including symbols, braille or pictorial images as appropriate.

Don't forget parents and families

Make sure there is seating and shelter nearby for parents, grandparents and carers.

They may have disabilities so ensure good access from seating into the play area so they can support their children.

Ensure disabled and non-disabled siblings can play together.

Consulting with children and families - before and after you design something - is your best way of finding out what children want and how well your design has succeeded.

Search for examples of inclusive play and use the good ideas you find. Then be sure to share yours so everyone can learn from each other.

gofindit: inclusive outdoor play

We designed gofindit in response to parents and teachers wanting to encourage children to engage their senses through play. Tested and developed alongside children with disabilities, gofindit can be played and enjoyed by all ages and abilities.

The accessible design supports word recognition and language development and the flexible playing options allow everyone to get outdoors and engage with nature.

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Guidance by Sensory Trust shows how to design inclusive play opportunities so they are engaging for all children, regardless of disability and circumstance.

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Children's Outdoor Environment in the City

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Parental organisation advocating for children

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Under den årliga Järvaveckan delade BARNverket ut sin sommarpresent till partiledarna. Detta år i form av en "Bok-kasse" med böcker och forskning om skärmar och barns behov för utveckling, hälsa och lärande. BARNverket träffade bland andra Statsminister Stefan Löfven och informerade om att förebyggande riskbedömningar utifrån ett barn- och elevhälsoperspektiv saknas gällande skolväsendets digitaliseringsstrategi.

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The city and the children

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Regeringen har gett Movium i uppgift att samordna och sprida kunskap om barns och ungas samspel med sin utemiljö. Därför vinnlägger sig Movium särskilt om att anlägga ett barn- och ungdomsperspektiv på frågor som rör stadsutveckling.

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Vår förening stödjer alla former av LEK. Såsom bygglek, låtsaslek, traditionella och virtuella lekar Det viktiga är att barnen knäcker LEK-KODEN och utvecklar sina empatiska och sociala sidor.
Lekfrämjandet driver projekt och samarbetar med andra i ett brett kontaktnät. Barn har en rättighet att få leka. Att Barnkonventionen nu är svensk lag är något vi arbetat för länge. Framför allt innehållet i artikel 31.
Vi lyfter fram vikten av alla barns rätt till lek exempelvis på skolgårdar, på sjukhus, på förskolor och i bostadsmiljön. Kontakta oss gärna med frågor, idéer eller funderingar lekframjandet@ipa-sweden.org

Nu är Barnkonventionen lag.

Sverige ratificerade FN´s barnkonvention 1990, men det är först nu som den blir svensk lag. Inkorporeringen av konventionen ska bidra till att synliggöra barnets rättigheter, och är ett sätt att skapa en grund för ett mer barnrättsbaserat synsätt i al offentlig verksamhet - enligt Regeringskansliet .
Vi i Lekfrämjandet kommer arbeta för att barnets rätt till LEK inte glöms bort.

Bli medlem och stöd vårt arbete. Skicka namn och kontaktuppgifter till vår medlems sekreterare Eva Kane medlem@ipa-sweden.org
Medlems avgiften på 300 kr sätts in på Bankgironummer 315-1081 eller
Swish-nummer 123 027 5404 Glöm inte att uppge namn ,mejl och adress så vi kan komma i kontakt med dig.

Information till alla medlemmar :

Extra årsmöte. Tyvärr blev vi inte klara med bokslutet till det ordinarie årsmötet i januari. Vi utlyser därför ett extra årsmöte till den 25 februari 2021. Om du betalat medlemsavgift och inte får handlingarna kontakta medlem@ipa-sweden.org

Vi har skickat Öppna Dörrens slutdokumentation till alla medlemmar, vi haft adresser till. Tyvärr saknar vi postadresser och mejladresser till många av våra medlemmar, inte minst till kontaktpersoner på parklekarna. Snälla meddela oss det så vi kan hålla kontakt med er alla .

AU och styrelsen arbetar på med oförminskad styrka, trots de restriktioner som finns för att träffas. Våra möten hålls nu på nätet . Mötesdatum år 2021 se Kalendariet.
Just nu pågår ett stort arbete med att förnya vår hemsida. Vi har också beslutat att starta ett råd. Rådet är en förlängning av styrelsen och ska vara ett forum för att fördjupa och diskutera frågor som rör vår verksamhet. Välkommen att anmäla ditt intresse till inger.ahlberg@ipa-sweden.org

Lekfrämjandets LEKPRIS år 2020 delas ut våren 2021

Pristagare är Manne af Klintberg !!!!

Redan dags att nominera den DU tycker ska få LEKPRISET 2021.

Vet du någon som gör/gjort en stor insats för att främja barns rätt till lek ? Skicka din nominering till inger.ahlberg@ipa-sweden.org senast den 21 maj 2021.

Lekpriset för år 2019 delades ut med en ceremoni på Junibacken, i Stockholm. Pristagare var Professor emerita Birgitta Knutsdotter - Olofsson och prisutdelare var kulturborgarrådet i Stockholm Jonas Naddebo.
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"Lekmanifest" antaget av Lekfrämjandet i november 2016

Vi är alla intresserade av vad som händer, i lekens tecken, i dina hemtrakter.
Kontakta oss och berätta!

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VÄLKOMNA TILL LEKFRÄMJANDETmedlem i IPA ( International Play Association) Barns Rätt till lek

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Vår förening stödjer alla former av LEK. Såsom bygglek, låtsaslek, traditionella och virtuella lekar Det viktiga är att barnen knäcker LEK-KODEN och utvecklar sina empatiska och sociala sidor.Lekfrämjandet driver projekt och samarbetar med andra i ett brett kontaktnät. Barn har en rättighet att få leka.

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PLAY AUSTRIA - Die erste Messe der österreichischen Game-Szene

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Die erste Messe der österreichischen Game-Szene. Freitag 15. und Samstag 16. September 2017 im Semperdepot / Atelierhaus der Akademie der bildenden Künste, 1060 Wien.

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As adults, we have the responsibility to provide FREEDOM, TIME and SPACE for our children to play freely every day, so they can make sense of the world in their own way, at their own pace.

Barb Champion, Executive Director - Play Australia

"Every child has the right to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to the age of the child and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts"
- Article 31, United Nations Convention on the rights of the Child (UNRC)

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As adults, we have the responsibility to provide FREEDOM, TIME and SPACE for our children to play freely every day, so they can make sense of the world in their own way, at their own pace. Barb Champion, Executive Director - Play Australia

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There is ongoing talk, and extensive research that points towards the negative effects on our children where there has been no opportunity for them to partake in risky and challenging activity.

Children are so often thwarted with "slow down", "be careful" and "no" during play, with so many rules in schools and limits in challenging playground design. With limited challenge and stimulation, children are becoming more sedentary, leading to far greater health risks than skinned knees. And the statistics show that overly safe playgrounds are not having any positive impact on injury incident rates.

The new Australian Playground Standards released earlier this year acknowledges risk taking as an essential feature of play and healthy childhood development. Risk is not ignored by any means, however the balance of risk v's benefit has been more greatly considered to promote active outdoor play and to experience risk in a still safe environment. Promoting fun and enjoyment over risk aversion and developing negotiating skills, resilience, self regulation, coordination and a generally healthy wellbeing where children are exposed to elements of risk.

I have read some great articles recently that are helping bring some common sense back to the way children play. No-one wants to see their child hurt, however the long term benefits of exposing them to risk during play are too great to ignore.

Cassandra Wilkinson wrote - "Let Kids be Kids" - a fantastic piece that takes us back to our own childhoods relating to some of the risky things we all no doubt did and quotes Tom Mullarkey, chief executive of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Accidents (RoSPA) saying "A skinned knee or a twisted ankle in a challenging and exciting play environment is not only acceptable, it is a positive necessity to educate our children and to prepare them for a complex, dangerous world". (see link below)

In addition, a paper written by Helen Little and Shirley Wyver in 2008, clearly demonstrates just how much a child develops essential life skills through play. Outdoor Play. Does avoiding the risks reduce the benefits? quotes "If children are to continue to have access to and benefit from a wide range of stimulating and challenging outdoor play experiences, then a reconsideration of attitudes and approaches to policy and practice ... is necessary" (see link below)

The new Playground Standard has moved towards an allowance for more risk taking in play, which we hope will lead to a more positive acceptance in the education sectors and public spaces that encourages children to play as children should.

Let Kids be Kids

Outdoor Play - Does avoiding the Risks Reduce the Benefits?.

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There is ongoing talk, and extensive research that points towards the negative effects on our children where there has been no opportunity for them to partake in risky and challenging activity. Children are so often thwarted with "slow down", "be careful" and "no" during play, with so many rules in schools and limits in challenging playground design.

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Risky Play is exciting and challenges the way we think about injury and injury prevention. Risky Play is the term first described by Norwegian Researcher, Ellen Sandseter and includes six...

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Encyclopedia on early childhood

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Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development

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Risky play has emerged as a topic of interest for researchers, parents, early childhood education and care (ECEC) practitioners/teachers and policymakers and authorities over the last twenty years. The reason for the emergence is manifold, but one point of departure might be the ambivalent wording of mixing the positive connotation of "play" with the more negative intuitive connotations attached to "risk." Nevertheless, a growing body of research investigates various aspects of risk taking, including playful activities, indicating that the concept reflects a basic aspect of human life.
Subject What is Risky Play?
Risky play shares some characteristics with various play types included in prior categorizations of play. For example, it could involve elements from locomotor ¹ and physically activity play, ² rough-and-tumble play, ²⁻⁴ as well as play with objects. ² It also shares characteristics with deep play (confronting risks and fears and interfacing mortality/death), exploratory play (exploration of the unknown) and mastery play (testing own physical and psychic abilities). ⁵

A common definition of risky play is: "thrilling and exciting forms of physical play that involve uncertainty and a risk of physical injury." ⁶ Eight categories of risky play have been identified through observations and interviews with children and ECECs: ⁷⁻⁹ 1) Play with great heights - danger of injury from falling, such as all forms of climbing, jumping, hanging/dangling, or balancing from heights; 2) Play with high speed - uncontrolled speed and pace that can lead to a collision with something (or someone), for instance bicycling at high speeds, sledging (winter), sliding, running (uncontrollably); 3) Play with dangerous tools - that can lead to injuries, for instance axe, saw, knife, hammer, or ropes; 4) Play near dangerous elements - where you can fall into or from something, such as water or a fire pit, 5) Rough-and-tumble play - where children can harm each other, for instance wrestling, fighting, fencing with sticks; 6) Play where children go exploring alone, for instance without supervision and where there are no fences, such as in the woods; 7) Play with impact - children crashing into something repeatedly just for fun; and 8) Vicarious play - children experiencing thrill by watching other children (most often older) engaging in risk. ¹
Research Context and Results
Initial research on children's risky play was situated mostly within ECEC contexts (preschool, kindergarten, child care centers etc.). Smith, ¹⁰ Greenfield 11,12 and Stephenson ¹³ were early in pointing out how children sought risk in their play; how staff handled the risk in children's play and what benefits this kind of play might have for children. Building on this research, Sandseter ⁶⁻⁸ explored the phenomena of four to six-year-old children's risky play and how it can be defined and categorized. Recently, Kleppe et al. 9,14 identified such play among even younger children, down to one year old. Overall, the existing research shows that children between the age of one and six years all are engaged in risky play in some way, and on a level that suits their individual competence and courage. The concept of risky play is studied in a range of countries, indicating some cross-cultural commonalities of this type of play. 15,16

Both observations and interviews reveal that children's emotional experiences in risky play range from pure exhilaration, through exhilaration and fear at the same time (exhilaration bordering fear), to pure fear. This ambiguous feeling is probably what makes this type of play attractive to children. 6,13,17 The highly aroused feeling children have when engaging in risky play is expressed by joyful, happy and enthusiastic facial expressions, children looking ecstatic and verbal expressions, such as laughing, shrieking, showing their exhilaration and expressions of fearful joy. 13,18 However, these typical expressions are individual and suggested to be partly related to age, as young children's risky play might appear subtler and less exhilarated. ⁹ Regardless of age or level of expressed arousal, such activity seems to be repetitive and induce deep engagement. 18,19

Despite this well-documented interest and willingness among children towards risky play, there are indications that this type of play is being restricted in ECEC settings. 20,21 There are probably several reasons for this, but, first of all, restrictions are affected by ECEC practitioners' perceptions, attitudes and practices, which often are influenced by societal factors, not least parents' opinions. 22,23 Although some research indicates that ECEC practitioners allow children to test their abilities, thereby developing necessary skills to cope with real-life challenges, ²³⁻²⁷ practitioners face an obvious balancing act between the potential short- and long-term benefits of such play and the cost of injuries. This balancing act is not an easy task, and it is understandable that both ECEC practitioners and parents want to avoid injuries. However, the trend of a general decrease in children's opportunities for risk-taking in play, 28,29 might have wider negative consequences. First, it is already documented that an increased safety focus has resulted in more restricted freedom of movement, but also, more specifically, in more boring playgrounds. 21,30-36 Second, albeit less documented, there is a worry that this lack of play opportunities might result in negative long-term consequences such as reduced well-being, excessive risk taking or, on the other hand, increased anxiety. 37,38 In many ways, the growing research on children's risky play, and its possible benefits, might be seen as a reaction to the safety discourse.

Saliently, there is not one similar way that the safety discourse has been noticeable in different cultural contexts. How to handle and practice risk in children's play seems to be highly culturally dependent. Studies from central Africa describe common child-rearing practices with risk levels that would be unacceptable in the present Western context, such as eight-months-old infants playing with knives, helping to chop tinder for the household fire ³⁹ or two-year-olds independently roaming the village and the surrounding forests and fields. ⁴⁰ However, comparative studies indicate variations also between Western countries. New, Mardell and Robinson ⁴¹ compared Norwegian, Swedish, Danish, Italian and American ECEC-teachers and found that the European teachers are less worried about children's risk-taking than are their American colleagues. Similarly, Little, Sandseter and Wyver ²³ found that Scandinavian, and particularly Norwegian ECEC practitioners are more liberal towards children's risky play than practitioners in Australia. Explanations might be found in different theoretical-pedagogical approaches, ⁴² but certainly also rooted in cultural beliefs and values, often related to varying emphasis on outdoor play and learning between countries. 41,43

However, regardless of cultural context, play appears to be an ideal context to develop the ability to assess and handle risk, where the pretend- or nonliteral aspect allows the players to test out behaviour, situations or actions without the severe consequences of real-life. With this as a backdrop, studies have argued that the ability to handle risk has been a favorable evolutionary trait. ³⁸ Additionally, it is found that experience from risky play will result in children being able to assess risk in a better and more accurate way, ⁴⁴ and that outdoor risky play have several positive health effects among children. ⁴⁵ From a different angle, there are indications of negative effects of children being overly protected; that curbing risky play and autonomy will increase the likelihood of anxiety, both in childhood 37,46 and in adolescence and adulthood. 38,47-51
Key Research Questions and Gaps
The existing research is largely descriptive and less is documented regarding actual benefits of risky play. This knowledge gap invites further investigations, particularly regarding benefits to health, development and learning. We assume that engagement in risky play in childhood protects against anxiety, faulty decisions and/or excessive risk taking later in life. However, most studies consist of small samples and/or lack the appropriate longitudinal design, randomization and control groups, rendering them unfit to properly address this assumption. Not least, this assumption is difficult to test empirically. There are obvious ethical issues with conducting studies designed to let children take risk (with the potential of injury), while restricting children from playing freely and thereby assessing long-term effects of play deprivation would be equally problematic. Creative methods such as Kretch and Adolph's 52,53 experiments with the visual cliff (allowing children to cross narrow bridges without the real possibility of falling) should be further developed, suggestively with virtual reality as a promising methodological field. However, transferability of results from laboratory conditions or controlled environments to real life contexts will be an apparent issue. There are also challenges in finding appropriate ways of measuring long term effects of risky play considering what to measure in adolescence and/or adulthood, and finally, to have comparable control groups. Notwithstanding, research on risky play is a rather new and promising field, but future projects need to handle these methodological issues to move the field forward.
Implications for Parents, Services and Policy
The existing research base could be used to guide both parents and ECEC practitioners in how to appropriately support children engaged in risky play. The best available evidence suggests that allowing children a certain level of autonomy strengthens children's self-awareness and ability to self-regulate and reduces the likelihood of anxiety - present and later in life.

ECEC owners, playground developers and policymakers should include knowledge of risky play in the development of play environments. ⁵⁴ Research suggests versatile, complex and flexible play environments to accommodate children's diverse interests, varied competence and risk tolerance.
References

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7. Sandseter EBH. Categorizing risky play - How can we identify risk-taking in children's play? European Early Childhood Education Research Journal. 2007;15(2):237-252.

8. Sandseter EBH. Characteristics of risky play. Journal of Adventure Education and Outdoor Learning. 2009;9(1):3-21. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14729670802702762

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10. Smith SJ. Risk and our pedagogical relation to children: On playground and beyond. New York: State University of New York Press; 1998.

11. Greenfield C. Outdoor play - The case of risks and challenges in children's learning and development. Safekids News. 2003(21):5.

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14. Kleppe R. One-to-three-year-olds' risky play in early childhood education and care [Doctoral thesis]. Oslo Metropolitan University; 2018.

15. Little H. Young children's physical risk-taking behaviour during outdoor play: The influence of individual, social and environmental factors [Doctoral thesis]. Macquarie University, 2010.

16. Sandseter EBH, Little H, Ball D, et al. Risk and safety in outdoor play. In: Waller T, Ärlemalm-Hagsér E, Sandseter EBH, et al, eds. The SAGE Handbook of Outdoor Play and Learning London, UK: SAGE Publications Ltd; 2017.

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21. Sandseter EBH, Sando OJ. "We Don't Allow Children to Climb Trees": How a focus on safety affects Norwegian children's play in early-childhood education and care settings. American Journal of Play. 2016;8(2):178-200.

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29. Ball DJ, Ball-King L. Public safety and risk assessment. London/New York: Routledge; 2011.

30. Wyver S, Bundy A, Naughton G, et al. Safe outdoor play for young children: Paradoxes and consequences. In: Howard S, ed. Proceedings of the AARE International Education Research Conference: AARE; 2010.

31. Wyver S, Tranter P, Naughton G, et al. Ten ways to restrict children's freedom to play: the problem of surplus safety. Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood. 2010;11(3):263-277.

32. Brussoni M, Olsen LL, Pike I, et al. Risky play and children's safety: Balancing priorities for optimal child development. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 2012;9(9):3134-3148.

33. Ball DJ. Playgrounds - Risks, benefits and choices. London: Health and Safety Executive (HSE) contract research report, Middlesex University; 2002.

34. Herrington S, Nicholls J. Outdoor play spaces in Canada: The safety dance of standards as policy. Critical Social Policy. 2007;27(1):128-38. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018307072210

35. Spiegal B, Gill TR, Harbottle H, Ball DJ. Children's play space and safety management: Rethinking the role of play equipment standards. SAGE Open. 2014;4(1):1-11.

36. Gill T. The evolution of policy on risk management in outdoor play. In: Waller T, Ärlemalm-Hagsér E, Sandseter EBH, et al, eds. The SAGE Handbook of Outdoor Play and Learning London. UK: SAGE Publications Ltd; 2017.

37. Affrunti NW, Ginsburg GS. Maternal overcontrol and child anxiety: the mediating role of perceived competence. Child Psychiatry and Human Development. 2012;43(1):102-112. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10578-011-0248-z

38. Sandseter EBH, Kennair LEO. Children's risky play from an evolutionary perspective: The anti-phobic effects of thrilling experiences. Evolutionary Psychology. 2011;9(2):257-284.

39. Hewlett BS. Intimate fathers: The nature and context of Aka Pygmy paternal infant care. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press; 1991.

40. Gottlieb A. The afterlife is where we come from : the culture of infancy in West Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 2004.

41. New RS, Mardell B, Robinson D. Early childhood education as risky business: Going beyond what's "safe" to discovering what's possible. Early Childhood Research and Practice. 2005;7(2):1-21.

42. Sandseter EBH, Little H, Wyver S. Does theory and pedagogy have an impact on provisions for outdoor learning? A comparison of approaches in Australia and Norway. Journal of Adventure Education and Outdoor Learning. 2012;12(3):167-182. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14729679.2012.699800

43. Guldberg H. Reclaiming childhood. Freedom and play in an age of fear. Oxon: Routledge; 2009.

44. Lavrysen A, Bertrands E, Leyssen L, et al. Risky-play at school. Facilitating risk perception and competence in young children. European Early Childhood Education Research Journal. 2015:1-17. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350293X.2015.1102412

45. Brussoni M, Gibbons R, Gray C, et al. What is the relationship between risky outdoor play and health in children? A systematic review. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 2015;12(6):6423-6454. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph120606423

46. Bayer JK, Hastings PD, Sanson AV, et al. Predicting mid-childhood internalising symptoms: a longitudinal community study. International Journal of Mental Health Promotion. 2010;12(1):5-17. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623730.2010.9721802

47. Segrin C, Woszidlo A, Givertz M, et al. The association between overparenting, parent-child communication, and entitlement and adaptive traits in adult children. Family Relations. 2012;61(2):237-252. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2011.00689.x

48. Segrin C, Woszidlo A, Givertz M, et al. Parent and child traits associated with overparenting. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology. 2013;32(6):569-595. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2013.32.6.569

49. LeMoyne T, Buchanan T. Does "hovering" matter? Helicopter parenting and its effect on well-being. Sociological Spectrum. 2011;31(4):399-418. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2011.574038

50. Schiffrin HH, Liss M, Miles-McLean H, et al. Helping or hovering? the effects of helicopter parenting on college students' well-being. Journal of Child and Family Studies. 2013;23(3):548-557. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10826-013-9716-3

51. Perry NB, Dollar JM, Calkins SD, et al. Childhood self-regulation as a mechanism through which early overcontrolling parenting is associated with adjustment in preadolescence. Developmental Psychology. 2018;54(8):1542-1554. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/dev0000536

52. Kretch KS, Adolph KE. No bridge too high: Infants decide whether to cross based on the probability of falling not the severity of the potential fall. Developmental Science. 2013;16(3):336-351. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/desc.12045

53. Adolph KE, Kretch KS. Infants on the edge: Beyond the visual cliff. In: Slater A, Quinn P, eds. Developmental psychology: Revisiting the classic studies. London: SAGE Publishing; 2012:36.

54. Dietze B, Kashin D. Building Capacity to Support Outdoor Play in Early Childhood Education. In: Tremblay RE, Boivin M, Peters RDeV, eds. Brussoni M, topic ed. Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development [online]. http://www.child-encyclopedia.com/outdoor-play/according-experts/building-capacity-support-outdoor-play-early-childhood-education. Published May 2019. Accessed May 2, 2019.

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Outdoor play | Outdoor Risky Play | Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development

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Risky play has emerged as a topic of interest for researchers, parents, early childhood education and care (ECEC) practitioners/teachers and policymakers and authorities over the last twenty years. The reason for the emergence is manifold, but one point of departure might be the ambivalent wording of mixing the positive connotation of "play" with the more negative intuitive connotations attached to "risk."

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Playground Professionals

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It's a fact of life that kids love to take risks. And while as a parent, it's important to put safety first, it's also important to know when to step back and let kids test their limits. This is particularly true on playgrounds, which provide a safe, controlled space for kids to learn more about what they can do. (See here for a more in-depth discussion of what constitutes risky play.)

Parents who are afraid to let their kids take chances need to consider these potential benefits they're missing out on:

1. Risk assessment skills

Through risky play, kids can learn how to judge risks and their consequences. They can learn what's safe to try and what might not work out. And they can learn how to apply these assessments to a range of different situations. Psychologists have shown that kids who engage in risky play are actually less likely to become injured because they're more adept at observing their surroundings and making good decisions.

2. Emotional regulation

As explained here, kids who take risks in play are forced to confront potentially negative emotions, such as fear and anger, and learn how to manage them without melting down or lashing out.

3. Self-esteem

Taking on risks and proving that he or she can handle them boosts a child's self-esteem and helps the child better understand what he or she can do in uncertain situations. It also makes the child more confident when handling risks in the future, and feel more in control of his or her actions and environment. Conversely, a child who is never exposed to risky situations may not learn how to deal with them, growing up overly fearful and unwilling to try new things.

4. Taking initiative.

The best kind of risky play is the kind that the child him- or herself initiates, whether it's deciding to climb farther or swing higher or simply enter a risky area. This can help kids learn it's okay to set their own goals instead of looking to parents to tell them what to do.

5. Problem-solving and creativity

Risky play often puts a child in a situation where he or she has to assess the situation quickly and make a decision while under pressure. Being able to do this is a skill that will be useful even in less stressful situations.

6. Physical development

Running, jumping, climbing, and other forms of physical effort are an important part of childhood, both to develop the child's strength and endurance as well as a sense of his or her physical capabilities and potential. The surest way to avoid a sedentary child is to make sure that he or she understands from an early age that doing physical things is fun.

7. The ability to deal with failure

Risk means things won't always go your way. Sometimes you slip, trip, fall short, or chicken out. Learning how to deal maturely when you make a mistake or things fail you is an important part of every kid's growing-up process.

8. Social skill development.

While kids can certainly play alone, engaging in risky play in public can help improve a kid's interactions with his or her peers. Through discussion of what to try and how far to push it, kids develop skills in negotiation and leadership and help build up their self-image.

Of course, risky play doesn't have to mean just turning kids loose. Parents can establish some ground rules, and a controlled area such as a playground is an ideal spot for kids to take risks while still being relatively safe from harm. Secure and well-designed equipment, such as the climbing sets described here, can give kids plenty of opportunities to test themselves while not exposing themselves to too much danger. That's why playgrounds are important childhood spaces and need to be properly built and maintained to allow kids to play confidently -- not to mention giving parents the confidence to let them!

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It's a fact of life that kids love to take risks. And while as a parent, it's important to put safety first, it's also important to know when to step back and let kids test their limits. This is particularly true on playgrounds, which provide a safe, controlled space for kids to learn more about what they can do.

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Fear, you would think, is a negative experience to be avoided whenever possible. Yet, as everyone who has a child or once was one knows, children love to play in risky ways-ways that combine the joy of freedom with just the right measure of fear to produce the exhilarating blend known as thrill.
Six categories of risky play
Ellen Sandseter, a professor at Queen Maud University in Trondheim, Norway, has identified six categories of risks that seem to attract children everywhere in their play.[1] These are:

Great heights. Children climb trees and other structures to scary heights, from which they gain a birds-eye view of the world and the thrilling feeling of, I did it!.

Rapid speeds. Children swing on vines, ropes, or playground swings; slide on sleds, skis, skates, or playground slides; shoot down rapids on logs or boats; and ride bikes, skateboards, and other devices fast enough to produce the thrill of almost but not quite losing control.

Dangerous tools. Depending on the culture, children play with knives, bows and arrows, farm machinery (where work and play combine), or other tools known to be potentially dangerous. There is, of course, great satisfaction in being trusted to handle such tools, but there is also thrill in controlling them, knowing that a mistake could hurt.

Dangerous elements. Children love to play with fire, or in and around deep bodies of water, either of which poses some danger.

Rough and tumble. Children everywhere chase one another around and fight playfully, and they typically prefer being in the most vulnerable position-the one being chased or the one underneath in wrestling--the position that involves the most risk of being hurt and requires the most skill to overcome.

Disappearing/getting lost. Little children play hide and seek and experience the thrill of temporary, scary separation from their companions. Older ones venture off, on their own, away from adults, into territories that to them are new and filled with imagined dangers, including the danger of getting lost.

The evolutionary value of risky play
Other young mammals also enjoy risky play.[2] Goat kids frolic along steep slopes and leap awkwardly into the air in ways that make landing difficult. Young monkeys playfully swing from branch to branch in trees, far enough apart to challenge their skill and high enough up that a fall could hurt. Young chimpanzees enjoy dropping from high branches and catching themselves on lower ones just before hitting the ground. Young mammals of most species, not just ours, spend great amounts of time chasing one another around and play fighting, and they, too, generally prefer the most vulnerable positions.

From an evolutionary perspective, the obvious question about risky play is this: Why does it exist? It can cause injury (though serious injury is rare) and even (very rarely) death, so why hasn't natural selection weeded it out? The fact that it hasn't been weeded out is evidence that the benefits must outweigh the risks. What are the benefits? Laboratory studies with animals give us some clues.

Researchers have devised ways to deprive young rats of play, during a critical phase of their development, without depriving them of other social experiences. Rats raised in this way grow up emotionally crippled.[3, 4] When placed in a novel environment, they overact with fear and fail to adapt and explore as a normal rat would. When placed with an unfamiliar peer, they may alternate between freezing in fear and lashing out with inappropriate, ineffective, aggression. In earlier experiments, similar findings occurred when young monkeys were deprived of play (though the controls in those experiments were not as good as in the subsequent rat experiments).

Such findings have contributed to the emotion regulation theory of play-the theory that one of play's major functions is to teach young mammals how to regulate fear and anger.[4] In risky play, youngsters dose themselves with manageable quantities of fear and practice keeping their heads and behaving adaptively while experiencing that fear. They learn that they can manage their fear, overcome it, and come out alive. In rough and tumble play they may also experience anger, as one player may accidentally hurt another. But to continue playing, to continue the fun, they must overcome that anger. If they lash out, the play is over. Thus, according to the emotion regulation theory, play is, among other things, the way that young mammals learn to control their fear and anger so they can encounter real-life dangers, and interact in close quarters with others, without succumbing to negative emotions.
The harmful consequences of play deprivation in our culture today
On the basis of such research, Sandseter[1] wrote, in a 2011 article in the journal Evolutionary Psychology, "We may observe an increased neuroticism or psychopathology in society if children are hindered from partaking in age adequate risky play." She wrote this as if it were a prediction for the future, but I've reviewed data-in Free to Learn and elsewhere[5]--indicating that this future is here already and has been for a while.

Briefly, the evidence is this. Over the past 60 years we have witnessed, in our culture, a continuous, gradual, but ultimately dramatic decline in children's opportunities to play freely, without adult control, and especially in their opportunities to play in risky ways. Over the same 60 years we have also witnessed a continuous, gradual, but ultimately dramatic increase in all sorts of childhood mental disorders, especially emotional disorders.

Look back at that list of six categories of risky play. In the 1950s, even young children regularly played in all of these ways, and adults expected and permitted such play (even if they weren't always happy about it). Now parents who allowed such play would likely be accused of negligence, by their neighbors if not by state authorities.

Here-as an admittedly nostalgic digression-are just a few examples of my own play, as a child in the 1950s:

At the age of 5, I took bike rides with my 6-year-old friend all over the village where I lived and into the surrounding countryside. Our parents gave us some limits as to when we had to be back, but they didn't restrict our range of movement. (And, of course, we had no cell phones then, no means of contacting anyone if we got lost or hurt.)

From the age of 6 on, I, and all the other boys I knew, carried a jackknife. We used it not just for whittling, but also for games that involved throwing knives (never at each other).

At age 8, I recall, my friends and I spent recesses and lunch hour wrestling in the snow or grass on a steep bank near the school. We had tournaments that we arranged ourselves. No teachers or other adults paid attention to our wrestling, or, if they did, they never interfered.

When I was 10 and 11, my friends and I took all-day skating and skiing hikes on the 5-mile-long lake that bordered our northern Minnesota village. We carried matches and occasionally stopped on islands to build fires and warm ourselves, as we pretended to be brave explorers.

Also when I was 10 and 11, I was allowed to operate the big, dangerous, hand-fed printing press at the print shop where my parents worked. In fact, I often took Thursdays off from school (in 5th and 6th grade), to print the town's weekly newspaper. The teachers and principal never complained, at least not that I know of. I think they knew that I was learning more valuable lessons at the print shop than I would have at school.

Such behavior was unexceptional in the 1950s. My parents may have been a bit more trusting and tolerant than most other parents, but not by much. How much of this would be acceptable to most parents and other adult authorities today? Here's an index of how far we have moved: In a recent survey of over a thousand parents in the UK, 43% believed that children under the age of 14 shouldn't be allowed outside unsupervised, and half of those believed they shouldn't be allowed such freedom until at least 16 years of age![6]. My guess is that roughly the same would be found if that survey were conducted in the US. Adventures that used to be normal for 6-year-olds are now not allowed even for many teenagers.

As I said, over the same period that we have seen such a dramatic decline in children's freedom to play, and especially in their freedom to embrace risk, we have seen an equally dramatic rise in all sorts of childhood mental disorders. The best evidence for this comes from the analyses of scores on standard clinical assessment questionnaires that have been given in unchanged form to normative groups of children and young adults over the decades.[5] Such analyses reveal that five to eight times as many young people today suffer from clinically significant levels of anxiety and depression, by today's standards, than was true in the 1950s. Just as the decline in children's freedom to embrace risk has been continuous and gradual, so has the rise in children's psychopathology.

The story is both ironic and tragic. We deprive children of free, risky play, ostensibly to protect them from danger, but in the process, we set them up for mental breakdowns. Children are designed by nature to teach themselves emotional resilience by playing in risky, emotion-inducing ways. In the long run, we endanger them far more by preventing such play than by allowing it. And, we deprive them of fun.
Play, to be safe, must be free play, not coerced, managed, or pushed by adults
Children are highly motivated to play in risky ways, but they are also very good at knowing their own capacities and avoiding risks they are not ready to take, either physically or emotionally. Our children know far better than we do what they are ready for. When adults pressure or even encourage children to take risks they aren't ready for, the result may be trauma, not thrill.

There are big differences among kids, even among those who are similar in age, size, and strength. What is thrilling for one is traumatic for another. When physical education instructors require all of the children in a gym class to climb a rope or pole to the ceiling, some children, for whom the challenge is too great, experience trauma and shame. Instead of helping them learn to climb and experience heights, the experience turns them forever away from such adventures. Children know how to dose themselves with just the right amount of fear, for them, and for that knowledge to operate they must be in charge of their own play.

[Parenthetically, I note that a relatively small percentage of children are prone to overestimate their abilities and do repeatedly hurt themselves in risky play. These children may need help in learning restraint.]

An ironic fact is that children are far more likely to injure themselves in adult-directed sports than in their own freely chosen, self-directed play. That's because the adult encouragement and competitive nature of the sports lead children to take risks-both of hurting themselves and of hurting others-that they would not choose to take in free play. It is also because they are encouraged, in such sports, to specialize, and therefore overuse specific muscles and joints.

According to the latest data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, more than 3.5 million children per year under the age of 14 receive medical treatment for sports injuries. That's about 1 out of every 7 children engaged in youth sports. Sports medicine for children has become a big business, thanks to adults who encourage young pitchers to throw so hard and so often they throw out their elbows, encourage young football linemen to hit so hard they get concussions, encourage young swimmers to practice so often and hard they damage their shoulders to the point of needing surgery. Children playing for fun rarely specialize (they enjoy variety in play), and they stop when it hurts, or they change the way they are playing. Also, because it's all for fun, they take care not to hurt their playmates. Adults, who get all wrapped up in winning and may hope for eventual scholarships, work against nature's means of preventing damage.[7]

So, we prevent children from their own, self-chosen, thrilling play, believing it dangerous when in fact it is not so dangerous and has benefits that outweigh the dangers, and then we encourage children to specialize in a competitive sport, where the dangers of injury are really quite large. It's time to reexamine our priorities.

What have been your experiences and observations concerning children's risky play? How did you play as a child? How do your children play? Do you allow your children to play freely in the ways that Sandseter has described, and, if so, how do you deal with the social pressure against it?
And now, what do you think about this? ... This blog is, in part, a forum for discussion. Your questions, thoughts, stories, and opinions are treated respectfully by me and other readers, regardless of the degree to which we agree or disagree. Psychology Today no longer accepts comments on this site, but you can comment by going to my Facebook profile, where you will see a link to this post. If you don't see this post at the top of my timeline, just put the title of the post into the search option (click on the three-dot icon at the top of the timeline and then on the search icon that appears in the menu) and it will come up. By following me on Facebook you can comment on all of my posts and see others' comments. The discussion is often very interesting. For more about young people's need for free play, see Free to Learn.

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Risky Play: Why Children Love It and Need It

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To protect our children, we must allow them to play in ways deemed "risky."

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Vid LIU studeras leken bland annat i relation till förskolebarns matematiklärande, barns språkutveckling, och språkanvändning.

Det finns ingen enhetlig definition av lek. I ett västerländskt sammanhang förknippas lek ofta med aktiviteter som barn gör och som anses viktiga för deras utveckling. 1900-talets forskning om barns lek hade ofta ett vuxen- och nyttoperspektiv.

Lekens funktion stod i fokus snarare än dess innehåll. I senare forskning har leken fått ett tydligare barnperspektiv och studeras i sitt sammanhang där innehållet har betydelse. Lek kan studeras ur många olika vinklar; som medel för barns kognitiva och sociala utveckling, som en arena för kamratsocialisation, och för barns menings- och kulturskapande, eller språkanvändning.

Genom att studera barns lek kan vi få kunskaper inte bara om barns utveckling, språk och lärande, utan leken kan också ge oss förståelse för hur barn genom socialt samspel konstruerar ("gör") genus, ålder eller etnicitet. Att studera hur leken framställs i styrdokument, barnprogram i media eller i litteratur kan ge oss kunskap om hur synen på barn och barndom förändrats över tid.

Lekforskning i sig tar idag inget stort utrymme i forskningssammanhang. Däremot studeras leken i relation till andra forskningsfält som etnicitet, språk, matematik och IKT, för att ge några exempel.

Vid LIU studeras leken som en viktig del i interaktions- och samtalsforskning. Leken studeras också i relation till förskolebarns matematiklärande, barns språkutveckling, och språkanvändning med avseende på ett och/eller flera språk, samt barns läs- och skrivkunnighet.

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Det finns ingen enhetlig definition av lek. I ett västerländskt sammanhang förknippas lek ofta med aktiviteter som barn gör och som anses viktiga för deras utveckling. 1900-talets forskning om barns lek hade ofta ett vuxen- och nyttoperspektiv. Lekens funktion stod i fokus snarare än dess innehåll.

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Digital Play

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När coronakrisen slog till i Sverige ställde Skolportens konferensavdelning om till digitala konferenser - en lösning som har visat sig vara väldigt uppskattad. "En klar majoritet av deltagarna är väldigt positiva, och det känns fantastiskt", säger Birgitta Hartzell som är vd på Skolporten.

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Tidigare diskussioner om förskolans verksamhet har ofta förespråkat antingen undervisning eller lek. En sådan motsättning är dock enligt vår erfarenhet inte fruktbar för att förstå barns utveckling, och stödja den på bästa sätt. I stället är det en stor utmaning för dagens svenska förskola att utveckla och utforma en lekbaserad förskoledidaktik.

När man pratar om undervisningsteori tänker nog de flesta på traditionell skolundervisning, det som brukar kallas didaktik. Det var tidigare inte så vanligt att använda undervisning som begrepp när man pratade om förskolan. Men det har ändrats i och med den senaste tidens forskning. Även förskolan behöver en didaktik, men en didaktik som utgår från leken.

Syftet med detta projekt är därför att i ett samarbete mellan högskolan och förskolan utveckla en lekbaserad undervisningsteori för förskolan. Vi gör detta genom att tillsammans med förskollärare dokumentera och analysera hur barn själva leker, och studera vilka möjligheter dessa lekar ger för förskollärare att bidra till barnens utveckling.

Läraren gör synligt olika förståelser

Under senare år har det hänt mycket inom forskningen när det gäller att förstå hur man kan ge barn i förskolan så bra möjligheter som möjligt att lära sig. Vad som kallas utvecklingspedagogik är ett exempel på detta. Detta perspektiv är fortfarande under utarbetande.

En av utmaningarna för förskolan idag är hur man kan organisera verksamheten för att skapa goda förutsättningar för barns lärande genom lek- och temabaserade aktiviteter. Vi kan se hur leken som grund för barns lärande i förskolan har hamnat i bakgrunden. Därför behöver forskningen nu fokusera på att utveckla teori om leken som en utvecklingsmässig grund.

En viktig utgångspunkt är hur barn ser på olika sätt, och att det är lärarens uppgift att se och förstå hur barnen ser på saker - barnens olika perspektiv. Det är också lärarens uppgift att tillsammans med andra barn vara barnets dialogpartner, för att hjälpa barnet förstå sitt eget och andras perspektiv, med målet att barnet ska kunna utvecklas på bästa sätt.

Hur leker barnen och hur kan leken utvecklas?

Vi vet idag inte tillräckligt mycket om lekens utvecklande potential, och hur leken kan utgöra grund för aktiviteter i förskolan där lärare försöker utveckla barnens förståelse och förmågor. Målet med det här projektet är att vi ska skapa ny kunskap om hur det går att utforma en didaktik för förskolan på ett sätt som inte utesluter leken, utan i stället är uppmärksam på barnens lek och bygger undervisningen i dialog med denna. Vi kommer be lärare bidra till barns lek och lärande genom att gå in som deltagare i barnens pågående lekar, genom att fånga upp barnens lek och bidra till att utveckla dem, och genom att skapa nya ramar som barnen kan leka inom.

Ett viktigt syfte med forskningen är att identifiera på vilka olika sätt lärarna hanterar leken i förhållande till undervisning. Framförallt är det viktigt att ur ett didaktiskt perspektiv se vad i dessa lekaktiviteter som skapar möjligheter för barnen att lära och hur lärarna stöttar detta.

Projektet är ett samarbete mellan förskolor och forskare

Personalen vid våra partnerförskolor videodokumenterar leksituationer där de ser att lärande kommer till uttryck och kan stöttas. Tillsammans med andra förskollärare och forskare diskuterar och analyserar de sedan dokumentationen och vad den säger om lek och lärande, och om möjligheterna att utforma en lekbaserad undervisning för förskolan. Forskarna genomför sedan själva en djupare analys av materialet. Analyserna följs upp vid återkommande seminarier där förskollärare, förskolechefer och forskare medverkar. Arbetet fortsätter sedan på samma sätt, genom att lärarna växelvis dokumenterar verksamheten och är med i aktiviteter på förskolan, och följer upp detta tillsammans med förskolechefer och forskarna.

Syftet med projektet är i första hand att vidareutveckla en undervisningsteori för förskolan - en lekbaserad didaktik. I andra hand vill vi med projektet etablera ett långsiktigt samarbete mellan förskolor och universitet och högskolor. De förskollärare som deltar i projektets seminarier och workshops får på så sätt också en kontinuerlig fortbildning. De förändrade perspektiv och förhållningssätt som förskollärarna kommer i kontakt med och får diskutera bidrar i sin tur till att utveckla förskollärarnas verksamhet med barnen. Framförallt handlar det om att få syn på utvecklande aspekter i leken, och hur de aspekterna kan bidra till lärande, inte bara i de lekaktiviteter barnen startar, utan också i andra vardagliga sammanhang.

Det är vi som driver projektet

Forskningsgruppen har djup och bred kompetens inom fältet förskolepedagogik och relaterade fält och har förutom sina bidrag till forskningen också bidragit till att kommunicera vetenskaplig kunskap till fältet, det vill säga verksamma och blivande förskollärare genom att författa många populärvetenskapliga böcker. Forskargruppen består av forskare från Göteborgs universitet, Linnéuniversitetet i Kalmar och Högskolan Kristianstad.

Projektledare

Niklas Pramling, professor, Göteborgs universitet

Play-Responsive Teaching in Early Childhood Education

Boken utvecklar ett teoretiskt begrepp om undervisning och bygger på barns lärande och utveckling genom lek, lekresponsiv undervisning i förskolan.

I artikeln Lekresponsiv undervisning - ett undervisningsbegrepp och en didaktik för förskolan presenterar forskarna en teoretisk utveckling av undervisning och en didaktik relevant för förskolans sätt att organisera för barns lärande och utveckling i relation till lek. Forskarnas replik på Monika Vintereks kommentar i ForskUL vol. 7, nr. 1, 2019.

Lekresponsiv undervisning, föreläsning på Förskolesummit 2019

Niklas Pramling, professor vid Göteborgs universitet och projektledare för Lärande i och av lek föreläser om begreppet undervisning och hur man skulle kunna tolka den nya läroplanen och begreppet undervisning så att det ligger i linje med förskolan som en lekbaserad verksamhet. Inspelat av UR Samtiden den 3 juni 2019 i Aula Magna vid Stockholms universitet.

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Lärande i och av lek | Skolforskningsinstitutet

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Tidigare diskussioner om förskolans verksamhet har ofta förespråkat antingen undervisning eller lek. En sådan motsättning är dock enligt vår erfarenhet inte fruktbar för att förstå barns utveckling, och stödja den på bästa sätt. I stället är det en stor utmaning för dagens svenska förskola att utveckla och utforma en lekbaserad förskoledidaktik.

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Leka eller lära i förskolan? De senaste åren har frågan diskuterats både i Sverige och i andra länder. Men varför välja menar förskoleforskarna. Lek kan rymma både undervisning och social utveckling. Men bara om personalen vet hur de ska göra.

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Utan lek inget lärande

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Play Research & Child Development - Outdoor PLAYbook

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Play is a complex and multi-faceted subject, with research from many different disciplines contributing to our understanding. This section will introduce you to the recent history of play, outline injury prevention research coming from the field of medicine, and explore the 7Cs - a study that tackles the critical design elements of young children's outdoor spaces.